Religion of the Shang dynasty

Short description: none

Religion of the Shang dynasty

An ox scapula used by a scribe to record the outcome of divinations

Theology| Polytheistic
Ancestor veneration
Animism
Shamanic practice[1]
Region| China proper
Language| Old Chinese
Territory| Shang dynasty
Origin| 1600 BC–1046 BC
Yellow River valley

The religion of the Shang dynasty, practiced in ancient China from c. 1600 BC to c. 1046 BC, involved practitioners communicating with deified beings, including deceased ancestors and supernatural gods.[2] The primary methods of spiritual veneration were divinations, carried out on oracle bones, and sacrifices of living beings. The Shang dynasty also had large-scale constructions of tombs,[3] which reflects their belief in the afterlife, along with sacred places. Numerous Shang vessels, as well as oracle bones, have been excavated in the kingdom's capital Yin.[4][5] They reveal a large number of honored deities, most of which came from the Shang's extensive observations of the surrounding world. Headed by the god Shangdi, the deities form a diversified pantheon.

The Shang religion, accounting for a large portion of court life, played an important role to its adherents. The deities worshipped received various honorary ceremonies. The Shang astronomers created a sophisticated calendar system based on astronomical observations.[6] Complying with the calendar, diviners and sacrificial practitioners conducted large-scale rituals aimed at the gods. Regional practice became existent, as personal estates maintained independent practitioners. Generally, they all worshipped the same deities for common purposes. Mass offerings to gods, formalized over time, were held for divine support and welfare of the state.

The Shang religion originated in the Yellow River valley, heartland of the Huaxia civilization from 1600 to 1046 BC.[lower-alpha 1] Although it had been practiced much earlier, the first inscribed oracle bones of this religion only date back to the mid-13th century BC,[10] during the reign of Wu Ding.[11][12] Throughout over two centuries, the dynasty increased its cultural influence and experienced cultural exchanges by means of war. After 1046 BC, the Zhou dynasty that replaced the Shang[8][9] gradually assimilated elements of Shangdi into its governing beliefs.[13][14] Throughout millennia of royal and imperial eras, many elements of this religion were integrated and became parts of Chinese religious beliefs. In the modern period, Shangdi remains a cultural figure, and the dynasty's calendar originally used for religion is now important in traditional events of China and influenced countries.

## Contents

* 1 Beliefs
* 1.1 Shangdi
* 1.2 Natural powers
* 1.3 Ancestral powers
* 1.4 Cosmology
* 1.4.1 Bronze visualization
* 1.4.2 Cosmic divinity of Di
* 2 Practices
* 2.1 Divination
* 2.2 Sacrifices
* 2.2.1 Schedules of sacrifice
* 2.3 Shamanism
* 2.4 Burial practices
* 2.5 Posthumous naming
* 2.6 Practitioners
* 2.7 Religious sanctuary
* 2.8 Regional practices
* 3 Effect on royalty
* 3.1 Kingship and sovereignty
* 3.2 Favor of masculinity
* 4 History
* 4.1 Precursors
* 4.2 Shang dynasty
* 4.3 Evolution under the Zhou
* 4.3.1 Calendar
* 4.3.2 Worshipped deities
* 4.3.3 Other practices
* 4.4 Modern influence
* 5 Assessments by Chinese dynasties
* 5.1 Zhou dynasty
* 5.2 Han dynasty
* 6 Notes
* 7 References
* 7.1 Citations
* 7.2 Bibliography
* 8 Further reading

## Beliefs

### Shangdi

Main article: Philosophy:Shangdi

Shang oracular script graphs for 帝 Dì, the supreme God as the celestial pole.[14]

The highest of the Shang gods was Shangdi ̣(上帝)[15] or simply Di (帝).[16][17][lower-alpha 2] In some oracle bone inscriptions, Di was described as a being who controlled natural forces as if controlling individual spirits in a hierarchy, which made him distinguished from the other worshipped gods.[16] Divinatory texts do not describe the origin and myths attributed to Shangdi, but they do detail implicitly about the god's overwhelming abilities. There are various abilities attributed to the high god Di, mostly described on oracle bones not directly but through pairs of affirmative and negative statements.[16]

Di exercised authority over the natural world (lìng 令).[13] The Shang kingdom's economy was based on agriculture, which relied heavily on climatic patterns. The Shang people believed that the weather was controlled under the power of Di, writing a lot on predictions about his decisions. Di also dictated harvests,[13] and sometimes could supply humans with foods if proper "calling out" rituals were conducted. This god could give military supports by many ways, for example by indirectly helping royal forces in conquering hostile states, by protecting the Shang king in royal inspections, or by forecasting divine will to support by sending natural phenomena such as rains. [13] Furthermore, Di was the power that gave approvals (ruò 若) to humans' everyday decisions and actions, including constructions and army marches; unusual occurrences were perceived as signs of Di's disapproval.[13][16] The Shang also believed that although Di could aid them in various aspects, he could also harm them by his power. Numerous Shang texts record disastrous events thought to be caused by Di's will, including droughts, defeat by enemies, or even the king's health deterioration.[13] The Shang offered sacrifices and carried out divinations to ensure Di was appeased and to avoid calamities.

Emperor Ku, progenitor of the Shang in traditional accounts.

Di's identity has been a subject of interest. This system of structured spirits featured Di as the apex, hence making him corresponding with the "leading" role of Zeus in Ancient Greece and Tian in Zhou dynasty.[19] There are many proposed approaches for this god's identification.

Some scholars link Di with the existence of the High Ancestor Ku,[20] who was mentioned in Sima Qian's Shiji as the Shang dynasty's ancestor.[19][14] Ku was addressed "High Ancestor" in more than four oracle bone inscriptions. Many prominent scholars support the view that Di and Ku actually represent an identical power. Its implications for the current understanding of the religion's theology are additionally profound. Some historians assert that if the Shang system of gods featured the highest and supreme deity as a primal ancestor of the rulers, then the monarchs themselves would be acceptedly seen as possessing divine powers. In other words, the kings would be perceived as embodying the power of Di (or Ku), being the "thearchs" by birth.[21]

There is another explanation, derived from studies of "Di" in linguistic contexts, that the religion did not possess a "High God" in its pantheon and that "Di" was a generic word for the collectivity of all divine powers.[16][22] This suggestion partly results from debates among scholars on the presence of the word "di" in ancestral titles. Some claim that Di could not be a part of Shang ancestors, no matter how distant. Oracle bones indicate that Di could destroy the Shang capital, which Robert Eno perceived as impossible to be done by royal ancestors, reliant on sacrifices which were mostly conducted in the capital. Eno argued that since "di" was included in some ancestral titles, then if it referred to a High God, the ancestors must have been perceived as rivaling Di in power, which he considered unlikely. He proposed a suggestion to explain this: "Di" was generic, referring to no specific god but to all the spirits including ancestral deities.

### Natural powers

Further information: Religion:Divinity of winds (Shang dynasty)

The Shang people paid particular attention to the winds compared to other natural occurrences. The winds were linguistically associated with the phoenix.[23] The Shang identified four wind gods, corresponding to four types of wind, and assigned each god for a direction (eastern, western, southern, northern).[23] These four winds as well as responsible deities together represent Shangdi's cosmic will.[24] Winds carry Di's authority to affect agriculture, and were regularly prayed to for successful harvests. The Shang also designed various rituals concerning the winds' divine influence, such as ceremonies to appease the wind gods for favorability towards royal hunts, or to determine the message carried by unusual winds;[23] four separated texts indicate that the main subjects for wind-sacrifice were dogs and hounds.[19] Although there were wind gods, the Shang still separated them from "natural winds", winds happening to humans without divine manifestation. Those winds were often thought of as harmful, and were given different rituals that keep them at distance from the Shang.[23]

Shang word for "Sun".

The Sun was treated as a god and received sacrifices. It was also sometimes interpreted as a "guest", that is, it was sent by Di to the Shang king. Many texts of the Shang mention the importance of the rising / setting Sun. Clouds were believed to be sent by Di and also treated as deities. A religious text records that Que (a practitioner) was called to do a sacrifice to Di's clouds, the sacrifices being two hounds.[19] For rain,[19] dog dismemberment was the main sacrificial method. Prayers aimed at rains, unlike those for winds, specify the place of sacrifice: one ritual was done at Yue Peak, another at the "Altar of the Earth". The Shang also believed in snow powers which was associated closely with rains.[19]

Because the country's agriculture was of crucial importance, the Shang people deified and worshipped many deities whose natural manifestations affected productivity. In particular, the "God of Earth" ("She" or "Tu" ) was usually honored. This deity was manifested in the human world by representation of the Shang's tribal neighbor Tufang, with which the Shang maintained agricultural relationships.[24] The Yellow River was another landscape feature that was deified. This exceptionally long river affected the agriculture greatly. Scribal works furthermore describe prayers other natural sceneries. [19] Importantly, spirits assigned to these locations were able to wield destructive powers, manifested through events like floods.

