Franklin D. Roosevelt s State of the Union Address, 1939

Roosevelt Administration
Presidential Addresses

President Franklin D. Roosevelt

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Joe Biden's State of the Union Address, 2024
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Joe Biden's address to joint session of Congress (April 28, 2021)

* * *

Historical addresses:

Select an address:Joe Biden's State of the Union Address, 2024Joe Biden's State of the Union Address, 2023Joe Biden's State of the Union Address, 2022Joe Biden's address to joint session of Congress (April 28, 2021)Donald Trump's State of the Union Address, 2020Donald Trump's State of the Union Address, 2019Donald Trump's State of the Union Address, 2018Donald Trump's address to joint session of Congress (February 28, 2017)Barack Obama's State of the Union Address, 2016Barack Obama's State of the Union Address, 2015Barack Obama's State of the Union Address, 2014Barack Obama's State of the Union Address, 2013Barack Obama's State of the Union Address, 2012Barack Obama's address to joint session of Congress (September 8, 2011)Barack Obama's State of the Union Address, 2011Barack Obama's State of the Union Address, 2010Barack Obama's address to joint session of Congress (September 9, 2009)Barack Obama's address to joint session of Congress (February 24, 2009)George W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 2008George W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 2007George W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 2006George W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 2005George W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 2004George W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 2003George W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 2002George W. Bush's address to joint session of Congress (September 20, 2001)George W. Bush's address to joint session of Congress (February 27, 2001)Bill Clinton's State of the Union Address, 2000Bill Clinton's State of the Union Address, 1999Bill Clinton's State of the Union Address, 1998Bill Clinton's State of the Union Address, 1997Bill Clinton's State of the Union Address, 1996Bill Clinton's State of the Union Address, 1995Bill Clinton's State of the Union Address, 1994Bill Clinton's address to joint session of Congress (September 22, 1993)Bill Clinton's address to joint session of Congress (February 17, 1993)George H.W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 1992George H.W. Bush's address to joint session of Congress (March 6, 1991)George H.W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 1991George H.W. Bush's address to joint session of Congress (September 11, 1990)George H.W. Bush's State of the Union Address, 1990George H.W. Bush's address to joint session of Congress (February 9, 1989)Ronald Reagan's State of the Union Address, 1988Ronald Reagan's State of the Union Address, 1987Ronald Reagan's State of the Union Address, 1986Ronald Reagan's address to joint session of Congress (November 21, 1985)Ronald Reagan's State of the Union Address, 1985Ronald Reagan's State of the Union Address, 1984Ronald Reagan's address to joint session of Congress (April 27, 1983)Ronald Reagan's State of the Union Address, 1983Ronald Reagan's State of the Union Address, 1982Ronald Reagan's address to joint session of Congress (April 28, 1981)Ronald Reagan's address to joint session of Congress (February 18, 1981)Jimmy Carter's State of the Union Address, 1980Jimmy Carter's address to joint session of Congress (June 18, 1979)Jimmy Carter's State of the Union Address, 1979Jimmy Carter's address to joint session of Congress (September 18, 1978)Jimmy Carter's State of the Union Address, 1978Jimmy Carter's address to joint session of Congress (April 20, 1977)Gerald Ford's State of the Union Address, 1977Gerald Ford's State of the Union Address, 1976Gerald Ford's address to joint session of Congress (April 10, 1975)Gerald Ford's State of the Union Address, 1975Gerald Ford's address to joint session of Congress (October 8, 1974)Richard Nixon's State of the Union Address, 1974Richard Nixon's address to joint session of Congress (June 1, 1972)Richard Nixon's State of the Union Address, 1972Richard Nixon's address to joint session of Congress (September 9, 1971)Richard Nixon's State of the Union Address, 1971Richard Nixon's State of the Union Address, 1970Lyndon Johnson's State of the Union Address, 1969Lyndon Johnson's State of the Union Address, 1968Lyndon Johnson's State of the Union Address, 1967Lyndon Johnson's State of the Union Address, 1966Lyndon Johnson's address to joint session of Congress (March 15, 1965)Lyndon Johnson's State of the Union Address, 1965Lyndon Johnson's State of the Union Address, 1964Lyndon Johnson's address to joint session of Congress (November 27, 1963)John F. Kennedy's State of the Union Address, 1963John F. Kennedy's State of the Union Address, 1962John F. Kennedy's address to joint session of Congress (May 25, 1961)John F. Kennedy's State of the Union Address, 1961Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1960Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1959Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1958Dwight Eisenhower's address to joint session of Congress (January 5, 1957)Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1957Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1956Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1955Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1954Dwight Eisenhower's State of the Union Address, 1953Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (June 10, 1952)Harry S. Truman's State of the Union Address, 1952Harry S. Truman's State of the Union Address, 1951Harry S. Truman's State of the Union Address, 1950Harry S. Truman's State of the Union Address, 1949Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (July 27, 1948)Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (April 19, 1948)Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (March 17, 1948)Harry S. Truman's State of the Union Address, 1948Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (November 17, 1947)Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (March 12, 1947)Harry S. Truman's State of the Union Address, 1947Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (May 25, 1946)Harry S. Truman's State of the Union Address, 1946Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (October 23, 1945)Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (May 21, 1945)Harry S. Truman's address to joint session of Congress (April 16, 1945)Franklin D. Roosevelt's address to joint session of Congress (March 1, 1945)Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1945Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1944Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1943Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1942Franklin D. Roosevelt's address to joint session of Congress (December 8, 1941)Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1941Franklin D. Roosevelt's address to joint session of Congress (May 16, 1940)Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1940Franklin D. Roosevelt's address to joint session of Congress (September 21, 1939)Franklin D. Roosevelt's address to joint session of Congress (March 4, 1939)Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1939Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1938Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1937Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1936Franklin D. Roosevelt's address to joint session of Congress (May 22, 1935)Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1935Franklin D. Roosevelt's address to joint session of Congress (May 20, 1934)Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1934Herbert Hoover's address to joint session of Congress (February 22, 1932)Herbert Hoover's State of the Union Address, 1932Herbert Hoover's State of the Union Address, 1931Herbert Hoover's State of the Union Address, 1930Herbert Hoover's State of the Union Address, 1929Calvin Coolidge's State of the Union Address, 1928Calvin Coolidge's address to joint session of Congress (February 22, 1927)Calvin Coolidge's State of the Union Address, 1927Calvin Coolidge's State of the Union Address, 1926Calvin Coolidge's State of the Union Address, 1925Calvin Coolidge's State of the Union Address, 1924Warren Harding's address to joint session of Congress (February 7, 1923)Calvin Coolidge's State of the Union Address, 1923Warren Harding's address to joint session of Congress (November 21, 1922)Warren Harding's address to joint session of Congress (August 18, 1922)Warren Harding's State of the Union Address, 1922Warren Harding's State of the Union Address, 1921Submit

