Anton Webern

Austrian composer and conductor (1883–1945)

Anton Webern

Webern in Stettin, October 1912

Born| 3 December 1883

Vienna, Austria-Hungary

Died| 15 September 1945(1945-09-15) (aged 61)

Mittersill, Allied-occupied Austria

Occupations|

* Composer
* conductor

Works| List of compositions
Signature

Anton Webern[a] (German: [ˈantoːn ˈveːbɐn] ⓘ; 3 December 1883 – 15 September 1945) was an Austrian composer, conductor, and musicologist. His music was among the most radical of its milieu in its lyrical, poetic concision and use of then novel atonal and twelve-tone techniques. His approach was typically rigorous, inspired by his studies of the Franco-Flemish School under Guido Adler and by Arnold Schoenberg's emphasis on structure in teaching composition from the music of Johann Sebastian Bach, the First Viennese School, and Johannes Brahms. Webern, Schoenberg, and their colleague Alban Berg were at the core of what became known as the Second Viennese School.

Webern was arguably the first and certainly the last of the three to write music in an aphoristic and expressionist style, reflecting his instincts and the idiosyncrasy of his compositional process. He treated themes of love, loss, nature, and spirituality, working from his experiences. Unhappily peripatetic and typically assigned light music or operetta in his early conducting career, he aspired to conduct what was seen as more respectable, serious music at home in Vienna. Following Schoenberg's guidance, Webern attempted to write music of greater length during and after World War I, relying on the structural support of texts in many Lieder.

He rose as a choirmaster and conductor in Red Vienna and championed the music of Gustav Mahler. With Schoenberg based in Berlin, Webern began writing music of increasing confidence, independence, and scale using twelve-tone technique. He maintained his "path to the new music" while marginalized as a "cultural Bolshevist" in Fascist Austria and Nazi Germany, enjoying mostly international recognition and relying more on teaching[b] for income. Struggling to reconcile his loyalties to his divided friends and family, he opposed fascist cultural policy but maintained ambivalent optimism as to the future under Nazi rule. He repeatedly considered emigrating as his hopes proved wrong, wearing on him.

A soldier shot Webern dead by accident shortly after World War II in Mittersill. His music was then celebrated by composers who took it as a point of departure in a phenomenon known as post-Webernism, closely linking his legacy to serialism. Musicians and scholars like Pierre Boulez, Robert Craft, and Hans and Rosaleen Moldenhauer studied and organized performances of his music, establishing it as modernist repertoire. Broader understanding of his expressive agenda, performance practice, and complex sociocultural and political contexts lagged. An historical edition of his music is underway.

## Biography

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### 1883–1908: Upbringing between late Imperial Vienna and countryside

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* (left) A brick barn in a field of wildflowers on the Preglhof estate[16]
* (right) Pfarrkirche Schwabegg [de] and southern foothills across from a snowy field

#### Bucolic Heimat

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Webern was born in Vienna, Austria-Hungary. He was the only surviving son of Carl von Webern, a descendant of minor nobility [de], high-ranking civil servant, mining engineer,[17] and owner of the Lamprechtsberg copper mine in the Koralpe. Much of Webern's early youth was in Graz (1890–1894) and Klagenfurt (1894–1902), though his father's work briefly took the family to Olomouc and back to Vienna.[18]

His mother Amalie (née Geer) was a pianist and accomplished singer. She taught Webern piano and sang opera with him. He received first drums, then a trumpet, and later a violin as Christmas gifts. With his sisters Rosa and Maria, Webern danced to music and ice-skated the Lendkanal [de] to the Wörthersee. Edwin Komauer taught him cello, and the family played chamber music, including that of Mozart, Schubert, and Beethoven.[19] Webern learned to play Bach's cello suites[20] and may have studied Bach's polyphony under Komauer.[21]

The extended Webern family spent summers,[c] holidays, and vacations at their country estate, the Preglhof. The children played outside in the forest and on a high meadow with pasture grazed by herded cattle and with a church-and-mountain view; they bathed in a pond (where Webern once saved Rosa from drowning). He drove horses to Bleiburg and fought a wildfire encroaching on the estate.[19] These experiences and reading Peter Rosegger's Heimatkunst [de] shaped Webern's distinct and lasting sense of Heimat.[22]

#### University

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After a trip to Bayreuth,[23] Webern studied musicology at the University of Vienna (1902–1906) with Guido Adler, a friend of Mahler, composition student of Bruckner,[d] and devoted Wagnerian who had been in contact with both Wagner and Liszt.[24][e] He quickly joined the Wagner Society, meeting popular conductors and musicians.[25] Egon Wellesz recalled he and Webern analyzed Beethoven's late quartets at the piano in Adler's seminars.[f] Webern learned the historical development of musical styles and techniques, editing the second volume of Heinrich Isaac's Choralis Constantinus as his doctoral thesis.[g] Hans and Rosaleen Moldenhauer noted Webern's scholarly engagement with Isaac's music as a formative experience for Webern the composer. Webern especially praised Isaac's voice leading or "subtle organization in the interplay of parts":

> The voices proceed ... in ... equality ... . Each ... has its own development and is a ... self-contained ... structural unit ... . ... Isaac uses ... canonic devices in ... profusion ... . ... Added ... is the keenest observation of tone colourings in ... registers of the human voice. This is partly the cause of ... interlacing of voices and ... their movement by leaps.[28]

Webern studied art history and philosophy under professors Max Dvořák, Laurenz Müllner [de], and Franz Wickhoff,[29] joining the Albrecht Dürer Gesellschaft[h] in 1903.[23] His cousin Ernst Diez [de], an art historian studying in Graz, may have led him to the work of Arnold Böcklin and Giovanni Segantini, which he admired along with that of Ferdinand Hodler and Moritz von Schwind.[30] Webern idolized Segantini's landscapes on a par with Beethoven's music, diarying in 1904:

Spring Pastures, 1896, by Giovanni Segantini

> I long for an artist in music such as Segantini was in painting. ... [F]ar away from all turmoil of the world, in contemplation of the glaciers, of eternal ice and snow, of ... mountain giants. ... [A]n alpine storm, ... the radiance of the summer sun on flower-covered meadows—all these ... in the music, ... of alpine solitude. That man would ... be the Beethoven of our day.[31]

Webern also studied nationalism and Catholic liturgy,[25] shaped by his mostly provincial Catholic upbringing, which provided little exposure to the relatively cosmopolitan people of Vienna.[32] At the time, antisemitism was resurgent in Austria, fueled by Catholic resentment after Jewish emancipation in the 1867 December Constitution.[33] Webern first viewed his Jewish peers as ostentatious and unfriendly, but his attitude shifted by 1902.[34] He quickly and durably made many close friends, most of them Jewish; Kathryn Bailey Puffett wrote that this likely shaped his views.[35]

#### Schoenberg and his circle

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In 1904, Webern approached Hans Pfitzner for composition lessons but left angrily when Pfitzner criticized Mahler and Richard Strauss.[36] Adler admired Schoenberg's work and may have[i] sent Webern to him for composition lessons.[38] Thus Webern met Berg, another Schoenberg pupil, and Schoenberg's brother-in-law Alexander Zemlinsky, through whom Webern may have worked as an assistant coach at the Volksoper in Vienna (1906–1909).[39] Schoenberg, Berg, and Webern became devoted, lifelong friends with similar musical trajectories.[40] Adler, Heinrich Jalowetz, and Webern played Schoenberg's quartets under the composer, accompanying Marie Gutheil-Schoder in rehearsals for Op. 10.[41]