### Ancestral powers

Wu Ding, a devoted practitioner of the Shang religion.

thumb|left|180px|alt=Shang designated character for the high ancestor Shangjia.|Shang designated character for the high ancestor Shangjia. The Shang dynasty established a complex ancestral cult.[lower-alpha 3] They identified six foremost ancestral spirits: Shang Jia (上甲), Bao Yi (報乙), Bao Bing (報丙), Bao Ding (報丁), Shi Ren (示壬), Shi Gui (示癸); meanwhile, the royal line with kingly sovereignty started from Shi Gui's child Da Yi (Cheng Tang) and progressed to the last king Di Xin. The nearest previous generation of the monarch had spirits responsible for the monarch's well-being. Kings like Wu Ding were highly religious, believing that their health depended heavily on appeasing ancestral spirits, and often dreaming about them.[26] Their rituals, however, was aimed at Wu Ding's immediate predecessors and conducted for the purpose of solving personal issues.[16] Power of ancestral spirits, accordingly, varied in correlation with their seniority, and thus they were treated to some extent differently. Predynastic Shang leaders had power on state-significant aspects such as agricultural successes; the earlier the time frame of the ancestors, the greater their impact on the state. Shang Jia and his subsequent five predynastic leaders were addressed the "Six Spirits", and were thought to be the beings who dictated harvests.[16]

There were several mysterious spirits addressed as ancestors, whose identity has not been fully comprehended. Studies have been concerning spirits like Wang Hai (王亥)[27] and Nao (獶),[28] whose names are pictographic characters.[29] There were also individuals revered along ancestors like Yi Yin.

Ancestresses were also revered along with their male counterparts. Oracle bone inscriptions mention some of the most important female Shang ancestors, who were grand royal consorts of the kings. Inquiries to female deceased individuals illustrate beliefs in their spiritual role. They were perceived as being unfriendly and angry on some occasions, and after such divinations they received offerings.[30][31][32][33] Some females who were mentioned in oracle bone divinations are:[16]

* Bi Ji (consort of Zu Yi): "We shall protect the King's eyes against Grandmother Ji."
* Bi Geng (consort of Xiao Yi): "The King's son met with disaster on account of Mother Geng."
* Bi Bing: "We shall perhaps pray to High Grandmother Bing for a child."
* Fu Hao: grand consort of Wu Ding. She received a greater degree of veneration than other females after her death. She was referred to by her posthumous names "Mother Xin" and "Ancestress Xin".[34][35]

### Cosmology

The Shang believed in the divinity of an area surrounding the Ecliptic Pole, featuring a squared shape (oracle bone script: 口). Observations of the sky made by astronomers and astrologers focused on a square of over four stars surrounding the pole at the time of the Shang dynasty. Inscriptions contain implicit meanings considering their perception of a divine cosmos. In their view, the Ecliptic Pole and areas adjacent to it were the residence of godly authority. "口" also denoted the modern stem "ding", a notion connected closely to - and mostly identical with - Di.[24][lower-alpha 4] It was used in many collocations with personal titles such as Brother, Ancestor or Father,[lower-alpha 5][24] in addition to being used as models in temple designs.[38]

#### Bronze visualization

A taotie on 12th century BCE Shang ritual vessel. Late Shang bronze lei with turquoise taotie motif.

The Taotie motif, which featured regularly on historical Chinese cultural artifacts, was present during the Shang dynasty.[39][40] While some speculate the Taotie motif to have conveyed no meaning to the Shang rather than serving for decorative purposes,[41] most of the evidences point out that this was indeed a centrally religious aspect.[42][24] Scholars claimed that since the Taotie appears on Shang ritual vessels and ceremonial axes,[43] it was not carved for decorations. Several interpretation of the specific meaning of Taotie to the Shang have been given.[44] The Shang Taotie motif depicts spirits through representation of animals;[45] the motif itself inherited its characteristics from synthesized earlier cultures' designs like Yangshao and Liangzhu.[24][46][47][48] Based on the similarities of the Shang religion with those cultures, Didier concluded that the Taotie depicts spirits whose assistance was important to the Shang.

Interpretations of the taotie reveal that this motif might have an implicitly strong connection with the Shang's astronomical perception. Because the Shang's knowledge of celestial patterns relates to Di, there is a possible connection of him with the motif. Didier argued that the highest spiritual authority of Di was composed of taotie faces bearing celestial patterns.[24] He found out that the structure of each Shang taotie bears resemblances to the northern ecliptic pole. Specifically, the Shang version has a vertical nasal ridge which sectioned the sky area containing the stars concerned.

#### Cosmic divinity of Di

Shang standard character for "Di". The Zhou god Tian with the square.

The Shang dynasty and its successor Zhou dynasty designed strikingly similar characters for their worshipped high powers, which both have a squared component. Didier argued that this indicates that the Zhou themselves had beliefs in Di.[lower-alpha 6] "Di", as a character, carry linguistic values related to the god's power. There are 23 variants of di in Shang inscriptions, but the majority use concentrated on the first two versions.[50] One of these two features the Square at its centre. The god Di having the Celestial Square in his graphic representation indicates the Shang's belief that his divine authority was housed by the sacred northern pole.[51] In several cases, the squared shape is replaced by two horizontal parallel lines, making it match the character 二 (lit. "two"). Han dynasty etymologist Xu Shen identified 二 to have originally meant "on high" in early scripts; this matches the connotation of the Square. Xu speculated that this evaluation suited Di's role as the "leader of Heaven".[52][53]

According to Shang beliefs, indicated by oracle bones, this squared center element of the character di (and the forms that derived from it), which represents his cosmic divinity, was composed of main-lineage royal ancestors and some other ancestors intimately related to them.[24][54] Because this square also composes various Shang ancestral names, Di was implicitly related to the ancestors. The square as the collective Shang ancestral spirits would then represent Di's will to act favorably towards the Shang. [24] Contrastingly, adopted deities would compose divine actions which were harmful (Xiadi).[24]

## Practices

### Divination

Ox scapula recording divinations during the reign of the king Wu Ding

Divination was one of the most important aspects of the Shang religion. Oracle bones, which consist of ox scapulae, tortoise plastrons[2] and carapaces, were the main materials for divinatory documents.[lower-alpha 7][lower-alpha 8] At Yinxu,[8][page needed] approximately 150,000 pieces of bone have been unearthed, most of which contain divinations with the Shang deities. The king and his court inquired about various topics, including warfare, agricultural successes, personal well-being, and weather.[2][lower-alpha 9][lower-alpha 10] Because Shang gods exercised power over human actions,[57][page needed] numerous divination rituals were held by the king[58] (and his court scribes (多卜)) to acquire godly assistance. Writers inscribed inquiries on the bones, then heated the bones and interpreted bone cracks. Inquiries (or "charges") contain particles implying desired preferences.[59] In many oracle bones, the king and his scribes prognosticated upcoming days that were thought to be "unanimous".[16][60][lower-alpha 11] The Shang dynasty's developed calendrical system was used for denoting and arranging days on oracle bones.[62]

The Shang dynasty conducted many divinations on warfare. It was characterized by numerous military expeditions to all directions, especially to Guifang.[63][64][65] Regional governors, who had their local commoners serving as military conscripts, were required to prepare to assist the royal army in combat.[66] Divination was made to determine the regional chief suitable for countering enemies. Numbers mattered significantly: the Shang inquired about the sufficient number of soldiers to gain advantages, and the number of war captives they could obtain.[19] Military officers' responsibilities were determined by oracle bone consultation. [19] Response to the questions were used as orders for the officials' mobilization of the army. Aside from these, prognostications about enemy offenses also featured themselves on bones. In a particular case, a prediction claimed that "disasters" would be brought upon the state; five days later, the Tufang destroyed two walled cities and the Shang inscribed the local lord's report on the issue.

Additionally, divinations were carried out to determine suitable days for construction of regional city walls, which was important to defend the area's urban centers from foreign invasions. Conscripts from personal fiefs were recruited to carry out such buildings.[19] Court civil officers, tasked with agriculture, received orders decided by divination to monitor agrarian activities. Some texts include divinatory responses which required the responsible officials (sometimes the kings) to make farmers plant grains or to supervise cultivation of crops in newly opened lands. The kings had divined occasionally about issuing orders to supervisors of craftsmen.

The king was not the sole person with authority to conduct divination. The aristocracy could also have their specified groups of diviners. Wu Ding's son or nephew,[67][68] whose residence lay in modern-day Huayuanzhuang East, made divinations on affairs happening in his estate. One of the prince's inscribed divinations inquires about construction of an ancestral temple tended to store tapestries for Fu Hao's upcoming visit.[69][70] Another oracle bone inscription describes the supervision of completing his land's guesthouse.

### Sacrifices

The Shang religion is a typical example of a sacrificial system. Sacrifices were offered mainly to seek divine support or for the gods' appeasement.[71] The Shang paid particular attention to the number of beings sacrificed.[72]

The Houmuwu ding, a bronze vessel dedicated to Wu Ding's consort Fu Jing.