On Jan. 4, 1939, President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his sixth State of the Union.

The State of the Union tradition stems from the U.S. Constitution's requirement that the president “shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”[1] The first State of the Union address was given by  George Washington to both houses of Congress in 1790.

The annual address was not officially known as the State of the Union until  1947, when Harry S. Truman adopted the title that had been used informally during the later years of Roosevelt’s presidency.[2] Before 1947, the address was officially referred to as the Annual Message.[3]

## Contents

* 1 State of the Union address
* 1.1 Transcript
* 2 Response to the State of the Union address
* 3 Designated survivor
* 4 Background
* 5 Footnotes

## State of the Union address[edit]

### Transcript[edit]

The following text is a transcript of Roosevelt's address, as prepared for delivery:

“  |

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and the Congress:

In Reporting on the state of the nation, I have felt it necessary on previous occasions to advise the Congress of disturbance abroad and of the need of putting our own house in order in the face of storm signals from across the seas. As this Seventy-sixth Congress opens there is need for further warning.

A war which threatened to envelop the world in flames has been averted; but it has become increasingly clear that world peace is not assured.

All about us rage undeclared wars—military and economic. All about us grow more deadly armaments—military and economic. All about us are threats of new aggression military and economic.

Storms from abroad directly challenge three institutions indispensable to Americans, now as always. The first is religion. It is the source of the other two—democracy and international good faith.

Religion, by teaching man his relationship to God, gives the individual a sense of his own dignity and teaches him to respect himself by respecting his neighbors.

Democracy, the practice of self-government, is a covenant among free men to respect the rights and liberties of their fellows.

International good faith, a sister of democracy, springs from the will of civilized nations of men to respect the rights and liberties of other nations of men.

In a modern civilization, all three—religion, democracy and international good faith- complement and support each other.

Where freedom of religion has been attacked, the attack has come from sources opposed to democracy. Where democracy has been overthrown, the spirit of free worship has disappeared. And where religion and democracy have vanished, good faith and reason in international affairs have given way to strident ambition and brute force.

An ordering of society which relegates religion, democracy and good faith among nations to the background can find no place within it for the ideals of the Prince of Peace. The United States rejects such an ordering, and retains its ancient faith.