Also through Schoenberg, who painted and had a 1910 solo exhibition at Hugo Heller [de]'s bookstore, Webern met Gustav Klimt, Oskar Kokoschka, Max Oppenheimer (with whom he corresponded on ich–Du terms), Egon Schiele, and Emil Stumpp.[42] In 1920, Webern wrote Berg about the "indescribable impression" Klimt's work made on him, "that of a luminous, tender, heavenly realm".[43][j] He also met Karl Kraus, whose lyrics he later set, but only to completion in Op. 13/i.[45]

### 1908–1918: Early adulthood in Austria-Hungary and German Empire

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#### Marriage

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Webern married Wilhelmine "Minna" Mörtl in a 1911 civil ceremony in Danzig. She had become pregnant in 1910 and feared disapproval, as they were cousins. Thus the Catholic Church only solemnized their lasting union in 1915, after three children.[46]

They met in 1902,[47] later hiking along the Kamp from Rosenburg-Mold to Allentsteig in 1905. He wooed her with John Ruskin essays (in German translation), dedicating his Langsamer Satz to her. Webern diaried about their time together "with obvious literary aspirations":

> We wandered ... The forest symphony resounded. ... A walk in the moonlight on flowery meadows—Then the night—"what the night gave to me, will long make me tremble."—Two souls had wed.[k]

Photograph of Webern (1912)

#### Early conducting career

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Webern conducted and coached singers and choirs mostly in operetta, musical theater, light music, and some opera in his early career. Operetta was in its Viennese Silver Age.[49] Much of this music was regarded as low-[50] or middlebrow; Kraus, Theodor Adorno, and Ernst Krenek found it "uppity" in its pretensions.[51][l] In 1924 Ernst Décsey recalled he once found operetta, with its "old laziness and unbearable musical blandness", beneath him.[53] J. P. Hodin contextualized the opposition of the "youthful intelligentsia" to operetta with a quote from Hermann Bahr's 1907 essay Wien:[54]

> everyone knows ... it is always Sunday in Vienna ... one lives in a world of half-poetry which is very dangerous for the real thing. They can recognize a few waltzes by Lanner and Strauss ... a few Viennese songs ... It is a well-known fact that Vienna has the finest cakes ... and the most cheerful, friendly people. ... But those who are condemned to live here cannot understand all this.

"What benefit ... if all operettas ... were destroyed", Webern told Diez in 1908.[55] But in 1912, he told Berg that Zeller's Vogelhändler was "quite nice" and Schoenberg that J. Strauss II's Nacht in Venedig was "such fine, delicate music. I now believe ... Strauss is a master."[56] A summer 1908 engagement with Bad Ischl's Kurorchester [de] was "hell".[55] Webern walked out on an engagement in Innsbruck (1909), writing in distress to Schoenberg:

> a young good-for-nothing ... my 'superior!' ... what do I have to do with such a theatre? ... do I have to perform all this filth?[57][m]

Webern wrote Zemlinsky seeking work at the Berlin or Vienna Volksoper instead.[59][n] He started at Bad Teplitz's Civic Theater in early 1910, where the local news reported his "sensitive, devoted guidance" as conductor of Fall's Geschiedene Frau, but he quit within months due to disagreements.[61] His repertoire likely included Fall's Dollarprinzessin, Lehár's Graf von Luxemburg, O. Straus's Walzertraum, J. Strauss II's Fledermaus, and Schumann's Manfred.[62] There were only 22 musicians in the orchestra, too few to perform Puccini's operas, he noted.[62]

Webern then summered at the Preglhof, composing his Op. 7 and planning an opera.[63] In September, he attended the Munich premiere of Mahler's Symphony of a Thousand and visited with his idol,[o] who gave Webern a sketch of "Lob der Kritik".[p] Webern then worked with Jalowetz as assistant conductor in Danzig (1910–1911), where he first saw the "almost frightening" ocean.[66] He conducted von Flotow's Wintermärchen, George's Försterchristl, Jones' Geisha, Lehár's Lustige Witwe, Lortzing's Waffenschmied, Offenbach's Belle Hélène, and J. Strauss II's Zigeunerbaron.[67] He particularly enjoyed Offenbach's Contes d'Hoffmann and Rossini's Barbiere di Siviglia, but only Jalowetz was allowed to conduct this more established repertoire.[68]

Webern soon expressed homesickness to Berg; he could not bear the separation from Schoenberg and their world in Vienna.[69] He returned after resigning in spring 1911, and the three were pallbearers at Mahler's funeral in May 1911.[70] Then in summer 1911, a neighbor's antisemitic abuse and aggression caused Schoenberg to quit work, abandon Vienna, and go with his family to stay with Zemlinsky on the Starnbergersee.[71] Webern and others fundraised for Schoenberg's return, circulating more than one hundred leaflets with forty-eight signatories, including G. Adler, H. Bahr, Klimt, Kraus, and R. Strauss, among others.[72][q] But Schoenberg was resolved to move to Berlin, and not for the first or last time, convinced of Vienna's fundamental hostility.[74]

Webern soon joined him (1910–1912), finishing no new music in his devoted work on Schoenberg's behalf, which entailed many editing and writing projects.[75] He gradually became tired, unhappy, and homesick.[75] He tried to persuade Schoenberg to return home to Vienna, continuing the fundraising campaign and lobbying for a position there for Schoenberg, but Schoenberg could not bear to return to the Akademie für Musik und darstellende Kunst due to his prior experiences in Vienna.[76] At the same time, Webern began a cycle of repeatedly quitting and being taken back by Zemlinsky at the Deutsches Landestheater Prague (1911–1918).[77]

He had a short-lived conducting post in Stettin (1912–1913), which, as all the others, kept him from composing and alienated him.[78] On the verge of a breakdown, he wrote Berg shortly after arriving (Jul. 1912):[79]

> I find myself under the dregs of mankind ... with ... absurd music; I'm ... seriously ill. My nerves torture me ... . I want to be far away ... . In the mountains. There everything is clear, the water, the air, the earth. Here everything is dismal. I'm poisoned by drinking the water.