The sacrifices that were not living beings were mainly bones, jade, and bronzeware items. Some of the bone products were shaped into hairpins or arrowheads. The tomb of Fu Hao contains over 560 such bone products. Jade was acquired through contact with other cultures in China proper, such as Longshan and Liangzhu.[73] The material was treated as precious, and sometimes the jade sacrifices were buried with their initial royal owners. Bronze came in plenty;[74] the number increased during the Wu Ding period, which saw a major advancement in bronzemaking technologies.[75]The offering ceremonies involved bronze vessels with short inscribed characters.[58][76] If the sacrifices were intended to be accompanying the dead in their tombs, bronze weapons (like arrows and spears) together with decorative products could be added. At the last Shang capital Yin, thousands of bronze items have been unearthed, revealing the importance of this metal in Shang's procedure of honoring. There were also other minor materials that came in much smaller amounts. In particular, stones, ivory and even cowry shells were sacrificed.[77]

Some species of animal, after being hunted,[78] served as offerings (犧牲),[79][77] both to the ancestral and supernatural sections of the religion's pantheon.[80] There are four types of animal sacrifices, regarding position and completeness.[81] Usually, canine species were killed to be consumed by the deified natural features.[82][16] Body dismemberment was the main method to consider when sacrificing dogs, while hounds were often simply killed.[16] The way animals were offered did not affect the expected actions of the supernatural deities: dogs were offered similarly in order to both maintain and end rains. Shang royal ancestors' sacrificed faunas also consisted of several other species from husbandry. Sheep were intended for a wide range of individuals, spanning through generations (e.g. Shang Jia and Pan Geng were both recipients of sheep). Occasionally, domesticated goats and ox would be slaughtered and sacrificed on certain typical rituals. Elephants did not appear in daily sacrificial ceremonies, but instead are found in royal tombs[77](from those elephants, the Shang also obtained ivory). These sacrifices became increasingly institutionalized among social classes.

The burial pit in the Tomb of Fu Hao, built around 1200 BC.

The Shang dynasty also practiced human sacrifice. Guo Moruo asserted that people were sacrificed on a large scale.[83]Cite error: Closing `</ref>` missing for `<ref>` tag while "shan" (刪) was used to mention a single human slaughtered. The Shang wrote "shi" (氏) for ritualized offering at temples.[84]

#### Schedules of sacrifice

In every day of a Shang week, a deceased ancestor would be chosen to be the recipient of specific sacrifices. On the gui day, the weekend, the reigning king and his assistants specialized in rituals would make a typical inscription that announced the sacrifices for the next day.[85] A year was sectioned into three periods, the first of which usually lasted 13 xun.[85] The first third was to perform ji, zai and xie sacrifices, the second for yong sacrifice, and the last for yi sacrifice. At the beginning of each third, a common ceremony honoring all the targeted recipients (gong dian) was held.[85] Some argue that ji was the opening ritual.[86][87]

In his 2010 work, Adam Smith tabled the sacrificial schedule of the late Shang practitioners, inscribed on a group of oracle bones by Huang, a scribe living during the reign of the last three kings.[88] During this period, the Shang's planned sacrifices aligned with a full year of 36 weeks. Five "opening" weeks were intended to announce upcoming rituals. Each sacrifice commenced the week right after the announcing one. The thirty-sixth week was left blank as to prepare for a new offering cycle.[89]

Using recording texts of Chu and Huang (living at different periods), A. Smith also found out about the rules of arranging days for sacrifices. The Shang specified every royal ancestors to the certain days, and many other rules were made to fairly distribute the offerings between the days.[88] The basic principle is that one's stem name would dictate his or her chosen day of sacrifice. Other rules structured the schedule in an orderly way.

### Shamanism

Main article: Unsolved:Wu (shaman)

Inscriptions on Shang oracle bones suggest a complicated religious system which communicated with the spiritual world via ritual performance (bin 賓) and the utilization of "numinous" media like bones and bronze.[90] This type of communication, as some scholars point out,[16] can be interpreted as communication "without direct encounter". Other interpreters of Shang ritual bronzes, such as K.C. Chang, assert that this perception is not satisfactory, and that the Shang dynasty's religion must have borne considerable shamanic elements.[91]

Studies of oracle bone script yielded a character that corresponds with the later term "wu"[92] (巫, commonly translated as "shaman").[93] The same terminology could be found in the state of Chu's religion. Additionally, the Shang written records mention several people whose names bore the character. Nevertheless, it is uncertain whether "wu" actually referred to shamans or to another kind of religious practitioners who used other types of practices to communicate with the spirits (Shamans achieve this goal by getting into altered states of consciousness). Victor Mair supported the view that the "shamanic" practices of the Shang dynasty resulted from earlier connections with other ethnicities.[94] He examined archaeological and linguistic evidences, and concluded that the word "wu" was etymologically and culturally related to the term "maguš" (plural form "magi"),[lower-alpha 12] a term used for priests in the Persian Zoroastrian religion. The term "magi" does not denote shamans; instead, it refers to priests that communicated with the spirits through the media of ritual and manipulative arts rather than trance and mediation. D. Keightley also disagreed with the interpretation of "wu" as "shaman".[95]

### Burial practices

The largest place for the afterlife lay in the Royal Cemetery, located in what is now Xibeigang (西北岡), Anyang. The site, located in Yin, served as the resting place for almost all royal family members. Lay within the cemetery are many tombs, each of which contains numerous Shang artifacts. The burial objects along with sacrificial animals were interred in designated positions relative to the deceased's coffin, with each position bearing a specific meaning. Several tombs also served for the purpose of rites, mostly as honorary temples where scheduled offerings were conducted. Wu Ding's reign in the 13th century BC saw the cemetery's partition into the East and West zones, as a result of polishing Wu's image as a distinguished Shang king.[3]

Using radiocarbon dating and other techniques, researchers have constructed a list of genealogy of the individuals buried. The study reports of Koji Mizoguchi and Junko Uchida, published in 2018, reveal that the Royal Cemetery's tombs were intended to built in a complex manner that indicates the buried individuals' relationships to each other.[3] Some tombs bear striking resemblances, which the authors interpreted as attempts to imitate virtuous royal ancestors by the kings.[3] Studying the cemetery's overall structure, scholars also pointed out that tombs' positions harmoniously aligned with the northern celestial pole, which housed the power of the ancestors in the form of a collective Shangdi.[24]

On 20 January 1046 BCE, the last Shang king Di Xin lost the decisive Battle of Muye[96] in which his forces was crushed by the Overlord of the West, Ji Fa. Di Xin set fire to his palace and committed suicide. The fact that he was not buried in accordance with Shang's tradition was due to his immoral and impious images made up by the Zhou dynasty.[97]

### Posthumous naming

Table of stems inscribed on an ox scapula, from the reigns of the last two kings of the Shang dynasty (first half of the 11th century BC)

Aside from the supernatural beings, the ancestors of the Shang kings were also revered.[98] The recipients of honors included both dynastic and pre-dynastic ancestral individuals. The Shang kings were given posthumous names.[85] The religion used a structured system of naming kings, which uses calendrical names for days.[99][8] There were 10 weekdays whose names were used for ancestors: jia (甲), yi (乙), bing (丙), ding (丁), wu (戊), ji (己), geng (庚), xin (辛), ren (壬), and gui (癸).

There were several religious rules that dictate the naming decision.[6] The Heavenly Stem used as one's title had to be the first day of his reign (in the Shang calendar). Besides, the king restrained from having gui as his posthumous name.[85] If the first year of reign began with gui, the next day jia was used as an alternative. For distinguishing different kings with the same stem name, a set of prefixes was used, each of the prefix carried a specific meaning. Royal consorts of the Shang kings were given stem names not compliant with limitations as for the kings.[100]

Posthumous names have strong connections with the ancestors' attributed powers. The majority of Shang ancestors possess names with the stems jia, ding and yi, which represent celestial divinity.[24] By being referred to by such stems, the spirits became perceived as powerful gods whose will significantly affected the living realm.

Some prefix indicates the addressed subject's familial relationship with the reigning ruler, and often with a much broader sense than their modern meanings:[101]

* Relatives who were two or more generations before the incumbent ruler would be referred to as zu (祖) (for males) and bi (妣) (for females. In this context, zu means (great) grandfather, patrilineal great uncle; bi means grandmother and other consorts of zu. Sometimes, "zu" could be used officially as the posthumous name's first component.
* The previous generation: fu (父) was used for males and mu (母) for females. The masculine indicative means the father or paternal uncles, and the other denotes the mother or the father's other wives.
* The same generation: only the character for males has been found, which is xiong (兄, "older brother"). This word could also be applied to paternal cousins.
* The next generation: the king's sons and nephews were referred to as zi (子). The word is sometimes understood as the surname of the rulers, while some understand it as "Prince".[102]

### Practitioners

The Shang king was seen as the religious apex. Because the beliefs of the religion stated that the king's health and quality of life relied on the spirit world as well as the welfare of his kingdom, he involved himself in communication with the pantheon's gods. The king would try to assure that the spirits would give him guidance.[16] The Shang king acted like a chief priest, connecting the human and deified realms. The Shang court had a developed bureau for assisting the ruler. The group consisted of several positions, each was specialized in a religious aspect. The officials include:[103]

* Diviners (duobu 多卜). They assisted the king in divination procedures. Each group was headed and supervised by a chief diviner (guanzhan 官占). They worked with the scribes (zuoce 作冊) and shamans (wu 巫)
* Record keepers (taishi ling 太史令): tasked with documenting the rituals.
* Astronomers (xi 羲, he 和) and astrologers (shi 史), tasked with determining days and months, both necessary for rituals.
* Shamans (wu 巫), whose work could vary. An example is Wuxian, a shaman under king Tai Wu in the 15th century BC.
* Dancers (wu 舞), and music directors (gu 瞽). Music was an important part of the offering process.