There comes a time in the affairs of men when they must prepare to defend, not their homes alone, but the tenets of faith and humanity on which their churches, their governments and their very civilization are founded. The defense of religion, of democracy and of good faith among nations is all the same fight. To save one we must now make up our minds to save all.

We know what might happen to us of the United States if the new philosophies of force were to encompass the other continents and invade our own. We, no more than other nations, can afford to be surrounded by the enemies of our faith and our humanity. Fortunate it is, therefore, that in this Western Hemisphere we have, under a common ideal of democratic government, a rich diversity of resources and of peoples functioning together in mutual respect and peace.

That Hemisphere, that peace, and that ideal we propose to do our share in protecting against storms from any quarter. Our people and our resources are pledged to secure that protection. From that determination no American flinches.

This by no means implies that the American Republics disassociate themselves from the nations of other continents. It does not mean the Americas against the rest of the world. We as one of the Republics reiterate our willingness to help the cause of world peace. We stand on our historic offer to take counsel with all other nations of the world to the end that aggression among them be terminated, that the race of armaments cease and that commerce be renewed.

But the world has grown so small and weapons of attack so swift that no nation can be safe in its will to peace so long as any other powerful nation refuses to settle its grievances at the council table.

For if any government bristling with implements of war insists on policies of force, weapons of defense give the only safety.

In our foreign relations we have learned from the past what not to do. From new wars we have learned what we must do.

We have learned that effective timing of defense, and the distant points from which attacks may be launched are completely different from what they were twenty years ago.

We have learned that survival cannot be guaranteed by arming after the attack begins—for there is new range and speed to offense.

We have learned that long before any overt. military act, aggression begins with preliminaries of propaganda, subsidized penetration, the loosening of ties of good will, the stirring of prejudice and the incitement to disunion.

We have learned that God-fearing democracies of the world which observe the sanctity of treaties and good faith in their dealings with other nations cannot safely be indifferent to international lawlessness anywhere. They cannot forever let pass, without effective protest, acts of aggression against sister nations-acts which automatically undermine all of us.

Obviously they must proceed along practical, peaceful lines. But the mere fact that we rightly decline to intervene with arms to prevent acts of aggression does not mean that we must act as if there were no aggression at all. Words may be futile, but war is not the only means of commanding a decent respect for the opinions of mankind. There are many methods short of war, but stronger and more effective than mere words, of bringing home to aggressor governments the aggregate sentiments of our own people.

At the very least, we can and should avoid any action, or any lack of action, which will encourage, assist or build up an aggressor. We have learned that when we deliberately try to legislate neutrality, our neutrality laws may operate unevenly and unfairly—may actually give aid to an aggressor and deny it to the victim. The instinct of self-preservation should warn us that we ought not to let that happen any more.

And we have learned something else—the old, old lesson that probability of attack is mightily decreased by the assurance of an ever ready defense. Since 1931, nearly eight years ago, world events of thunderous import have moved with lightning speed. During these eight years many of our people clung to the hope that the innate decency of mankind would protect the unprepared who showed their innate trust in mankind. Today we are all wiser—and sadder.

Under modern conditions what we mean by "adequate defense"—a policy subscribed to by all of us—must be divided into three elements. First, we must have armed forces and defenses strong enough to ward off sudden attack against strategic positions and key facilities essential to ensure sustained resistance and ultimate victory. Secondly, we must have the organization and location of those key facilities so that they may be immediately utilized and rapidly expanded to meet all needs without danger of serious interruption by enemy attack.

In the course of a few days I shall send you a special message making recommendations for those two essentials of defense against danger which we cannot safely assume will not come.

If these first two essentials are reasonably provided for, we must be able confidently to invoke the third element, the underlying strength of citizenship—the self-confidence, the ability, the imagination and the devotion that give the staying power to see things through.

A strong and united nation may be destroyed if it is unprepared against sudden attack. But even a nation well armed and well organized from a strictly military standpoint may, after a period of time, meet defeat if it is unnerved by self-distrust, endangered by class prejudice, by dissension between capital and labor, by false economy and by other unsolved social problems at home.

In meeting the troubles of the world we must meet them as one people—with a unity born of the fact that for generations those who have come to our shores, representing many kindreds and tongues, have been welded by common opportunity into a united patriotism. If another form of government can present a united front in its attack on a democracy, the attack must and will be met by a united democracy. Such a democracy can and must exist in the United States.

A dictatorship may command the full strength of a regimented nation. But the united strength of a democratic nation can be mustered only when its people, educated by modern standards to know what is going on and where they are going, have conviction that they are receiving as large a share of opportunity for development, as large a share of material success and of human dignity, as they have a right to receive.