#### "Old song" of "lost paradise"

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Webern's father sold the Preglhof in 1912, and Webern mourned it as a "lost paradise".[80] He revisited it and the family grave in nearby Schwabegg his entire life, associating these places with the memory of his mother, whose 1906 loss profoundly affected him.[81] In July 1912, he confided in Schoenberg:

* (left) Schloss Preglhof, Webern's childhood home, in Oberdorf
* (right) Webern family grave at the cemetery in Schwabegg, on a meander spur of the Drava

> I am overwhelmed with emotion when I imagine everything ... . My daily way to the grave of my mother. The infinite mildness of the entire countryside, all the thousand things there. Now everything is over. ... If only you could ... have seen ... . The seclusion, the quiet, the house, the forests, the garden, and the cemetery. About this time, I had always composed diligently.[82]

Shortly after the anniversary of his mother's death, he wrote Schoenberg in September 1912:[82]

> When I read letters from my mother, I could die of longing for the places where all these things have occurred. How far back and ... beautiful. ... Often a ... soft ... radiance, a supernatural warmth falls upon me— ... from my mother.[82]

For Christmas in 1912, Webern gifted Schoenberg Rosegger's Waldheimat [de] (Forest Homeland[83]), from which Julian Johnson highlighted:

> Childhood days and childhood home!
> It is that old song of Paradise. There are people for whom ... Paradise is never lost ... in them God's kingdom ... rises ... more ... in ... memory than ... ever ... in reality; ... children are poets and retrace their steps.[84]

Rosegger's account of his mother's death at the book's end ("An meine Mutter") resonated with Webern, who connected it to his Op. 6 orchestral pieces.[85] In a January 1913 letter to Schoenberg, Webern revealed that these pieces were a kind of program music, each reflecting details and emotions tied to his mother's death.[85] He had written Berg in July 1912, "my compositions ... relate to the death of my mother", specifying in addition the "Passacaglia, [String] Quartet, most [early] songs, ... second Quartet, ... second [orchestral pieces, Op. 10] (with some exceptions)".[86][r]

Johnson contended that Webern understood his cultural origins with a maternal view of nature and Heimat, which became central themes in his music and thought.[88] He noted that Webern's deeply personal idea of a maternal homeland—built from memories of pilgrimages to his mother's grave, the "mild", "lost paradise" of home, and the "warmth" of her memory—reflected his sense of loss and his yearning for return.[89] Drawing loosely on V. Kofi Agawu's semiotic approach to classical music, specifically his idea of musical topics, Johnson held that all of Webern's music, though rarely directly representational, was enriched by its associative references and more specific musical and extra-musical meanings.[90] In this he claimed to echo Craft, Jalowetz, Krenek, the Moldenhauers, and Webern himself.[91]

Mürzzuschlag, 1908 postcard photograph

In particular, Webern associated nature with his personal (often youthful and spiritual) experiences, forming a topical nexus that recurred in his diaries, letters, and music, sometimes explicitly in sketches and set texts. He frequented the surrounding mountains, summering in resort towns like Mürzzuschlag and backpacking (sometimes summiting) the Gaisstein, Grossglockner, Hochschober, Hochschwab, and Schneealpe (among others) throughout his life. The alpine climate and föhn, glaciers, pine trees, and springs "crystal clear down to the bottom" fascinated him. He treasured this time "up there, in the heights", where "one should stay".[92]

He collected and organized "mysterious" alpine herbs and cemetery flowers in pressed albums, and he tended gardens at his father's home in Klagenfurt and later at his own homes in the Mödling District (first in Mödling, then in Maria Enzersdorf).[93] Karl Amadeus Hartmann remembered that Webern gardened "as a devotion" to Goethe's Metamorphosis of Plants, and Johnson drew a parallel between Webern's gardening and composing, emphasizing his connection to nature and his structured, methodical approach in both pursuits.[94] Johnson noted that gardens and cemeteries are alike in being cultivated, closed spaces of rebirth and quiet reflection.[95]

These habits and preoccupations endured in Webern's life and œuvre.[88] In 1933, Joseph Hueber recalled Webern stopped in a fragrant meadow, dug his hands into the soil, and breathed in the flowers and grass before rising to ask: "Do you sense 'Him' ... as strongly as I, 'Him, Pan'?"[96] In 1934, Webern's lyricist and collaborator Hildegard Jone described his work as "filled ... with the endless love and delicacy of the memory of ... childhood". Webern told her, "through my work, all that is past becomes like a childhood".[97]

#### Psychotherapy

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In 1912–1913, Webern had a breakdown and saw Alfred Adler, who noted his idealism and perfectionism.[98] There were many factors involved.[99] Webern had little time (mostly summers) to compose.[100] There were conflicts at work (e.g., he emphasized that a director called him a "little man").[101] His ambivalence toward sales-oriented popular music theater contributed ("I ... stir the sauce", he wrote).[101] "It appears ... improbable that I should remain with the theatre. It is ... terrible. ... I can hardly ... adjust to being away from home", he had written Schoenberg in 1910.[102] Miserably ill and alienated, he first had sought medical advice and taken rest at a sanatorium in Semmering [de].[103] Adler later evaluated his symptoms as psychogenic responses to unmet expectations.[98] Webern wrote Schoenberg that Adler's psychoanalysis was helpful and insightful.[98]

#### World War I

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As World War I broke out and nationalist fervor swept Europe, Webern found it "inconceivable", he wrote Schoenberg in August 1914, "that the German Reich, and we along with it, should perish."[104] Yielding in his distrust of Protestant Germany, he compared Catholic France to "cannibals" and expressed pan-German patriotism amid wartime propaganda.[105] He cited his "faith in the German spirit" as having "created, almost exclusively, the culture of mankind".[106] Despite his high regard of French classical music, especially Debussy's, Webern revered the tradition as centered on counterpoint and form, and as mainly German since Bach.[107]

Webern served intermittently for nearly two years.[108] The war cost him professional opportunities, much of his social life, and the necessary leisure time to compose (he completed only nine Lieder).[108] Moving frequently and tiring,[109] he began to despair, explaining to Schoenberg in November 1916 that the reality of war was "Old Testament" and "'Eye for eye'", "as if Christ had never existed".[110] Webern was discharged in December 1916 for myopia, which had disqualified him from frontline service.[111]

His 1917 Lieder show that he reflected on his patriotism and processed his sorrow.[112] He treated the loss of life and, with the 1916 death of Franz Joseph I of Austria, the end of an era.[113] In "Fahr hin, o Seel'", he selected a lament sung at a funeral in a Rosegger novel.[113] In "Wiese im Park", he selected a text from Kraus recognizing that the day was "dead", "und alles ... so alt"[113] ("and everything ... so old"). Webern also set several disturbing poems of Georg Trakl, not all of which he could finish.[114] With uninterrupted contrapuntal density, by turns muscular and murmured, he word painted Trakl's "great cities" and "dying peoples", "leafless trees", "violent alarm", and "falling stars" in "Abendland III".[112]

#### Austrian defeat and socioeconomic strain

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During and after the end of the war, Webern, like other Austrians, contended with food shortages, insufficient heating, socioeconomic volatility, and geopolitical disaster in defeat.[115] He had considered retreating to the countryside and purchasing a farm since 1917, specifically as an asset better than war bonds at shielding his family's wealth from inflation.[116] (In the end, he lost all that remained of his family's wealth to hyperinflation by 1924.)[115] He proposed to Schoenberg that they might be smallholders together.[116]

Despite Schoenberg's and his father's advice that he not quit conducting, Webern followed to Schoenberg to Mödling in early 1918, hoping to be reunited with his mentor and to compose more.[117] But Webern's finances were so poor that he soon explored a "voluntary exile" to Prague again.[116] Nonetheless, he continued to raise funds, including his own, for Schoenberg,[116] with whom he spent every day.[118]