It is agreed that scribal literacy of the Shang had to be acquired through forms of schooling.[6][104] Texts written by Wu Ding's scribal officials contain the word 學 ("to learn")[105] that could act both as a verb and a noun; in some cases it acts as a verb and comes with the musical ritual "shang".[6] The two characters' combination implies that the subjects were being trained for musical roles. In terms of religious literacy training, there are inscriptions described by Guo Moruo as " finely written and orderly, as though engraved by a teacher (xiānshēng 先生) to serve as a model (fànbĕn 範本)". There is another interpretation: the learners must have already known the characters and practiced writing them just for learning engraving techniques;[106] however, some scholars argue for its impossibility. There are also other suggestions.[107] It is also generally believed that the Shang might have had some kinds of institutionalized training locations for religious teaching.[108][109][110][111][112]

### Religious sanctuary

Burial pits of bones at a Shang sanctuary.

thumb|right|alt=A view looking down onto the gondola that goes up Songshan—Mount Song. One of the Taoist Five Great Mountains — located in Henan Province, China.|Mount Song, which is thought to be the Shang dynasty's Yue Peak, a natural sanctuary.

The court employed officials to plan and carry out constructions of sacred places. The general design of temple compounds (zong 宗) consisted of an elevated hall (tang 堂), a courtyard (ting 庭), a gate (門), and sacrificial pits (modern term keng 坑).[113] There were possible connections between the shapes of Shang sanctuary, whose layout was squared, to its beliefs. Chen Mengjia saw the word "口" as a notation for an altar;[lower-alpha 13] others also see it as a kind of temple ritual.[115] Wang Guowei offered that 口 resembled an ancestral tablet (dan 匰) and an altar or shrine to an ancestor (shi 祏).[116] The squared form features twice in the Shang character for "temple" (宮).

The king and his priests were responsible for hosting temple rituals, sometimes using foreign labors for preparation processes. It was a prerogative of the Shang king, as the chief priest, perform special rituals aimed at invoking spirits:[117] in fact, the rituals' common name portrays the king kneeling in a sanctuary holding ritual objects. Additionally, rituals involved participation of many dancers, mediators and scribes, who were granted exclusive access to the sanctuaries. Different temples were intended for hosting deities; for example, the Great Altar (大示) hosted Shang royal members of the main lineage.[24][118] There were also separate temples, each reserved for a single spirit. Rituals were dedicated to the gods[24] on a regular basis.

### Regional practices

Religious activities during the Shang dynasty was not restricted to the urban area of Yinxu. There are instances of regional practice, although they are vague and much less known than the largest cult center at the capital city. Divinatory practices were present at the pre-Yinxu city in present-day Zhengzhou,[2] where four separated oracle bones inscribed with characters have been excavated. These inscriptions are relatively short and have a similar style to Yinxu writings. Other from Zhengzhou, oracle bones have also been unearthed in Jinan and Shaanxi, the original homeland of the Zhou dynasty, and believed to be from the last decades of the Shang's existence. Additionally, many oracle bones have been found in river management constructions.

It is believed that common people during this period played a role in religious activities. There are possibilities that the populace might have participated in seasonal festivals and sacrificial offerings.[119] Commoners might as well have been involved in religious activities carried out by regional lords.

## Effect on royalty

### Kingship and sovereignty

The Shang king entrusted lords to govern Shang provincial regions; they were ordered to assist him in important affairs. Many of the lords were initially chiefs whose lands had been conquered and merged into Shang's territorial extent.[lower-alpha 14] The royal house nominally possessed the lords' lands - in fact, the kings always referred to all the regions as "our lands" - but he largely depended on the lords' loyalty.[lower-alpha 15] Kingly sovereignty over the lords is argued to have resulted from the spirits whom the king worshipped.

Scholars have studied Kui, a mysterious deity,[19] and presented a theory suggesting that Kui's cult was the result of incorporating other beliefs. As Shang's neighboring polities themselves gradually submitted, their deities became assimilated into Shang culture. Some tribal ancestors and deities were "adopted" by Shang religion and treated equally with the dynasty's original spirits. The king's role helped him keep the regional chiefs' loyalty by mediating among the spirits of both their gods and his own.

The nature of kingship was also derived from the deified beings. Ancestors such as Shang Jia (and generally the Six Spirits) had great influences over important national affairs, like other non-ancestral deities. In other words, they were universal deities. The Shang kings could be considered (and claimed to be)[124] "living deities on earth".[lower-alpha 16]

### Favor of masculinity

The system furthermore affected the continuation of kingship. The Shang tradition allowed female individuals to participate in government; however, it was overall a patriarchal society.[126] Influences of male ancestors overwhelmed that of their feminine counterparts in scale. The person responsible for functioning as head of the clan and head of religious practice had to be a male. Males would carry the ancestral surname "Zi" and pass it to subsequent generations.

Conception of male children was considered a serious matter by the Shang dynasty, which expensed a considerable of divinations on this aspect. Ancestral intervention played a role in deciding the children's gender. Oracle bones show that the Shang considered another factor, the birthday, to be related to gender formation. In particular, the conception of Fu Hao, Wu Ding's second primary consort, was of interest to his court. Diviners carried out numerous divinations all predicting the baby's birthday.[19] The results gave out days of misfortune and fortune. Wu Ding divined that if his wife gave birth on the days with the stem jia the child would be a girl. On the ding day, the gender would be the opposite.[lower-alpha 17]

## History

### Precursors

The Longshan culture, a prehistoric Chinese culture in the Yellow River valley.

Before the dawn of organized states in China, the area was inhabited by various tribal confederations. Each of the tribes practiced its own system of beliefs. The religious beliefs in prehistoric China were based on ideas of animism, totemism and shamanism.[127][128][129] Many ancient tribes in pre-dynastic China shared a common belief in the spiritual world.[lower-alpha 18] The spirits were thought to possess divine powers. As such, they were able to intervene in and dictate the lives of the living realm's beings. That led to the necessity of direct communication with the spirits, through means of mystics. A group of specified individuals, known as shamans, arose and took responsibility for conducting their respective tribe's religious rituals.[131] The cultures in the future heartland of the Shang dynasty had practiced sacrifices and funerals.[132][133] In many regions of China, Neolithic cultures had utilized bony materials from cattles for divination.[2][134][135][lower-alpha 19]

In the Zhou dynasty's historical narrative, the tradition of honoring and venerating deities had already been existent during the Shang's predecessor Xia dynasty (c. 2070 - 1600 BCE).[137][lower-alpha 20] The Book of Documents also mentions the Shang high god Shangdi receiving annual sacrifices by Emperor Shun, even before the Xia dynasty.[142] Although these periods are often considered mythical, their corresponding site of Erlitou (c. 2100 - 1500 BCE) has evidence of bronze-using religious activities that were later adopted and developed by the Shang dynasty.[41]

### Shang dynasty

Shang bronze masks made during the 16th - 14th century BCE.

The Shang dynasty's religion inherited the characteristics of its predecessors. Its beliefs, rituals of sacrifices and funerals bore resemblances with those of prehistoric beliefs. Early Shang kings created bureaucratic positions for religious practice, which were later diversified and further specialized. The religion was widespread, influencing other major Shang cities aside from Yinxu.[6][143]

During the late Shang period (1300 - 1046 BCE), the religion achieved its mature status. Many kings of the late Shang were deeply religious and actively involved themselves in those matters. Some monarchs made alterations to the tradition. The first notable change took place during Wu Ding's regnal era. This change was documented by the Book of Documents, compiled centuries after its supposed time.[144] Oracle bone script from the mid-12th century BC indicate that Wu Ding's youngest son Zu Jia also altered sacrifices.[145] Changes also occurred in practitioners. Gradually, diviners of the Late Shang period were divided into schools, each of which were employed by several late Shang kings. Modern scholars classify Shang diviners by two methods based on periodization[146][147] and employment.[148][149][150] Both ways group diviners into two main schools.

The Shang kingdom showed religious interactions with other cultures in China proper. In most cases, the religious influences of the Shang dynasty left an impact on its vassal states. For example, the vassal Dapeng also practiced human sacrifice[151][152] and also included Sheji ("God of Earth") in the Shang pantheon into their list of worshipped deities.[153][154] From the 1200s BCE onward, religious influence of the Shang reached its largest vassal state Zhou. The polity embraced Shang theology into its beliefs.