Our nation's program of social and economic reform is therefore a part of defense, as basic as armaments themselves.

Against the background of events in Europe, in Africa and in Asia during these recent years, the pattern of what we have accomplished since 1933 appears in even clearer focus.

For the first time we have moved upon deep-seated problems affecting our national strength and have forged national instruments adequate to meet them.

Consider what the seemingly piecemeal struggles of these six years add up to in terms of realistic national preparedness.

We are conserving and developing natural resources-land, water power, forests.

We are trying to provide necessary food, shelter and medical care for the health of our population.

We are putting agriculture—our system of food and fibre supply—on a sounder basis.

We are strengthening the weakest spot in our system of industrial supply- its long smouldering labor difficulties.

We have cleaned up our credit system so that depositor and investor alike may more readily and willingly make their capital available for peace or war.

We are giving to our youth new opportunities for work and education.

We have sustained the morale of all the population by the dignified recognition of our obligations to the aged, the helpless and the needy.

Above all, we have made the American people conscious of their interrelationship and their interdependence. They sense a common destiny and a common need of each other. Differences of occupation, geography, race and religion no longer obscure the nation's fundamental unity in thought and in action.

We have our difficulties, true—but we are a wiser and a tougher nation than we were in 1929, or in 1932.

Never have there been six years of such far-flung internal preparedness in our history. And this has been done without any dictator's power to command, without conscription of labor or confiscation of capital, without concentration camps and without a scratch on freedom of speech, freedom of the press or the rest of the Bill of Rights.

We see things now that we could not see along the way. The tools of government which we had in 1933 are outmoded. We have had to forge new tools for a new role of government operating in a democracy—a role of new responsibility for new needs and increased responsibility for old needs, long neglected.

Some of these tools had to be roughly shaped and still need some machining down. Many of those who fought bitterly against the forging of these new tools welcome their use today. The American people, as a whole, have accepted them. The Nation looks to the Congress to improve the new machinery which we have permanently installed, provided that in the process the social usefulness of the machinery is not destroyed or impaired.

All of us agree that we should simplify and improve laws if experience and operation clearly demonstrate the need. For instance, all of us want better provision for our older people under our social security legislation. For the medically needy we must provide better care.

Most of us agree that for the sake of employer and employee alike we must find ways to end factional labor strife and employer-employee disputes.

Most of us recognize that none of these tools can be put to maximum effectiveness unless the executive processes of government are revamped—reorganized, if you will—into more effective combination. And even after such reorganization it will take time to develop administrative personnel and experience in order to use our new tools with a minimum of mistakes. The Congress, of course, needs no further information on this.

With this exception of legislation to provide greater government efficiency, and with the exception of legislation to ameliorate our railroad and other transportation problems, the past three Congresses have met in part or in whole the pressing needs of the new order of things.

We have now passed the period of internal conflict in the launching of our program of social reform. Our full energies may now be released to invigorate the processes of recovery in order to preserve our reforms, and to give every man and woman who wants to work a real job at a living wage.

But time is of paramount importance. The deadline of danger from within and from without is not within our control. The hour-glass may be in the hands of other nations. Our own hour-glass tells us that we are off on a race to make democracy work, so that we may be efficient in peace and therefore secure in national defense.

This time element forces us to still greater efforts to attain the full employment of our labor and our capital.

The first duty of our statesmanship is to bring capital and man-power together.

Dictatorships do this by main force. By using main force they apparently succeed at it—for the moment. However we abhor their methods, we are compelled to admit that they have obtained substantial utilization of all their material and human resources. Like it or not, they have solved, for a time at least, the problem of idle men and idle capital. Can we compete with them by boldly seeking methods of putting idle men and idle capital together and, at the same time, remain within our American way of life, within the Bill of Rights, and within the bounds of what is, from our point of view, civilization itself?

We suffer from a great unemployment of capital. Many people have the idea that as a nation we are overburdened with debt and are spending more than we can afford. That is not so. Despite our Federal Government expenditures the entire debt of our national economic system, public and private together, is no larger today than it was in 1929, and the interest thereon is far less than it was in 1929.

The object is to put capital—private as well as public—to work.

We want to get enough capital and labor at work to give us a total turnover of business, a total national income, of at least eighty billion dollars a year. At that figure we shall have a substantial reduction of unemployment; and the Federal Revenues will be sufficient to balance the current level of cash expenditures on the basis of the existing tax structure. That figure can be attained, working within the framework of our traditional profit system.

The factors in attaining and maintaining that amount of national income are many and complicated.