Yet soon after he arrived, Webern broke his friendship with Schoenberg.[119][s] The break was multifactorial[123] but involved Webern's dissatisfaction with his career[124] and financial turmoil.[125] Berg learned of the Weberns' ill temperaments and "latent antisemitism" from Schoenberg,[126][t] and noted that Schoenberg "wouldn't explain" further than "'Webern wants to go to Prague again'".[118] Bailey Puffett argued that Webern's actions in and after the 1930s suggested that he was not antisemitic, at least in his maturity.[131] She noted that Webern later wrote Schoenberg that he felt "a sense of the most vehement aversion" against German-speaking people who were.[132]

After meeting with Webern, Berg saw "the matter in a different light", considering Webern "by and large innocent" in light of what Webern said was Schoenberg's "kick in the teeth": after laying plans for a New Music society, Schoenberg angrily called Webern "secretive and deceitful" upon learning that Webern was instead considering Prague again.[133] They reconciled in October 1918, not long before Webern's father died in 1919.[134] Webern was changed by these events; he slowly began to grow more independent of Schoenberg, who was like a father to him.[135] For his part, Schoenberg was not infrequently dubious of Webern, who he still considered his closest friend.[136][u]

### 1918–1933: Rise in Rotes Wien (Interwar Vienna)

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#### Society for Private Musical Performances

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Webern stayed in Vienna and worked with Berg, Schoenberg, and Erwin Stein at the Society for Private Musical Performances (1918–1921), promoting new music through performances and contests. Music included that of Bartók, Berg, Busoni, Debussy,[v] Korngold, Mahler, Novák, Ravel, Reger, Satie, Strauss, Stravinsky, and Webern himself. Webern wrote Berg about Stravinsky's "indescribably touching" Berceuses du chat and "glorious" Pribaoutki, which Schoenberg conducted at a sold-out 1919 Society concert.[138] There was perhaps some shared influence among Schoenberg, Stravinsky, and Webern at this time.[139] The Society dissolved amid hyperinflation in 1921, having boasted some 320 members and sponsored more than a hundred concerts.[121]

#### Mature conducting career

[edit]

Webern, 1927, portrait by Georg Fayer

Webern obtained work as music director of the Wiener Schubertbund 1921, having made an excellent impression as the vocal coach Schoenberg recommended for their 1920 performance of Gurre-Lieder.[140] They nearly abandoned this project before Webern stepped in.[140] He led them in performances of Brahms, Mahler, Reger, and Schumann, among others.[140] But low salary, mandatory touring, and challenges to Webern's thorough rehearsals prompted him to resign in 1922.[140] He was also chorusmaster of the Mödling Männergesangverein[w] (1922–1926) until he resigned in controversy over hiring a Jewish soprano, Greta Wilheim, as a stand-in soloist for Schubert's Mirjams Siegesgesang.[141]

From 1922, Webern led the mixed-voice amateur Singverein der Sozialdemokratischen Kunstelle[x] and Arbeiter-Sinfonie-Konzerte[y] through David Josef Bach, Director of the Sozialdemokratische Kunststelle.[142][z] Webern won DJ Bach's confidence with a 1922 performance of Mahler's Symphony No. 3 that established his reputation, prompting Berg to praise him as "the greatest conductor since Mahler himself".[143][aa] Webern's Mahler interpretations continued to be widely celebrated.[145][ab] From 1927, RAVAG aired twenty-two of Webern's performances.[150]

He premiered Berg's Chamber Concerto with soloists Rudolf Kolisch and Eduard Steuermann in 1927[151] and led Stravinsky's Les Noces with Erich Leinsdorf among the pianists in 1933.[152][153][ac] Armand Machabey noted Webern's regional reputation as a conductor of "haute valeur"[ad] for his meticulous approach to then contemporary music, comparing him to Willem Mengelberg in Le Ménestrel (1930).[161] Some on the left, notably Oscar Pollak [de] in Der Kampf (1929), criticized Webern's programming as more ambitious and bourgeois than popular and proletarian.[162] And Webern seemed uneasy in his dependence on the Social Democrats for conducting work, perhaps on religious grounds, Krenek speculated.[163] Walter Kolneder wrote that "Artistic work for and with workers was [from] a ... Christian standpoint which Webern took very seriously".[164]

#### Relative success in a destabilizing society

[edit]

Webern's finances were often precarious, even in his years of relative success. Relief came from family, friends, patrons, and prizes.[165] He twice received the Preis der Stadt Wien für Musik [de].[ae] To compose more, he sought income while trying not to overcommit himself as a conductor.[169] He contracted with Universal Edition only after 1919, reaching better terms in 1927,[170] and he was not very ambitious or astute in business.[171] Even with a doctorate and Guido Adler's respect, he never secured a remunerative university position, whereas in 1925 Schoenberg was invited to the Prussian Academy of Arts, ending their seven years together in Mödling.[27]

Social Democrat–Christian Social relations polarized and radicalized amid the Schattendorfer Urteil [de].[172] Webern and others[af] signed an "Announcement of Intellectual Vienna"[ag] published on the front page of the Social Democrats' daily Arbeiter-Zeitung[ah] days before the 1927 Austrian legislative election.[173] On Election Day in Die Reichspost [de], Ignaz Seipel of the Einheitsliste [de] officially applied the term "Red Vienna" pejoratively, attacking Vienna's educational and cultural institutions.[174] Social unrest escalated to the July Revolt of 1927 and beyond.[174] Webern's nostalgia for social order intensified with increasing civil disorder.[175] In 1928 friends fundraised for him, partly to fund a rest cure at the Kurhaus Semmering for his exhaustion and (possibly psychosomatic) gastrointestinal complaints.[ai]

In 1928, Berg celebrated the "lasting works" and successes of composers "whose point of departure was ... late Mahler, Reger, and Debussy and whose temporary end point is in ... Schoenberg" in their rise from "pitiful 'cliques'" to a large, diverse, international, and "irresistible movement".[177] But they were soon marginalized and ostracized in Central Europe with few exceptions,[178][aj] and in 1929 Webern wrote Schoenberg that "it is getting worse and worse here".[180] He declined a RAVAG executive role, citing time constraints and fearing further affiliation with the Social Democrats.[181][ak]

Webern's music was performed and publicized more widely starting in the latter half of the 1920s.[183] Yet he found no great success as Berg enjoyed with Wozzeck[184] nor as Schoenberg did, to a lesser extent, with Pierrot lunaire or in time with Verklärte Nacht. His Symphony, Op. 21, was performed as a chamber piece in New York by the League of Composers (1929) and separately in London at the 1931 International Society for Contemporary Music (ISCM) Festival. Louis Krasner sensed some resentment, noting that Webern had "very little".[185] Krenek's impression was that Webern resented his financial hardships and lack of wider recognition.[163]

### 1933–1938: Perseverance in Schwarzes Wien (Austrofascist Vienna)

[edit]

#### Marginalization at home

[edit]

Financial crises, complex social and political movements, pervasive antisemitism, culture wars, and renewed military conflicts[al] continued to shape Webern's world, profoundly circumscribing his life.[186] Shortly after Webern conducted the Brecht–Eisler Solidaritätslied in 1933, Engelbert Dollfuss saw the Kriegswirtschaftliches Ermächtigungsgesetz [de] passed, and choir singers' homes were raided.[187] In the 1934 Austrian Civil War, Austrofascists[am] executed, exiled, and imprisoned Social Democrats, outlawed their party, and abolished cultural institutions.[189]