### Evolution under the Zhou

In 1046 BCE, the Shang dynasty under the regime of Di Xin collapsed and was replaced by the victorious Zhou dynasty. This succeeding dynastic family used the practices of Shang religion to explain Di Xin's fall. The Book of Documents contains a chapter claiming that Di Xin discarded all the sacrificial traditions and therefore lost the blessings of his royal ancestors[155][lower-alpha 21] as well as of the Zhou supreme god.[158]

#### Calendar

Further information: Physics:Sexagenary cycle

The Shang calendar was adopted by the Zhou,[lower-alpha 22][161][162][163] although it is uncertain whether the Zhou court reset the day counting after the dynasty's establishment.[164][165] It was greatly revised and altered through the regime's eight centuries of existence. The diversification of its use took place during the Warring States period when cultural distinctions became more apparent.[166] The Shang name for the count of years, si (祀), was replaced by the Zhou term nian (年) which originally meant "harvest" but the meaning was altered by Zhou. Uses of calendrical means by the new regime's kings was more complex than their predecessors Shang in that astronomical observations became integrated extensively to calculate and predict important forthcoming events.[167] The Zhou monarchs invented a different terminology and separated methods for their own ancestors' veneration.[6] A new system for posthumous naming dead relatives was devised, based on the virtues and moral characteristics of the rulers (which can be seen obviously among the first Zhou kings).

#### Worshipped deities

Further information: Religion:Chinese folk religion and Religion:Chinese gods and immortals

The head of the Shang pantheon, Di, became assimilated and identified with Heaven (Tian) of the Zhou dynasty,[63] while still keeping its original meaning in early Zhou times. Through time, the original figure and the Shang-attributed powers of Di was forgotten, since Heaven was more philosophically complicated and was associated with more terminology as well as legendary tales. But overall, Tian still recalled Di's meaning as a driving force of the kings' reigns: the Mandate of Heaven, invented by the Zhou dynasty,[168][169] was the key concept of a monarch's right to rule over the country[170][171] up until the end of monarchy in China in 1912 CE.[172] Di was alternatively called Shangdi and identified with the Jade Emperor by practitioners of Taoism; the deity's subordinate gods became heavenly powers controlling natural phenomena. During imperial Chinese dynasties, the tradition of "Sacrifice to Heaven" became popular, and Shangdi was made the main recipient of the event's sacrifices. Later, when Qin Shi Huang created the title "Emperor" for himself,[173] he combined Di with the character Huang (皇, "august") to obtain the term.[174]

Annual Sacrifice to Heaven in honour of the Highest Deity the Heavenly Ruler (皇天上帝 Huángtiān Shàngdì) is held at the Temple of Heaven in Beijing. State pomp and a variety of Confucian religious groups have contributed in the reviving of worship of the Highest Deity in the 2000s.

#### Other practices

There is evidence that religious activities of the state of Chu during the Eastern Zhou were related to the Shang religion, due to similarities between their artistic motifs. Other common religious practices such as oracle bone divination, funeral and burial rituals were generally neglected. Oracle bones gradually ceased to be inscribed once the Zhou dynasty began, and the regime compiled a new way of divination and prediction, the I Ching (written between the 10th and 9th century BC).[175] The populace in later dynasties practiced different funeral and sacrificial traditions,[176] mainly due to the influence of Confucianism, Taoism, and other currents; however, there were still some parallels between the two dynasties regarding sacrifices.[177] The role of women in religion notably changed after Shang.

### Modern influence

The Chinese calendar for 2014. Each day has a sexagenary designation.

The Shang high god Di remained to the present day through his identified figure Shangdi, who is still worshipped in countries of the Sinosphere. The word "Shangdi" is sometimes used to denote the Christian God,[178][179][180][lower-alpha 23] and the Jade Emperor.[181]

Traditional festivals in China, Vietnam and other influenced countries make use of the sexagenary cycle.[182] The lunar calendar's organization of days names the years, months,[183][lower-alpha 24] days and even hours after the 10 Heavenly Stems and 12 Earthly Branches. Various folk tales have been attributed to this calendrical system.

## Assessments by Chinese dynasties

According to Ruth H. Chang, the Duke of Zhou, after assuming regency, started to assimilate the Shang dynasty's religion into Zhou ideologies, in a campaign to culturally unite the Zhou and Shang peoples under one royal rule. Chang proposed that since the Shang had believed in the divine supports for their kings, they would have accepted the notion of Zhou's Heaven.[184]

After the end of the Shang, various Chinese dynasties have presented their perceptions about the religion. While there are praises, especially by those who held favorable views on traditional values of the past, there are also thorough assessments and even different interpretations of Shang religious activities.

### Zhou dynasty

During the Western Zhou period, the perception of Di, as presented, was mixed with that of Tian. Di's divinity was praised by the early Zhou kings, and the two words were even used interchangeably in the same inscriptional contexts. For example, King Li of Zhou (reigned 857 - 842 BCE),[185] commented on the power of Shangdi:

> The king said: I am but a small child, yet unstintingly day and night, I act in harmony with the former kings to be worthy of august Tian .... [I] make this sacrificial food vessel, this precious kuei-vessel, to succor those august paradigms, my brilliant ancestors. May it draw down the spirits of those exemplary men of old, who now render service at the court of Di and carry forth the magnificent mandate of august Di...

— King Li of Zhou, casting inscriptions on bronze in the 9th century BC[186]

The Discourses of the States, published during the Warring States period, contains a comment about Shang religious activities as well as that of preceding periods. It presents the later Zhou people's perception of the connection between the human realm and the spiritual world, on the positive effect of performing sacrificial rituals:

> Anciently, men and spirits did not intermingle. At that time there were certain persons who were so perspicacious, single-minded, and reverential that their understanding enabled them to make meaningful collation of what lies above and below, and their insight to illumine what is distant and profound. Therefore the spirits would descend into them. The possessors of such powers were, if men, called "xi" (shamans), and if, women, "wu" (shamanesses). It is they who supervised the positions of the spirits at the ceremonies, sacrificed to them, and otherwise handled religious matters. As a consequence, the spheres of the divine and the profane were kept distinct. The spirits sent down blessings on the people, and accepted from them their offerings. There were no natural calamities.

— Discourses of the States, Book VI: Discourses of Chu[187]

Many texts also evaluate Shang sacrificial traditions' alleged negative sides. The Shujing quotes: "Dignities should not be conferred on men of evil practices. (If they be), how can the people set themselves to correct their ways? If this be sought merely by sacrifices, it will be disrespectful (to the spirits). When affairs come to be troublesome, there ensues disorder; when the spirits are served so, difficulties ensue." That is, sacrificial rituals were sometimes conducted on unsuitable occasions, when they were counterproductive. The Liji also contains a similar passage, which asserts that Shang sacrifices should have been made in the right times.

Some Zhou people also mentioned the lack of available Shang religious texts, which caused inadequate understanding of their rituals. Confucius, in particular, asserted that the documents preserved by the Shang dynasty's royal members in Song were not enough for him for an extensive comprehension of the ancient ceremonial codes.[188]

### Han dynasty

Sima Qian had written about religious practices of the Shang dynasty a millennium after its fall. Yellow Emperor or Huangdi, bearing the Shang god's name.

Han dynasty historian Sima Qian, writing 1,000 years after the Shang dynasty's collapse, commented about its religiosity. He wrote that the Shang had practiced different traditions from the Zhou, and had been, on the extreme level, superstitious.[189] He also noted about various Shang kings who received spiritual advice from their ministers, such as the case of Wu Ding (with his minister Fu Yue) and Tai Wu (with his minister Yi Zhi). They were possibly men with shamanic capabilities. Sima Qian went on to describe the sacrificial rituals of the Shang dynasty, commenting on virtuous kings who emphasized on worshipping high ancestors, and detailing the negative impacts of ignoring the gods (Wu Yi,[190] Di Xin).

By the time of the Han dynasty, the perception of the god Di had been significantly altered. While the character retained its meaning as "High Deity", it was used mainly as a prefix or suffix to add to another word for deifying its meaning. Some examples from Han dynasty texts containing such combinations are Huangdi and Yandi. Nevertheless, the Han dynasty also worshipped a cosmologically associated god titled "Di", whose divinity was similar to that believed by the Shang dynasty. In particular, the Han-era Huainanzi, a compilation of debates led by imperial prince Liu An, presents an interpretation of Di: "The Celestial Thearch (Di) stretches out over the four weft-cords of Heaven...". "Di" also lay on a polar referential star like in Shang dynasty, the star Kochab (Beta Ursa Minoris). Han texts identify Di with Taiyi (太一), the "Great One".[191] Believed by the Han people as having been worshipped by the early Zhou kings, Di (or Taiyi) was highly revered.

Sima Qian, in chapter 27 of his work, stated that his attempts to identify the celestial power of Di used references from Wuxian, the early Shang mediator. Wuxian was believed to be one of the most notable Shang religious figure, and a revered astrologer. He was positively viewed in other Han and post-Han texts, and his attributed star maps were often used in Chinese astronomy.