They include more widespread understanding among business men of many changes which world conditions and technological improvements have brought to our economy over the last twenty years—changes in the interrelationship of price and volume and employment, for example- changes of the kind in which business men are now educating themselves through excellent opportunities like the so-called "monopoly investigation.

They include a perfecting of our farm program to protect farmers' income and consumers' purchasing power from alternate risks of crop gluts and crop shortages.

They include wholehearted acceptance of new standards of honesty in our financial markets.

They include reconcilement of enormous, antagonistic interests—some of them long in litigation—in the railroad and general transportation field.

They include the working out of new techniques—private, state and federal—to protect the public interest in and to develop wider markets for electric power.

They include a revamping of the tax relationships between federal, state and local units of government, and consideration of relatively small tax increases to adjust inequalities without interfering with the aggregate income of the American people.

They include the perfecting of labor organization and a universal ungrudging attitude by employers toward the labor movement, until there is a minimum of interruption of production and employment because of disputes, and acceptance by labor of the truth that the welfare of labor itself depends on increased balanced out-put of goods.

To be immediately practical, while proceeding with a steady evolution in the solving of these and like problems, we must wisely use instrumentalities, like Federal investment, which are immediately available to us.

Here, as elsewhere, time is the deciding factor in our choice of remedies.

Therefore, it does not seem logical to me, at the moment we seek to increase production and consumption, for the Federal Government to consider a drastic curtailment of its own investments.

The whole subject of government investing and government income is one which may be approached in two different ways.

The first calls for the elimination of enough activities of government to bring the expenses of government immediately into balance with income of government. This school of thought maintains that because our national income this year is only sixty billion dollars, ours is only a sixty billion dollar country; that government must treat it as such; and that without the help of government, it may some day, somehow, happen to become an eighty billion dollar country.

If the Congress decides to accept this point of view, it will logically have to reduce the present functions or activities of government by one-third. Not only will the Congress have to accept the responsibility for such reduction; but the Congress will have to determine which activities are to be reduced.

Certain expenditures we cannot possibly reduce at this session, such as the interest on the public debt. A few million dollars saved here or there in the normal or in curtailed work of the old departments and commissions will make no great saving in the Federal budget. Therefore, the Congress would have to reduce drastically some of certain large items, very large items, such as aids to agriculture and soil conservation, veterans' pensions, flood control, highways, waterways and other public works, grants for social and health security, Civilian Conservation Corps activities, relief for the unemployed, or national defense itself.

The Congress alone has the power to do all this, as it is the appropriating branch of the government.

The other approach to the question of government spending takes the position that this Nation ought not to be and need not be only a sixty billion dollar nation; that at this moment it has the men and the resources sufficient to make it at least an eighty billion dollar nation. This school of thought does not believe that it can become an eighty billion dollar nation in the near future if government cuts its operations by one-third. It is convinced that if we were to try it, we would invite disaster—and that we would not long remain even a sixty billion dollar nation. There are many complicated factors with which we have to deal, but we have learned that it is unsafe to make abrupt reductions at any time in our net expenditure program.

By our common sense action of resuming government activities last spring, we have reversed a recession and started the new rising tide of prosperity and national income which we are now just beginning to enjoy.

If government activities are fully maintained, there is a good prospect of our becoming an eighty billion dollar country in a very short time. With such a national income, present tax laws will yield enough each year to balance each year's expenses.

It is my conviction that down in their hearts the American public—industry, agriculture, finance—want this Congress to do whatever needs to be done to raise our national income to eighty billion dollars a year.

Investing soundly must preclude spending wastefully. To guard against opportunist appropriations, I have on several occasions addressed the Congress on the importance of permanent long-range planning. I hope, therefore, that following my recommendation of last year, a permanent agency will be set up and authorized to report on the urgency and desirability of the various types of government investment.

Investment for prosperity can be made in a democracy.

I hear some people say, "This is all so complicated. There are certain advantages in a dictatorship. It gets rid of labor trouble, of unemployment, of wasted motion and of having to do your own thinking."

My answer is, "Yes, but it also gets rid of some other things which we Americans intend very definitely to keep—and we still intend to do our own thinking."

It will cost us taxes and the voluntary risk of capital to attain some of the practical advantages which other forms of government have acquired.

Dictatorship, however, involves costs which the American people will never pay: The cost of our spiritual values. The cost of the blessed right of being able to say what we please. The cost of freedom of religion. The cost of seeing our capital confiscated. The cost of being cast into a concentration camp. The cost of being afraid to walk down the street with the wrong neighbor. The cost of having our children brought up, not as free and dignified human beings, but as pawns molded and enslaved by a machine.