Stigmatized by his decade-long association with Social Democrats, Webern lost a promising domestic conducting career, which might have been better recorded.[190] He eventually abandoned efforts with what remained of the workers' choir in the form of the much constrained Freie Typographia in 1935,[191] instead working as a UE editor and IGNM-Sektion Österreich [de] board member and president (1933–1938, 1945).[192]

Amid wars and crises, antisemitism had grown to epidemic proportions by the late 1920s.[193] Vienna's modern and popular culture, including the music of Webern, Schoenberg, and Berg, was of a typically Jewish milieu.[193] It was derided as Jewish in a pejorative sense, marking it as foreign by contrast to the conservatism and traditionalism of the Austrian countryside.[193] Webern's admission to the Prussian Academy of Arts was withdrawn as Adolf Hitler rose in Germany,[187] and an Austrian Gauleiter named Berg and Webern as Jewish composers on Bayerischer Rundfunk in 1933.[194][an] In the late 1930s, they were exhibited for their "Entartete Musik" in Nazi Germany[199][ao] and then at the Vienna Künstlerhaus in Nazi Austria.[201]

Webern delivered an eight-lecture series Der Weg zur Neuen Musik[ap] at Rita Kurzmann-Leuchter [de]'s and her physician husband Rudolf Kurzman's home (Feb.–Apr. 1933).[203] He attacked fascist cultural policy, asking "What will come of our struggle?" He observed that "'cultural Bolshevism' is the name given to everything that is going on around Schoenberg, Berg, and myself (Krenek too)"[aq] and warned, "Imagine what will be destroyed, wiped out, by this hate of culture!"[205] He lectured more at the Kurzmann-Leuchter home, privately in 1934–1935 on Beethoven's piano sonatas to about 40 attendees and later in 1937–1938.[206]

Persevering, Webern wrote Krenek that "art has its own laws ... if one wants to achieve something in it, only these laws and nothing else can have validity";[ar] upon completing Op. 26 (1935), he wrote DJ Bach, "I hope it is so good that (if people ever get to know it) they will declare me ready for a concentration camp or an insane asylum!"[208] The Vienna Philharmonic nearly refused to play Berg's Violin Concerto (1936).[as] Peter Stadlen's 1937 Op. 27 premieres were the last Viennese Webern performances until after World War II.[210] The critical success of Hermann Scherchen's 1938 ISCM London Op. 26 premiere encouraged Webern to write more cantatas and reassured him after a cellist quit Op. 20 mid-performance, declaring it unplayable.[211]

#### Besieged milieu and political uncertainty

[edit]

Webern's milieu comprised increasingly vast differences.[212] Like most Austrians, he and his family were Catholic, though not church regulars; Webern was perhaps devout if unorthodox.[213] They became politically divided.[at] His friends (e.g., then Zionist Schoenberg,[au] left-leaning Berg[av]) were of a mostly Jewish milieu from late Imperial to "red" (Social Democratic) Vienna.[221] Alma Mahler, Krenek, Willi Reich [de], and Stein preferred or supported the "lesser evil"[aw] of the Austrofascists (or aligned Italian fascists) vis-à-vis the Nazis.[223] Presuming power would moderate Hitler, Webern mediated among friends with an optimistic or self-soothing complacency, exasperating those who were at risk.[224]

Webern found himself surrounded mostly by one side as Schoenberg immigrated to the US (1933), Rudolf Ploderer died by suicide (1933),[ax] Berg died (1935), and DJ Bach, among others (e.g., Greissle, Jalowetz, Krenek, Reich, Steuermann, Wellesz), fled or worse.[226] Webern immediately considered following Schoenberg to the US, which Schoenberg discouraged despite seeking opportunities there for Webern.[227] Schoenberg knew that Webern was deeply attached to home, and he told Webern that conditions in the US were poor, mentioning the ongoing Great Depression.[228]

Webern's views of National Socialism have been variously described.[ay] His published items[az] reflected his audience or context.[231] Secondary literature reflected limited evidence or ideological orientations[ba] and admitted uncertainty.[233] Julie Brown noted hesitancy to approach the topic and echoed the Moldenhauers, considering the issue "vexed" and Webern a "political enigma".[234] Bailey Puffett considered Webern's politics "somewhat vague" and his situation "complex", noting that he seemed to avoid definitive political association as a practical strategy.[235] Webern's apparent sympathies with some of the Nazis' program later became a sensation in his reception, but the matter was often oversimplified or decontextualized and rested on limited evidence (mostly letters), Johnson wrote, sometimes with the larger aim of politicizing Webern's music and his musical language.[236]

Krasner and the Moldenhauers surmised Webern's cognitive dissonance, finding him "idealistic and rather naive".[237] In 1943 Kurt List described Webern as "utterly ignorant" and "perpetual[ly] confus[ed]" about politics, "a ready prey to the personal influence of family and friends".[bb] Johnson described him as "personally shy, a man of private feeling and essentially apolitical",[240] and as "prone to identify with Nazi politics as ... other ... Austrians".[241] Webern may have believed that the Nazis shared his own ideals, Johnson wrote, explaining that "it is possible that ... naiveté, ... ignorance and ... adherence to his own beliefs allowed Webern to see in Nazi ideology only ... elements ... he wanted to find".[242]

#### Visiting conducting career

[edit]

Webern conducted nine concerts as a BBC Symphony visiting conductor (1929–1936). A talkie on his first London visit inspired him to ask Steuermann about writing film music, and Steuermann wrote his relatives in the film industry, Salka Viertel and Berthold Viertel, for their suggestions.[243] For the BBC, Webern selected then little-known Mahler (including both nocturnes from the Symphony No. 7 in 1934).[244] He insisted on rehearsing at the piano with vocalists and was criticized for coaching musical phrasing.[244]

In Barcelona, he withdrew from the 1936 world premiere of Berg's Violin Concerto, grief-stricken after Berg's death and overwhelmed by difficulties.[245] There Krasner recalled,

> [Webern] pleaded and exhorted the players to feel the inner expressive content of one, two, or three notes at a time—rehearsing repeatedly a single motif, one bar of music and only finally, a two- or four-bar phrase.