## Notes

1. ↑ The time 1600 to 1046 BCE is given by the Xia - Shang - Zhou Chronology Project.[7] However, many other possible suggestions have been proposed. Most of them place the Shang dynasty's beginning date around 1550 BCE, while deviating the end date for a few years.[8][9]
2. ↑ Zhu Fenghao has challenged the notion that Di was the Shang supreme god, arguing that this deity was in fact a cosmic spirit newly invented by the Shang.[18]
3. ↑ It has been argued that the Shang ancestral cult was intended for the ancestors to lead other spirits to act favorably towards the human realm, that is, to "domesticate the spirits and thereby render them controllable".[25]
4. ↑ Xu Zhongshu asserted that the square represents the oral expression of the Shang stem "ding"[36]
5. ↑ The connection of Shang lineal descent to the square is noticeable and has been argued by Qiu Xigui.[37]
6. ↑ There are chapters of relevance in the Classic of Poetry.[49]
7. ↑ Other materials for pyromancy have also been found[55]
8. ↑ Oracle bones were probably obtained through tributary polities of the Shang kingdom, since the material was not native to its region.[56]
9. ↑ Most divinations about weather, agriculture or wars were made by Wu Ding's court.
10. ↑ Many divinations were "bu xun" (卜旬), or "divining for the week ahead". The diviners would predict events for the next ten-day week after the said divination.
11. ↑ It has been observed that many Shang texts omit these parts. Chinese researchers such as Xiao Liangqiong have reconstructed divinations from fragments.[61]
12. ↑ Old Chinese reads "wu" as myag (Bernhard Karlgren),mjuo < *mjwaɣ (Zhou Fagao), *mjag (Li Fanggui), mju < *ma (Axel Schuessler).
13. ↑ The obvious connection between the square and Shang deified ancestors has led to the theory that the Shang character that has two squares as denoting a temple. However, it has been known that that character only refers to a place where the Shang king hunted, or his non-religious residence.[114]
14. ↑ The Shang king also conferred rights to his relatives as estate owners, but he could also take away these authorities[120]
15. ↑ Regional governors shared benefits with the king by being bestowed rewards[121][122][123] in exchange of investing efforts in helping him.
16. ↑ Ancestors bearing names which resemble the Celestial Square were probably spirits of cosmic divinity.[125]
17. ↑ The oracle bone inscriptions record that Fu Hao gave birth on the unfortunate day of jiayin, 33 days after the prognostication.
18. ↑ Some prehistoric Chinese cultures produced artifacts that bear the "AZ" motif, which represented some kind of a "High God" similarly to the Shang dynasty's Di.[130]
19. ↑ An example is the Longshan culture, which practiced human sacrifice.[136]
20. ↑ The second monarch of the Xia dynasty, 啟; Qǐ or 開; Kǎi:,[138] was described as a shamanic intermediary connecting with the supreme deity Shangdi (上帝).[139][140][141]
21. ↑ Archaeological evidence supports their claim: oracle bone inscriptions from Di Xin's reign indicate that his court ignored discerning Di's will and performed ancestral sacrifices methodically ineffective. [156] It is also observed that the weekly sacrificial schedules established by Zu Jia had been mostly abandoned during Di Xin's reign.[157]
22. ↑ It is able to demonstrate the geographically distributed nature of the day-name tradition towards the end of the 2nd millennium BC.[159] An example is a cemetery at Gaojiapu, in Shaanxi.[160]
23. ↑ Matteo Ricci first coined the term "Shangdi" to denote God in Chinese.
24. ↑ There are two systems for recording months in this way.