If the avoidance of these costs means taxes on my income; if avoiding these costs means taxes on my estate at death, I would bear those taxes willingly as the price of my breathing and my children breathing the free air of a free country, as the price of a living and not a dead world.

Events abroad have made it increasingly clear to the American people that dangers within are less to be feared than dangers from without. If, therefore, a solution of this problem of idle men and idle capital is the price of preserving our liberty, no formless selfish fears can stand in the way.

Once I prophesied that this generation of Americans had a rendezvous with destiny. That prophecy comes true. To us much is given; more is expected.

This generation will "nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. . . . The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just-a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless."[4]

| ”

|
|

—President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D), Jan. 4, 1939 [5]

## Response to the State of the Union address[edit]

The first televised response to the state of the union was given in  1966. While opposition responses to the president's State of the Union address existed before then, they "came in the relatively ignored environment of the Senate or House Chamber or at local political events," and records documenting these events are largely unavailable.[6]

## Designated survivor[edit]

Each year, a member of the president's Cabinet is chosen to stay in an undisclosed location outside of Washington, D.C. to assume the presidency in case of an attack on Congress, the president, and other high-ranking officials.

While designated survivors have been chosen since at least the 1960s, the federal government did not begin revealing the identity of the designated survivor to the public until  1984.[7]

## Background[edit]

The following table provides a list of annual and other presidential addresses delivered to joint sessions of Congress between 1790 and 2024. It does not include inaugurations. The information was compiled from the U.S. House of Representatives Office of the Historian.[8]

* President Woodrow Wilson (D), whose administration overlapped with World War I, delivered the most addresses: 23.
* President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D) followed with 19 addresses, which included a joint speech with the ambassador of France in 1934 and an address read before Congress on his behalf in 1945. World War II took place during his administration.
* President Harry S. Truman had the third-most addresses at 16. His administration covered the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War.
* Among presidents who served between 1981 and 2024, Presidents Ronald Reagan (R) and Barack Obama (D) delivered the most addresses with 11 and 10, respectively.