The two then played the concerto in London with BBC musicians, who rehearsed before Webern conducted. Kenneth Anthony Wright noted Webern's "funny little explanations of the varying dynamics and flexibility of tempo", but "every syllable and every gesture of Webern was understood and lovingly heeded", Krasner recalled. The musicians "all admired and respected Webern", according to Sidonie Goossens. But Felix Aprahamian, Benjamin Britten, and Berthold Goldschmidt criticized Webern's conducting, and BBC management did not invite him back after 1936.[245][bc]

### 1938–1939: Inner emigration in Nazi Germany

[edit]

#### Anschluss

[edit]

Krasner's last visit with Webern was interrupted by Kurt Schuschnigg's broadcast speech that the Anschluss was imminent.[246] Krasner had been playing some of Schoenberg's Violin Concerto for Webern and trying to convince him to write a sonata for solo violin.[247] When Webern turned on the radio and heard this speech, he urged Krasner to flee.[248] Because Webern's family included Nazis, Krasner wondered whether Webern had already known that the Anschluss was planned for that day.[249] He also wondered whether Webern's warning had been solely for his safety or whether it had also been to save Webern the embarrassment of the violinist's presence in the event of celebration at the Webern home.[250]

Much of Austria did celebrate.[251] But Webern made only a terse note of the Anschluss in his notebook without registering any clear emotion.[252] In fact, he wrote Jone and her husband Josef Humplik asking not to be disturbed as he was "totally immersed" in work on Op. 28.[253] Thus, Bailey Puffett suggested that Webern may have received Krasner's visit as a distraction.[254]

By now, Hartmut Krones wrote, Webern likely realized his error in anticipating the Nazis' self-moderation.[187] Bailey Puffett proposed that Krasner, with the benefit of hindsight from the perspective of his 1987 account, may have resented Webern for "refusing to see the reality of Hitler's antisemitism", at least until after 1936.[254] That year, Webern had insisted that Krasner and he travel through Nazi Germany to stop at a Munich train station café, where Krasner said "anything untoward was the least likely to happen", in an attempt to demonstrate the lack of danger.[255]

Support for the Anschluss rested on antisemitism, economic prospects,[bd] and the idea of a Greater Germany.[257][be] Under some duress, Theodor Innitzer ushered in Catholic support.[267] The Austrian Nazis and Social Democrats, both outlawed, were linked in opposition to the Austrofascists.[268] Karl Renner supported unification as a matter of self-determination before the years (1933–1938) of Gleichschaltung and Nazi soft power,[bf] and he and others now supported (or accepted as inevitable) the 1938 Anschluss.[270] Otto Bauer, in exile, expressed some acceptance with profound resignation and misgivings, having worked toward Austria's German incorporation since Provisional National Assembly's 1918 vote.[271] Webern had long shared in common pan-German sentiments, especially during wartime.[272] He also likely hoped to conduct again, securing a firmer future for his family under a new regime proclaiming itself "socialist" no less than nationalist.[273] According to what Josef Polnauer, a fellow early Schoenberg pupil, historian, and librarian, told the Moldenhauers, Webern's optimism was not dispelled until 1941.[274]

Krasner emphasized Webern's "naiveté" but acknowledged that he himself had been "foolhardy" as to the danger of antisemitism, recalling "read[ing] in the papers ... denials" and "want[ing] to see for myself" in 1938.[275][bg] Consensus had emerged on the center, left, and in some mainstream Jewish organizations that antisemitism was only a means to political power since its 1890s definition as the "socialism of fools".[277] The Frankfurt School first treated it within the rubric of class conflict (Adorno began to consider it otherwise in his 1939 "Fragments on Wagner"),[278] and Franz Neumann briefly contended that the Nazis would "never allow a complete extermination of the Jews" in his 1942 Behemoth (before revisions in 1944).[277]

#### Kristallnacht and recoil

[edit]

Kristallnacht shocked Webern,[279] who thought that reports of Nazi atrocities were politicized, unreliable propaganda.[280] He visited and aided Jewish colleagues DJ Bach, Otto Jokl [de], Polnauer, and Hugo Winter.[279] For Jokl, a former Berg pupil, Webern wrote a recommendation letter to facilitate emigration. When that failed, Webern served as his godfather in a 1939 baptism.[281] Polnauer, whose emigration Mark Brunswick, Schoenberg, and Webern were unable to secure,[282] managed to survive the Holocaust as an albino; he later edited a 1959 UE publication of Webern's correspondence from this time with Humplik and Jone.[283] Webern moved Humplik's 1929 gift of a Mahler bust to his bedroom,[284] having told Felix Greissle [de] in 1936 or 1937 that Mahler's time would come within a German Kulturnation[285] and DJ Bach that "not all Germans are Nazis".[286]

With "almost all his friends and old pupils ... gone",[287] Webern found himself increasingly alone,[288] and his financial situation was poor. He talked to Polnauer about emigrating but was reluctant to leave home and family.[289] He entered a period of "inward emigration" and focused on composition,[290] writing to artist Franz Rederer in 1939, "We live completely withdrawn. I work a lot."[281] He corresponded extensively to maintain relationships, imploring his student George Robert to play Schoenberg in New York[291] and expressing his loneliness and isolation to Schoenberg.[292] Then war limited postal service,[293] disrupting their direct correspondence completely by 1941.

### 1939–1945: Hope and disillusionment during World War II

[edit]

#### Swiss and Reich prospects

[edit]

Webern's mature music was performed mostly outside the Reich, where only his tonal music and arrangements were allowed as works not in the style of a "Judenknecht". His arrangement of two of Schubert's German Dances was performed in Leipzig and broadcast in the Reich and Fascist Italy (1941).[294] His Passacaglia was considered for a Viennese contemporary music festival in 1942, Karl Böhm or Wilhelm Furtwängler conducting, but this did not happen.[294] Hans Rosbaud likely performed it in occupied Strasbourg that year, and Luigi Dallapiccola sought to have it performed in Venice in 1943.[294] Hans Schmidt-Isserstedt planned Webern's arrangement of the six-voice ricercar from Bach's Musical Offering at the Deutsche Oper Berlin in 1943, but war intervened.[294]

Supported by IGNM-Sektion Basel, the Orchester Musikkollegium Winterthur, and Werner Reinhart, Webern attended three Swiss concerts, his last trips outside the Reich.[295] In 1940, Erich Schmid conducted Op. 1 in Winterthur; soprano Marguerite Gradmann-Lüscher sang Op. 4 and most of Op. 12 (not No. 3) at the Musik-Akademie der Stadt Basel, Schmid accompanying. In Feb. 1943, Scherchen gave the world premiere of Op. 30 at the Winterthur Stadthaus [de]. Webern intimated to Willi Reich that he might immigrate there, joking (Oct. 1939) "Anything of the sort did seem quite out of the question for me!"[296] But Webern failed to find employment, even as a formality, likely due to anti-German sentiment in the context of Swiss neutrality and refugee laws.[297]

In the Reich, he met with former Society violist Othmar Steinbauer about a formal teaching role in Vienna in early 1940, but nothing materialized.[298] He lectured at the homes of Erwin Ratz and Carl Prohaska [de]'s widow Margaret (1940–1942).[299] Many private pupils came to him between 1940 and 1943, even from afar, among them briefly Hartmann.[300] Hartmann, who opposed the Nazis, remembered that Webern counseled him to respect authority, at least publicly, for the sake of order.[268]

#### Wartime hopes and reality

[edit]

Sharing in wartime public sentiment at the height of Hitler's popularity (spring 1940), Webern expressed high hopes, crediting him as "unique" and "singular"[bh] for "the new state for which the seed was laid twenty years ago". These were patriotic letters to Joseph Hueber, an active soldier, baritone, close friend, and mountaineering companion who often sent Webern gifts.[301] Indeed, Hueber had just sent Webern Mein Kampf.[bi]