## References

### Citations

1. ↑ Chang (1983)
2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 Keightley (1978a).
3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Mizoguchi & Uchida (2018).
4. ↑ Bai (2002).
5. ↑ Wilkinson (2022).
6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 Smith (2011a).
7. ↑ Lee (2002), p. 28.
8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Keightley (1999).
9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 Pankenier (1981–1982).
10. ↑ Boltz, William G. (February 1986). "Early Chinese Writing, World Archaeology". Early Writing Systems 17 (3): 420–436.
11. ↑ Takashima (2012).
12. ↑ Liu et al. (2021).
13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 Stefon (2010).
14. ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 Eno (2008).
15. ↑ Yao Xinzhong (1996). Confucianism and Christianity: A Comparative Study of Ren and Agape. United Kingdom : Sussex Academic Press. p. 31.
16. ↑ 16.00 16.01 16.02 16.03 16.04 16.05 16.06 16.07 16.08 16.09 16.10 16.11 16.12 Eno (2010a).
17. ↑ Libbrecht, Ulrich (2007). Within the Four Seas--: Introduction to Comparative Philosophy. Peeters Publishers. ISBN 978-90-429-1812-2.
18. ↑ Zhu, Fenghan (1993). "Shang Zhou shiqi de tianshen chongbai". Zhongguo shehui kexue: 191-211.
19. ↑ 19.00 19.01 19.02 19.03 19.04 19.05 19.06 19.07 19.08 19.09 19.10 19.11 Eno (2010b).
20. ↑ He Bingdi (1975). The Cradle of the East. Chicago: University of Chicago. p. 329.
21. ↑ Pankenier, David. "A Brief History of Beiji 北極 (Northern Culmen), With an Excursis on the Origin of the Character di 帝". Journal of the American Oriental Society 124 (2): 211–236. doi:10.2307/4132212.
22. ↑ Eno, Robert. "Was There a High God Ti in Shang Religion?". Early China 15. pp. 1–26.
23. ↑ 23.0 23.1 23.2 23.3 Takashima & Li (2022).
24. ↑ 24.00 24.01 24.02 24.03 24.04 24.05 24.06 24.07 24.08 24.09 24.10 24.11 24.12 24.13 Didier (2009).
25. ↑ Puett, Michael J. (2002). To Become a God: Cosmology, Sacrifice, and Self-Divinization in Early China. London, Harvard University Press.
26. ↑ Hu, Houxuan. Jiaguxue Shangshi luncong chuji. 3. Chengdu: Wenyoutang shudian. . Hu Houxuan interpreted numerous divinations sought to understand dreams by Wu Ding, from dreams about ancestors to sacrificial animals.
27. ↑ Luo, Yun (1998). "Yin buci zhong gaozu Wang Hai shiji xun yi". in Zhang, Zhongshan; Hu, Zhenyu. Hu Hengxuan xiansheng jinian wenji. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe. p. 48-63.
28. ↑ Liu, Huan (2002). "Shuo gaozu Nao - jianlun Shangzu zuyuan wenti". Jiaguzhengshi. Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe. p. 267-303.
29. ↑ Yu, Xingwu (November 1959). Lue lun tuteng yu zongjiao qiyuan he Xia Shang tuten. p. 60-66.
30. ↑ Heji 35361: female victims were offered to ancestresses. In Heji 35364 and 36276, women were sacrificed to both ancestors and ancestresses.
31. ↑ Yu Xingwu (2010). Jiagu Wenzi Shilin. Beijing: Shangwu Yinshuguan. pp. 437–438.
32. ↑ Wang Shenxing (1991). "Buxi suo jian Qiang ren kao". Zhongyuan Wen wu. pp. 65–72.
33. ↑ Wang Shenxing (1992). Guwenzi yu Yin Zhou wenming. Xi'an: Shaanxi renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe. pp. 113–114.
34. ↑ Norden, van, Bryan (2003). "Oracle bone inscriptions on women 甲骨文". in Wang, Robin R.. Images of Women in Chinese Thought and Culture: Writings from the Pre-Qin Period through the Song Dynasty. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company.. pp. 2–3. ISBN 978-0-87220-651-9.
35. ↑ Zhongguo Shehuikexueyuan Kaogu Yanjiusuo (1980), pp. 34–38, col. pl. 1; Cao Dingyun (1993), pp. 105–124
36. ↑ Xu Zhongshu (徐中舒), ed (1998). Jiaguwen zidian (甲骨文字典). Chengdu: Sichuan cishu chubanshe.
37. ↑ Qiu, Xigui (1992). Guanyu Shangdai de zongzu zuzhi yu guizu he pingmin liangge jieji de chubu yanjiu. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe. p. 296-342.
38. ↑ Lixin, Li (2004). "Jiaguwen 'ding' zi kaoshi yu huanbei shangcheng 1 hao gongdian jizhi xingzhi tantao (甲古文'口'字考释与洹北商城1号宫殿基址性质探讨)". Zhongguo lishi wenwu (中国历史文物) (48): 11–17.
39. ↑ Woolf, Greg (2007). Ancient civilizations: the illustrated guide to belief, mythology, and art. Barnes & Noble. p. 216. ISBN 978-1-4351-0121-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=94NuSg3tlsgC&q=Taotie+jade+cong.
40. ↑ Wang Tao (1993). "A Textual Investigation of the Taotie". in Roderick Whitfield. The Problem of Meaning in Early Chinese Ritual Bronzes. London: School of Oriental and African Studies. pp. 102–118. Wang Tao noted that the name "Taotie" was a mere adoption of a later Zhou term for the pattern. He warned that the meaning of the "taotie" as "greedy glutton" as now understood was inaccurate.
41. ↑ 41.0 41.1 Bagley (1999).
42. ↑ Loehr, Max (1968). Ritual Vessels of Bronze Age China. New York: Asia Society.
43. ↑ Rawson, Jessica (1996). Mysteries of Ancient China, New Discoveries from the Early Dynasties (eds.). New York: George Brazilier, Inc..
44. ↑ Chuanxin, Xiong. Zoomorphic Bronzes of the Shang and Zhou Period. pp. 96–101.
45. ↑ Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (1998). The Metamorphic Image: A Predominant Theme in the Ritual Art of Shang China. The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 70. pp. 5–171.
46. ↑ Rui Guoyao (芮国耀); Shen Yueming (沈岳明) (November 1992). Liangzhu wenhua yu Shang wenhua guanxi sanli (良渚文化與商文化關係三例). Kaogu.
47. ↑ Li Xueqin (1993). "Liangzhu Culture and the Shang Dynasty Taotie Motif". in Roderick Whitifield. The Problem of Meaning in Early Chinese Bronzes. London: Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. pp. 56–66.
48. ↑ An Zhimin 安志敏 (September 1997). "Liangzhu wenhua ji qi wenming zhuyinsu de pouxi——ji nian liangzhu wenhua faxian liushi zhounian (良渚文化及其文明諸因素的剖析)". Kaogu: 77–83. An Zhimin, however, sees little connection between Liangzhu artifacts and those of Shang.
49. ↑ Qu Wanli (屈萬里) (1983). Shi jing quan shi (詩經詮釋). Taibei: Lianjing. pp. 451–455.
50. ↑ Gao, Ming (高明) (1980). Gu wenzi leibian 古文字纇編. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju.
51. ↑ Schuessler, Axel (2007). ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese. University of Hawaii Press. . The Western Zhou (1046–771 BCE) character for "Tian" also features the same shape at its top.
52. ↑ Zhou, Fagao (周法高) (1974). Jinwen gulin (金文詁林). Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong.
53. ↑ Zhou, Fagao (周法高) (1982). Jinwen gulin bu 金文詁林補. Nangang: Zhongyang yanjiu yuan, Lishi-yuyan yanjiusuo.
54. ↑ In Shang the "dazong", or "Great Lineage", of royal ancestors included kings whose father and son also were kings. This is usually referred to as the main lineage, while collateral-lineage kings were fraternally appointed.
55. ↑ Chou (1976).
56. ↑ Raven (2020).
57. ↑ Keightley (2004).
58. ↑ 58.0 58.1 Qiu (2000).
59. ↑ Lefeuvre, Jean A. (1985). Collections of Oracular Inscriptions in France. Paris: Ricci Institute. p. 292.
60. ↑ Xu (2002).
61. ↑ Xiao, Liangqiong (1986). "Buci wenli yu buci de zhengli he yanjiu". Jiaguwen yu Yin Shang shi. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe. p. 24-63.
62. ↑ Steele (2010).
63. ↑ 63.0 63.1 Creel (1970).
64. ↑ Taskin (1992).
65. ↑ The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C.. New York, Cambridge. 1999. p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.
66. ↑ Sawyer & Sawyer (1994).
67. ↑ Yao Xuan. "3". Yinxu Huayuanzhuang dong di jiagu.
68. ↑ Chen Jian 陳劍 (April 2004). Shuo Huayuanzhang Dongdi jiagu buci de ‘ding’ 說花園莊東地骨卜辭的丁. Gugong bowuyuan yuankan 故宮博物院院刊 114. pp. 51–63.
69. ↑ Schwartz (2020).
70. ↑ Zhu Qixiang (2008), pp. 29-44. The Prince of Huayuanzhuang was Wu Ding's son, indicated in seven different oracle bones (though it is uncertain whether he was born by Fu Hao). Ten other inscriptions also confirm that the Prince's grandmother (and hence Wu Ding's mother) was consort Geng of Xiao Yi.
71. ↑ Julia Ching (1997). "Son of Heaven: Sacral Kingship in Ancient China". T'oung Pao (83): 28-29.
72. ↑ Campbell, Roderick B. (2020). Ritualized Violence, Sovereignty and Being: Shang Sacrifice.
73. ↑ Buckley Ebrey.
74. ↑ Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006).
75. ↑ Chen (2018).
76. ↑ Theobald, Ulrich (2010). "jinwen 金文, bronze vessel inscriptions". http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Terms/bronze_jinwen.html.
77. ↑ 77.0 77.1 77.2 Theobald (2018).
78. ↑ Mark Edward Lewis (1990). Sanctioned Violence in Early China. Albany: State University of New York Press. p. 21.
79. ↑ Zhou Ziqiang (周自強) (2000). Zhongguo jingji tongshi (中國經濟通史). 1, Xian-Qin jingji (先秦經濟卷). Beijing: Jingji ribao chubanshe.
80. ↑ For the meaning of animal sacrifices, see Liu Yiting; Lei Xingshan (2020). "Shangxi muzang yongsheng chutan (A study of animal sacrifice in Shang sytem burial)". Kaogu (in press).
81. ↑ Rowan Flad; Liu Yiting; Lei Xingshan; Wang Yang (2020). "Animal sacrifice in burial: Materials from China during the Shang and Western Zhou period". Archaeological Research in Asia. https://www.academia.edu/45085866/Animal_sacrifice_in_burial_Materials_from_China_during_the_Shang_and_Western_Zhou_period.
82. ↑ For the analysis of sacrificial dogs during the Shang dynasty, see Li, Z. (2011). "Shang wenhua muzang zhong suizang de gousheng yanjiu erti (Two issues about dog victim buried in tombs of Shang culture)". Nanfang wenwu (2): 100–104. and Li, Z.; Campbell, R. (2019). "Puppies for the ancestors: the many roles of Shang dogs". Archaeol. Res. Asia (17): 161–172.
83. ↑ Yang Shengnan (May 1982). "Dui Shang dai renji shenfen de kaocha". Xian Qin shi lunwenji.
84. ↑ Zhao Cheng. "Jiaguwen jianming cidian". Jiaguwen jianming cidian. pp. 317–318. Zhao Cheng argued that the word "shi" initially meant "to hold something", pointing out the oracle bone graph form of the verb as resembling a woman holding an object.
85. ↑ 85.0 85.1 85.2 85.3 85.4 Nivison (1999).
86. ↑ Chang, pp. 186 - 91
87. ↑ Hu Houxuan; Hu Zhenyu. Yin Shang shi. pp. 166–167.
88. ↑ 88.0 88.1 Smith (2010).
89. ↑ Chang Yuzhi 常玉芝 (1987). Shangdai zhouji zhidu 商代周祭制度. Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe 中國社會科學出版社.
90. ↑ For a notable study of this ritual, see Lei, Huanzhang (1998). Rong Geng xiansheng bainian danchen jinian wenji. Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe. p. 156-163. .
91. ↑ K.C. Chang (1983). Art, Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China.
92. ↑ Shima, Kunio 島邦男 (1971) (in ja). Inkyo bokuji sōorui (2nd rev. ed.). Hoyu. p. 418. OCLC 64676356.島邦男&rft.au=Shima, Kunio+島邦男&rft.date=1971&rft.pages=p. 418&rft.edition=2nd+rev.&rft.pub=Hoyu&rft_id=info:oclcnum/64676356&rfr_id=info:sid/en.wikibooks.org:Religion:Religion_of_the_Shang_dynasty">
93. ↑ von Falkenhausen, Lothar (1995). "Reflections of the Political Role of Spirit Mediums in Early China: The Wu Officials in the Zhou Li". Early China 20: 279–300. doi:10.1017/S036250280000451X. The author argued that the "wu" cannot be correctly translated in any way.
94. ↑ Mair (1990).
95. ↑ Keightley, David N. (1998). "Shamanism, death, and the ancestors: religious mediation in Neolithic and Shang China". Asiastische Studien 52 (3): 783-831.
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100. ↑ Guo Moruo. Collection of Oracle bone Inscriptions (甲骨文合集). . In particular, the restraint from the use of gui did not affect the consort's posthumous names: one of Zu Ding's queens were posthumously titled "Yan Gui" (妣癸).
101. ↑ Smith, Adam (2010). The Chinese Sexagenary Cycle and the Ritual Foundations of the Calendar. doi:10.7916/D8891CDX. https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/D8891CDX.
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105. ↑ Gulin; see GL: numbers 3230–3233
106. ↑ Zhang Shichao 張世超 (2002). Yinxu jiagu ziji yanjiu: Shizu buci pian 殷墟⭢骨字跡研究— 師組卜辭篇. Changchun: Dongbei Shifan Daxue Chubanshe. pp. 27–28.
107. ↑ Olivier Venture (July 2002), Étude d’un emploi rituel de l‘écrit dans la Chine archaïque (XIIIe–VIIIe siècle avant notre ère): Réflexion sur les matériaux épigraphiques des Shang et des Zhou occidentaux (PhD diss.), Université Paris, p. 308
108. ↑ Oliver Moore (2000). Chinese. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 25.
109. ↑ Song Zhenhao 宋鎮豪. Wang Yuxin. ed. Cong jiaguwen kaoshu Shangdai de xuexiao jiaoyu" 從⭢骨文考述商代的學校教育. pp. 220–230.
110. ↑ Wang, “Writing and the State,” 322
111. ↑ Thomas H. C. Lee (2000). Education in Traditional China: A History. Leiden: Brill. p. 41.
112. ↑ Yang Kuan 楊寬 (2003). Xi Zhou shi 西周史. Shanghai: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe. p. 664.
113. ↑ Ulrich Theobald (2018). "Shang Period Religion". http://www.chinaknowledge.de/History/Myth/shang-religion.html.
114. ↑ Zhu (1989): 982 (pp. 264–5); Xu (1998): 832–834
115. ↑ Yang Shuda (1954). Jiweiju jiawen shuo. Beijing: Zhongguo kexue chubanshe. p. 26-28.
116. ↑ Shima, Kenkyû: 178.
117. ↑ Elizabeth Childs-Johnson (1995). "The Ghost Head Mask and Metamorphic Shang Imagery". Early China (20).
118. ↑ Yang Shengnan (1989). "Yinxu jiaguwen zhong de he 殷墟甲骨文的河". Yinxu bowuyuan yuankan 殷墟博物院院刊. 1. pp. 54–63. . Yang Shengnan suggested that the Great Altar might not be only reserved for ancestral worship, pointing out a Shang inscription mentioning a ritual to the Yellow River performed at this temple.
119. ↑ Li Liu. The Archaeology of China: From the Late Paleolithic to the Early Bronze Age.
120. ↑ Zhou Ziqiang (2000), p.189-190
121. ↑ Ma Honglu (馬洪路) (1994). Zhongguo yuangu ji sandai jingji shi (中國遠古暨三代經濟史). Zhongguo quanshi, bai juan ben (中國全史，百卷本). Beijing: Renmin chubanshe.
122. ↑ Campbell, Roderick (2018). Violence, Kinship and the Early Chinese State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
123. ↑ Chang, Kwang-chih (1980). Shang Civilization. London: Yale University Press.
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125. ↑ K. C. Chang (1982). Shang wang miao hao xin kao (A new study on the Shang kings' temple names 商王廟號新考). Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe. pp. 85–106.
126. ↑ Campbell, Roderick (2014). "Animal, human, god: pathways of Shang animality and divinity". Animals and Inequality in the Ancient World. Colorado: University Press of Colorado. pp. 251–274.
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132. ↑ Zhao, Chunqing (2013), "The Longshan culture in central Henan province, c.2600–1900 BC", in Underhill, Anne P., A Companion to Chinese Archaeology, John Wiley & Sons, p. 250, ISBN 978-1-4443-3529-3
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134. ↑ Flad, R. (2008). Divination and Power: a Multiregional View of the Development of Oracle Bone Divination in Early China. Current Anthropology 49. pp. 403–437.
135. ↑ "Zhongguo shiqian shidai de guiling yu quansheng". Zhongguo kaoguxue yanjiu bianweihui. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe. 1986. p. 57-63.
136. ↑ Liu, Li (2005). The Chinese Neolithic: Trajectories to Early States. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-81184-2.
137. ↑ Sit, Victor F. S. (2021). "Xia Dynasty: Civilisation in the Early Bronze Age". Chinese History and Civilization: An Urban Perspective. p. 68.
138. ↑ Shanhaijing, "Classics of the Great Wastelands: West" 50 quote: "按：夏后開即啟，避漢景帝諱云。" rough translation: "Sidenote: Xia Sovereign Kai is Qi; [so called] to avoid voicing out the name of Emperor Jing of Han."
139. ↑ Shanhaijing, "Classics of the Regions Beyond the Seas: West" 4: "大樂之野，夏后啟於此儛九代；乘兩龍，雲蓋三層。左手操翳，右手操環，佩玉璜。在大運山北。一曰大遺之野。
140. ↑ Shanhaijing, "Classics of the Great Wastelands: West" 45 "西南海之外，赤水之南，流沙之西，有人珥兩青蛇，乘兩龍，名曰夏后開。開上三嬪于天，得九辯與九歌以下。此天穆之野，高二千仞，開焉得始歌九招。".
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146. ↑ Dong Zuobin (1949). "Yinlipu". Zhongyangyanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo zhuankan. Chongqing: Zhongyangyanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo.
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148. ↑ Li Xueqin; Peng Yushang (1996). Yinxu jiagu fenqi yanjiu. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe.
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150. ↑ Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1981). "Recent approaches to oracle-bone periodization". Early China 8: 1-13.
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156. ↑ Shi (1992).
157. ↑ Wang Hui (2003). Guwenzi yu Shang Zhou zhi xinzheng. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe. p. 274-306.
158. ↑ Fung, Yiu-ming (2008), "Problematizing Contemporary Confucianism in East Asia", in Richey, Jeffrey, Teaching Confucianism, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0198042563, https://books.google.com/books?id=w8vSE2lN0H4C
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* Harari, Yuval Noah (2015). Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind. London: Penguin Random House UK. ISBN 978-0-09-959008-8. OCLC 910498369.
* Taskin, V.S. (1992). "Materials on history of nomadic tribes in China 3rd-5th cc". "Science", Moscow: 10. ISBN 5-02-016746-0.
* Xu, Yahui (許雅惠 Hsu Ya-huei) (2002). Ancient Chinese Writing, Oracle Bone Inscriptions from the Ruins of Yin. English translation by Mark Caltonhill and Jeff Moser. Taipei: National Palace Museum. ISBN 978-957-562-420-0.
* Chou, Hung-hsiang (周鴻翔) (1976). Oracle Bone Collections in the United States. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-09534-0.
* Raven, James (2020). The Oxford Illustrated History of the Book (Illustrated ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198702986.
* Qiu, Xigui (2000). Chinese Writing. The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley. ISBN 1-55729-071-7.
* Stark, Rodney (2007). Discovering God: The Origins of the Great Religions and the Evolution of Belief (1st ed.). New York: HarperOne. pp. 252. ISBN 978-0-06-117389-9.
* Sawyer, Ralph D.; Sawyer, Mei-chün Lee (1994). Sun Tzu's The Art of War. New York: Barnes and Noble. ISBN 978-1-56619-297-2.
* Schwartz, Adam C. (2020). The Oracle Bone Inscriptions from Huayuanzhuang East. De Gruyter. ISBN 9781501505331. https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/23217.
* Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006), East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, ISBN 978-0-618-13384-0, https://archive.org/details/eastasiacultural00ebre_0.
* Lee, Yun Kuen (2002), "Building the chronology of early Chinese history", Asian Perspectives 41 (1): 15–42, doi:10.1353/asi.2002.0006.
* Pankenier, David W. (1981–1982). "Astronomical Dates in Shang and Western Zhou". Early China 7: 2–37. doi:10.1017/S0362502800005599. http://www.lehigh.edu/~dwp0/Assets/images/astronomicaldates.pdf.
* Zhang, Hong; Hriskos, Constantine (June 2003). "Contemporary Chinese Shamanism:The Reinvention of Tradition". Cultural Survival Quarterly Magazine 27 (2). https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/contemporary-chinese-shamanismthe-reinvention-tradition.
* Bagley, Robert (1999). "Shang archaeology". in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L.. The Cambridge History of Ancient China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8. https://books.google.com.vn/books?id=cHA7Ey0-pbEC&redir_esc=y.