Presidential addresses to joint sessions of Congress

Date | Session of Congress | Occasion or topic | President and other speaking dignitaries
March 7, 2024 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
February 7, 2023 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
March 1, 2022 | 117th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
April 28, 2021 | 117th Congress | Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Feb. 4, 2020 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump
Feb. 5, 2019 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump
Jan. 30, 2018 | 115th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump
Feb. 28, 2017 | 115th Congress |  Address | President Donald J. Trump
Jan. 12, 2016 | 114th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 20, 2015 | 114th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 28, 2014 | 113th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama
Feb. 12, 2013 | 113th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 24, 2012 | 112th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama
Sept. 8, 2011 | 112th Congress |  Address on American Jobs Act | President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 25, 2011 | 112th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 27, 2010 | 111th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama
Sept. 8, 2009 | 111th Congress |  Address on Health Care Reform | President Barack H. Obama
Feb. 24, 2009 | 111th Congress |  Address | President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 28, 2008 | 110th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush
Jan. 23, 2007 | 110th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush
Jan. 31, 2006 | 109th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush
Feb. 2, 2005 | 109th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush
Jan. 20, 2004 | 108th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush.
Jan. 28, 2003 | 108th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush.
Jan. 29, 2002 | 107th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush.
Sept. 20, 2001 | 107th Congress |  Address on the War on Terrorism | President George W. Bush.
Feb. 27, 2001 | 107th Congress |  Budget Message | President George W. Bush.
Jan. 27, 2000 | 106th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 19, 1999 | 106th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 27, 1998 | 105th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton.
Feb. 4, 1997 | 105th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 23, 1996 | 104th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 24, 1995 | 104th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 25, 1994 | 103rd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton.
Sept. 22, 1993 | 103rd Congress |  Address on Health Care Reform | President William J. Clinton.
Feb. 17, 1993 | 103rd Congress |  Economic Address | President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 28, 1992 | 102nd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George Bush.
Mar. 6, 1991 | 102nd Congress |  Conclusion of Persian Gulf War | President George Bush.
Jan. 29, 1991 | 102nd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George Bush.
Sept. 11, 1990 | 101st Congress |  Invasion of Kuwait by Iraq | President George Bush.
Jan. 31, 1990 | 101st Congress |  State of the Union Address | President George Bush.
Feb. 9, 1989 | 101st Congress |  Address on Building a Better America | President George Bush.
Jan. 25, 1988 | 100th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 27, 1987 | 100th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan.
Feb. 4, 1986 | 99th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan.
Nov. 21, 1985 | 99th Congress |  Address on Geneva Summit | President Ronald Reagan.
Feb. 6, 1985 | 99th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 25, 1984 | 98th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan.
Apr. 27, 1983 | 98th Congress | Address on Central America | President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 25, 1983 | 98th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 26, 1982 | 97th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan.
Apr. 28, 1981 | 97th Congress |  Address on Economic Recovery--inflation | President Ronald Reagan.
Feb. 18, 1981 | 97th Congress |  Address on Economic Recovery | President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 23, 1980 | 96th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter.
June 18, 1979 | 96th Congress |  Address on Salt II agreements | President Jimmy Carter.
Jan. 23, 1979 | 96th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter.
Sept. 18, 1978 | 95th Congress |  Address on Middle East Peace agreements | President Jimmy Carter; Joint session attended by Anwar El Sadat, President of Egypt, and by Menachem Begin, Prime Minister of Israel.
Jan. 19, 1978 | 95th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter.
Apr. 20, 1977 | 95th Congress |  Address on Energy | President Jimmy Carter.
Jan. 12, 1977 | 95th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford.
Jan. 19, 1976 | 94th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford.
Apr. 10, 1975 | 94th Congress |  Address on State of the World | President Gerald R. Ford.
Jan. 15, 1975 | 94th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford.
Oct. 8, 1974 | 93rd Congress |  Address on the Economy | President Gerald R. Ford.
Aug. 12, 1974 | 93rd Congress |  Assumption of office | President Gerald R. Ford.
Jan. 30 1974 | 93rd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon.
June 1, 1972 | 92nd Congress |  Address on Europe trip | President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 20, 1972 | 92nd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon.
Sept. 9, 1971 | 92nd Congress |  Address on Economic policy | President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 22, 1971 | 92nd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 22, 1970 | 91st Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 14, 1969 | 91st Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 17, 1968 | 90th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 10, 1967 | 90th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 12, 1966 | 89th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Mar. 15, 1965 | 89th Congress |  Voting rights | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 4, 1965 | 89th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 8, 1964 | 88th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Nov. 27, 1963 | 88th Congress |  Assumption of office | President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 14, 1963 | 88th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy.
Jan. 11, 1962 | 87th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy.
May 25, 1961 | 87th Congress |  Urgent national needs: foreign aid, defense, civil defense, and outer space | President John F. Kennedy.
Jan. 30, 1961 | 87th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy.
Jan. 7, 1960 | 86th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 9, 1959 | 86th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 9, 1958 | 85th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 10, 1957 | 85th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 5, 1957 | 85th Congress |  Address on the Middle East | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 6, 1955 | 84th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 7, 1954 | 83rd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Feb. 2, 1953 | 83rd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
June 10, 1952 | 82nd Congress |  Address on Steel Strike | President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 9, 1952 | 82nd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 8, 1951 | 82nd Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 4, 1950 | 81st Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 5, 1949 | 81st Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman.
July 27, 1948 | 80th Congress |  Address on inflation, housing, and civil rights | President Harry S. Truman.
Apr. 19, 1948 | 80th Congress |  Address on 50th anniversary, liberation of Cuba | President Harry S. Truman; Guillermo Belt, Ambassador of Cuba.
Mar. 17, 1948 | 80th Congress |  National security and conditions in Europe | President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 7, 1948 | 80th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman.
Nov. 17, 1947 | 80th Congress |  Address on Aid to Europe | President Harry S. Truman.