Unaware of Stefan George's aversion to the Nazis, Webern reread Das neue Reich [de] and marveled suggestively at the wartime leader envisioned therein, but "I am not taking a position!" he wrote active soldier, singer, and onetime Social Democrat, Hans Humpelstetter.[303] For Johnson, "Webern's own image of a neue Reich was never of this world; if his politics were ultimately complicitous it was largely because his utopian apoliticism played so easily into ... the status quo."[304]

By Aug. 1940, Webern depended financially on his children.[305] He sought wartime emergency relief funds from Künstlerhilfe Wien and the Reichsmusikkammer Künstlerdank [de] (1940–1944), which he received despite indicating non-membership in the Nazi Party on an application.[306] Whether Webern ever joined the party was unknown.[307][bj] This represented his only income after 1942.[310] He nearly exhausted his savings by 1944.[310]

His 1943–1945 letters were strewn with references to bombings, death, destruction, privation, and the disintegration of local order, but several grandchildren were born.[311] In Dec. 1943, aged 60, he wrote from a barrack that he was working 6 am–5 pm as an air-raid protection police officer, conscripted into the war effort.[311] He corresponded with Willi Reich about IGNM-Sektion Basel's concert marking his sixtieth, in which Paul Baumgartner played Op. 27, Walter Kägi Op. 7, and August Wenzinger Op. 11. Gradmann-Lüscher sang both Opp. 3 and the world premiere of 23.[312] For Schoenberg's 70th birthday (1944), Webern asked Reich to convey "my most heartfelt remembrances, ... longing! ... hopes for a happy future!"[313] In Feb. 1945, Webern's only son Peter, intermittently conscripted since 1940,[314] was killed in an air attack; airstrike sirens interrupted the family's mourning at the funeral.[315]

#### Refuge and death in Mittersill

[edit]

Grave of Webern and his wife Minna at the cemetery in Mittersill

The Weberns assisted Schoenberg's eldest son, Georg, during the war; with the Red Army's April 1945 arrival imminent, they gave him their Mödling apartment, the property and childhood home of Webern's son-in-law Benno Mattl.[bk] Georg later told Krasner that Webern "felt he'd betrayed his best friends."[317] The Weberns fled west, resorting to traveling partly on foot to Mittersill to rejoin their family of "17 persons pressed together in the smallest possible space".[318]

On the night of 15 Sept. 1945, Webern was outside smoking when he was shot and killed by a US soldier in an apparent accident.[319] He had been following Thomas Mann's work, which the Nazis had burned, noting in 1944 that Mann had finished Joseph and His Brothers.[320] In his last notebook entry, Webern quoted Rainer Maria Rilke: "Who speaks of victory? To endure is everything."[321][bl]

Webern's wife Minna suffered final years of grief, poverty, and loneliness as friends and family continued emigrating. She wished Webern had lived to see more success.[324] With the abolition of Entartete Kunst policies, Alfred Schlee [de] solicited her for hidden manuscripts; thus Opp. 17, 24–25, and 29–31 were published.[324] She worked to get Webern's 1907 Piano Quintet published via Kurt List.[324]

In 1947 she wrote Diez, now in the US, that by 1945 Webern was "firmly resolved to go to England".[324] Likewise, in 1946 she wrote DJ Bach in London: "How difficult the last eight years had been for him. ... [H]e had only the one wish: to flee from this country. But one was caught, without a will of one's own. ... It was close to the limit of endurance what we had to suffer."[324] Minna died in 1949.[324]

## Music

[edit]

Further information: List of compositions by Anton Webern

> Tell me, can one at all denote thinking and feeling as things entirely separable? I cannot imagine a sublime intellect without the ardor of emotion.

Webern wrote to Schoenberg (June 1910).[325] Theodor Adorno described Webern as "propound[ing] musical expressionism in its strictest sense, ... to such a point that it reverts of its own weight to a new objectivity".[326]

Webern's music was generally concise, organic, and parsimonious,[bm] with very small motifs, palindromes, and parameterization on both the micro- and macro-scale.[332] His idiosyncratic approach reflected affinities with Schoenberg, Mahler,[bn] Guido Adler and early music; interest in esotericism and Naturphilosophie; and thorough perfectionism.[bo] He engaged with the work of Goethe, Bach,[bp] and the Franco-Flemish School in addition to that of Wolf, Brahms,[bq] Wagner, Liszt, Schumann, Beethoven, Schubert ("so genuinely Viennese"), and Mozart.[347][br] Stylistic shifts were not neatly coterminous with gradually developed technical devices, particularly in the case of his mid-period Lieder.[bs]

His music was also characteristically linear and song-like.[355] Much of it (and Berg's[356] and Schoenberg's)[357] was for singing.[40][bt] Johnson described the song-like gestures of Op. 11/i.[360] In Webern's mid-period Lieder, some heard instrumentalizing of the voice[361] (often in relation to the clarinet)[362] representing yet some continuity with bel canto.[363][bu] Lukas Näf described one of Webern's signature hairpins (on the Op. 21/i mm. 8–9 bass clarinet tenuto note) as a messa di voce requiring some rubato to execute faithfully.[365][bv] Adventurous textures and timbres, and melodies of wide leaps and sometimes extreme ranges and registers were typical.[367]

For Johnson, Webern's rubato compressed Mahler's "'surging and ebbing'" tempi; this and Webern's dynamics indicated a "vestigial lyrical subjectivity."[368] Webern often set carefully chosen lyric poetry.[369] He related his music not only to nostalgia for the lost family and home of his youth, but also to his Alpinism and fascination with plant aromatics and morphology.[370] He was compared to Mahler in his orchestration and semantic preoccupations (e.g., memory, landscapes, nature, loss, often Catholic mysticism).[371] In Jone, who he met with her husband Humplik via the Hagenbund, Webern found a lyricist who shared his esoteric, natural, and spiritual interests. She provided texts for his late vocal works.[372]

Webern's and Schoenberg's music distinctively prioritized minor seconds, major sevenths, and minor ninths[bw] as noted in 1934 by microtonalist Alois Hába.[373] The Kholopov siblings noted the semitone's unifying role by axial inversional symmetry and octave equivalence as interval class 1 (ic1), approaching Allen Forte's generalized pitch-class set analysis.[374] Webern's consistent use of ic1 in cells and sets, often expressed as a wide interval musically,[375][bx] was well noted.[by] Symmetric pitch-interval practices varied in rigor and use by others (e.g., Berg, Schoenberg, Bartók, Debussy, Stravinsky; more nascently Mahler, Brahms, Bruckner,[bz] Liszt, Wagner). Berg and Webern took symmetric approaches to elements of music beyond pitch. Webern later linked pitches and other parameters in schemes (e.g., fixed or "frozen" register).[380]

Relatively few of Webern's works were published in his lifetime. Amid fascism and Emil Hertzka's passing, this included late as well as early works (in addition to others without opus numbers). His rediscovery prompted many publications, but some early works were unknown until after the work of the Moldenhauers well into the 1980s,[381] obscuring formative facets of his musical identity.[382] Thus when Boulez first oversaw a project to record Webern's music, the results fit on three CDs and the second time, six.[383][ca] A historical edition of his music has remained in progress.