## Further reading

* Allan, Sarah (1991), The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art, and Cosmos in Early China, State University of New York Press, ISBN 978-0-7914-0459-1.
* Chen, Mengjia (1936). Guwenzi zhong zhi Shang Zhou jisi. .
* Shelach, Gideon (1996). "The Qiang and the Question of Human Sacrifice in the Late Shang Period". Asian Perspectives (1). https://www.academia.edu/9910273/_The_Qiang_and_the_Question_of_Human_Sacrifice_in_the_Late_Shang_Period_Asian_Perspectives_35_1996_1_26.
* Huang, Zhanyue (1990). Zhongguo gudai de rensheng renxun. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe.
* Keightley, David N. (1978). "The religious commitment: Shang theology and the genesis of Chinese political culture". History of Religion 17 (3-4). .
* Ken-ichi, Takashima (1980). "The early archaic chinese word "yu" in the Shang oracle-bone inscriptions : word-family, etymology, grammar, semantics and sacrifice". Cahiers de linguistique-Asie orientale (1). https://www.academia.edu/10136904/The_early_archaic_chinese_word_yu_in_the_Shang_oracle_bone_inscriptions_word_family_etymology_grammar_semantics_and_sacrifice. .
* Michael, Thomas (2015). "Shamanism Theory and the Early Chinese "Wu"". Journal of the American Academy of Religion 83 (3). https://www.academia.edu/26499259/Shamanism_Theory_and_the_Early_Chinese_Wu. .
* Wang, Tao (2007). "Shang ritual animals: Colour and Meaning". Bulletin of SOAS 70 (2). .

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*[c.]: circa