Mar. 12, 1947 | 80th Congress |  Address on Greek-Turkish aid policy | President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 6, 1947 | 80th Congress |  State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman.
May 25, 1946 | 79th Congress |  Address on Railroad Strike | President Harry S. Truman.
Oct. 23, 1945 | 79th Congress |  Address on Universal Military Training | President Harry S. Truman.
May 21, 1945 | 79th Congress |  Address on Bestowal of Congressional Medal of Honor to Tech. Sgt. Jake William Lindsey | General George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army; President Harry S. Truman.
Apr. 16, 1945 | 79th Congress |  Address on Assumption of Office and War | President Harry S. Truman.
Mar. 1, 1945 | 79th Congress |  Address on Yalta Conference | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1945 | 79th Congress |  Annual Message | President Roosevelt was not present. His message was read before the Joint Session of Congress.
Jan. 11, 1944 | 78th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 7, 1943 | 78th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1942 | 77th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Dec. 8, 1941 | 77th Congress |  Address on the "Day of Infamy" | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1941 | 77th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
May 16, 1940 | 76th Congress |  Address on National Defense | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 3, 1940 | 76th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Sept. 21, 1939 | 76th Congress |  Address on Neutrality | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Mar. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress |  Address on Sesquicentennial of the 1st Congress | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 3, 1938 | 75th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1937 | 75th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 3, 1936 | 74th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
May 22, 1935 | 74th Congress |  Address on Budget Bill Veto | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 4, 1935 | 74th Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
May 20, 1934 | 73rd Congress |  Address on 100th anniversary of the death of the Marquis de Lafayette | Andre de Laboulaye, Ambassador of France; President Franklin Delano Roosevelt; ceremony attended by Count de Chambrun, great-grandson of Lafayette.
Jan. 3, 1934 | 73rd Congress |  Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Feb. 22, 1932 | 72nd Congress |  Address on bicentennial of George Washington's birth | President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 6, 1932 | 72nd Congress |  Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 8, 1931 | 72nd Congress |  Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 2, 1930 | 71st Congress |  Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 3, 1929 | 71st Congress |  Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 4, 1928 | 70th Congress |  Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge.
Feb. 22, 1927 | 70th Congress |  Address on upcoming George Washington birthday bicentennial | President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 6, 1927 | 70th Congress |  Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 6, 1926 | 69th Congress |  Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 8, 1925 | 69th Congress |  Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 6, 1924 | 68th Congress |  Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 3, 1923 | 68th Congress |  Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge.
Feb. 7, 1923 | 67th Congress |  Address on British debt due to the United States | President Warren G. Harding.
Dec. 8, 1922 | 67th Congress |  Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding.
Nov. 21, 1922 | 67th Congress |  Address on promotion of the American Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding.
Aug. 18, 1922 | 67th Congress |  Address on coal and railroad strikes | President Warren G. Harding.
Feb. 28, 1922 | 67th Congress |  Address on maintenance of the Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding.
Dec. 6, 1921 | 67th Congress |  Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding.
Apr. 12, 1921 | 67th Congress | Federal problem message | President Warren G. Harding.
Aug. 8, 1919 | 66th Congress | Cost of living message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 2, 1918 | 65th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Nov. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Terms of armistice signed by Germany | President Woodrow Wilson.
May 27, 1918 | 65th Congress | War finance message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Feb. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Peace message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Jan. 8, 1918 | 65th Congress | Program for world's peace | President Woodrow Wilson.
Jan. 4, 1918 | 65th Congress | Federal operation of transportation systems | President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 4, 1917 | 65th Congress | Annual Message/War with Austria-Hungary | President Woodrow Wilson.
Apr. 2, 1917 | 65th Congress | War with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson.
Feb. 26, 1917 | 64th Congress | Arming of merchant ships | President Woodrow Wilson.
Feb. 3, 1917 | 64th Congress | Severing diplomatic relations with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 5, 1916 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Aug. 29, 1916 | 64th Congress | Railroad message (labor-management dispute) | President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 7, 1915 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 8, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Sept. 4, 1914 | 63rd Congress | War tax message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Apr. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Mexico message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Mar. 5, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Panama Canal tolls | President Woodrow Wilson.
Jan. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Trusts message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 2, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Aug. 27, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Mexican affairs message | President Woodrow Wilson.
June 23, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Currency and bank reform message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Apr. 8, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Tariff message | President Woodrow Wilson.
Nov. 22, 1800 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams.
Dec. 3, 1799 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams.
Dec. 8, 1798 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams.
Nov. 23, 1797 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams.
May 16, 1797 | 5th Congress | Relations with France | President John Adams.
Dec. 7, 1796 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.
Dec. 8, 1795 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.
Nov. 19, 1794 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.
Dec. 3, 1793 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.
Nov. 6, 1792 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.
Oct. 25, 1791 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.
Dec. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.
Jan. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington.

## Footnotes[edit]

1. ↑ Congressional Research Service, "The President’s State of the Union Address: Tradition, Function, and Policy Implications," accessed February 3, 2020
2. ↑ CNN, "Harry Truman delivered the first ever State of the Union. (Really.)," Feb. 5, 2019
3. ↑ History, Art & Archives of the United States House of Representatives, "State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 28, 2022
4. ↑ Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
5. ↑ The American Presidency Project, “Annual Message to the Congress,” Jan. 4, 1939
6. ↑ United States Senate, "Opposition Response to the State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 25, 2022
7. ↑ United States Senate, "Cabinet Members Who Did Not Attend the State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 23, 2022.
8. ↑ Cite error: Invalid `<ref>` tag; no text was provided for refs named `History`

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