### 1899–1908: Formative juvenilia and emergence from study

[edit]

Webern published little juvenilia; like Brahms, he was meticulous and self-conscious, revising extensively.[385] His earliest works were mostly Lieder on works of Richard Dehmel, Gustav Falke, and Theodor Storm.[386] He set seven Ferdinand Avenarius poems on the "changing moods" of life and nature (1899–1904).[387] Schubert, Schumann, and Wolf were important models. With its brief, potent expressivity and utopianization of the natural world, the (German) Romantic Lied had a lasting influence on Webern's musical aesthetic.[388] He never abandoned its lyricism, intimacy, and wistful or nostalgic topics, though his music became more abstract, idealized, and introverted.[386]

Webern memorialized the Preglhof in a diary poem "An der Preglhof" and in the tone poem Im Sommerwind (1904), both after Bruno Wille's idyll. In Webern's Sommerwind, Derrick Puffett found affinities with Strauss's Alpensinfonie, Charpentier's Louise, and Delius's Paris.

At the Preglhof in summer 1905, Webern wrote his tripartite, single-movement string quartet in a highly modified sonata form, likely responding to Schoenberg's Op. 7.[389] He quoted Jakob Böhme in the preface[390] and mentioned the panels[cb] of Segantini's Trittico della natura[cc] as "Werden–Sein–Vergehen"[cd] in sketches.[391] Sebastian Wedler argued that this quartet bore the influence of Richard Strauss's Also Sprach Zarathustra in its germinal three-note motive, opening fugato of its third (development) section, and Nietzschean reading (via eternal recurrence) of Segantini's triptych.[392] In its opening harmonies, Allen Forte and Heinz-Klaus Metzger noted Webern's anticipation of Schoenberg's atonality in Op. 10.[393]

Danzig's Friedrich-Wilhelm-Schützenhaus [de] in a 1906 postcard photograph

In 1906, Schoenberg assigned Webern Bach chorales to harmonize and figure; Webern completed eighteen in a highly chromatic idiom.[394] Then the Passacaglia, Op. 1 (1908) was his graduation piece, and the Op. 2 choral canons soon followed. The passacaglia's chromatic harmonic language and less conventional orchestration distinguished it from prior works; its form foreshadowed those of his later works.[395] Conducting the 1911 Danzig premiere of Op. 1 at the Friedrich-Wilhelm-Schützenhaus [de], he paired it with Debussy's 1894 Prélude à l'après-midi d'un faune, Ludwig Thuille's 1896 Romantische Ouvertüre, and Mahler's 1901–1904 Kindertotenlieder in a poorly attended Moderner Abend[ce] concert. The Danziger Zeitung [de] critic derided Op. 1 as an "insane experiment".[396]

In 1908 Webern also began an opera on Maeterlinck's Alladine et Palomides [fr], of which only unfinished sketches remained,[397] and in 1912 he wrote Berg that he had finished one or more scenes for another planned but unrealized opera, Die sieben Prinzessinnen, on Maeterlinck's Les Sept Princesses [fr].[398] He had been an opera enthusiast from his student days.[399] Debussy's Pelléas et Mélisande enraptured him twice in Dec. 1908 Berlin and again in 1911 Vienna.[400] As a vocal coach and opera conductor, he knew the repertoire "perfectly ... every cut, ... unmarked cadenza, and in the comic operas every theatrical joke".[401] He "adored" Mozart's Il Seraglio and revered Strauss, predicting Salome would last. When in high spirits, Webern would sing bits of Lortzing's Zar und Zimmermann, a personal favorite. He expressed interest (to Max Deutsch) in writing an opera pending a good text and adequate time; in 1930, he asked Jone for "opera texts, or rather dramatic texts", planning cantatas instead.[402]

### 1908–1914: Atonality and aphorisms

[edit]

Fünf Sätze for string quartet, Op. 5, I. Heftig bewegt (Schloss Preglhof, spring 1909) – Emerson String Quartet

Spending summer 1909 with Webern (et al.) and seeing his Op. 5 manuscript reinvigorated Schoenberg's music, inspiring him to write Busoni: "... away with 'motivic working out.' Away with harmony as cement or bricks of a building. Harmony is expression and nothing else. ... Away with Pathos [and] protracted ten-ton scores ... . My music must be brief. Concise! In two notes: not built, but expressed!! ... no stylized and sterile protracted emotion. People are not like that" (Schoenberg's emphases).[403]

Webern's music, like Schoenberg's, was freely atonal after Op. 2. Some of their and Berg's music from this time was published in Der Blaue Reiter.[404] Schoenberg and Webern were so mutually influential, the former later joked, "I haven't the slightest idea who I am".[405] In Op. 5/iii, Webern borrowed from Schoenberg's Op. 10/ii. In Op. 5/iv, he borrowed from Schoenberg's Op. 10/iv setting of "Ich fühle luft von anderen planeten".[406][cf]

The first of Webern's innovative and increasingly extremely aphoristic Opp. 5–11 (1909–1914) radically influenced Schoenberg's Opp. 11/iii[cg] and 16–17 (and Berg's Opp. 4–5).[408] Here, Martin Zenck [de] considered, Webern did not seek "the new ... in [music of] the past but in the future".[409] In writing the Op. 9 bagatelles, Webern reflected in 1932, "I had the feeling that when the twelve notes had all been played the piece was over."[410] "[H]aving freed music from the shackles of tonality," Schoenberg wrote, he and his pupils believed "music could renounce motivic features".[411] This "intuitive aesthetic" arguably proved to be aspirational insofar as motives persisted in their music.[412]

Two enduring topics emerged in Webern's work: familial (especially maternal) loss and memory, often involving some religious experience; and abstracted landscapes idealized as spiritual, even pantheistic, Heimat (e.g., the Preglhof, the Eastern Alps).[413] Webern explored these ideas explicitly in his Symbolist stage play Tot: Sechs Bilder für die Bühne (Dead: Six Scenes for the Stage, Oct. 1913).[414] The play comprises six tableaux vivants[ch] set in the Alps, over the course of which a mother and father reflect on and come to terms with the loss of their son.[416][ci] The script specifies exact lighting, sounds, delivery, and gestures to match mood, time, and place, with birds, bells, and flowers as important elements of a still, holy world.[415] Webern drew so heavily from Swedenborg's theological doctrine of correspondences, quoting from Vera Christiana Religio at length, that Schoenberg considered the play unoriginal.[419]

It is known that Webern sublimated these concerns into his music, particularly in the case of his Op. 6.[419] Confiding in Berg and Schoenberg, Webern told the latter some about the programmatic narrative for that music in Jan. 1913, as Schoenberg prepared to premiere it at what would become the Skandalkonzert that March:[420]

> The first piece is to express my frame of mind ... already sensing the disaster, yet ... maintaining the hope that I would find my mother still alive. It was a beautiful day—for a minute I believed ... nothing had happened. Only during the train ride to Carinthia ... did I learn the truth. The third piece conveys ... the fragrance of the Erica, which I gathered ... in the forest ... and ... laid on the bier.[cj] The fourth piece I later entitled marcia funebre. Even today I do not understand my feelings as I walked behind the coffin to the cemetery. ... The evening ... was miraculous. With my wife I went ... again to the cemetery ... . I had the feeling of my mother's ... presence.

As Webern's music took on the character of such static dramaticovisual scenes, his pieces frequently culminated in the accumulation and amalgamation (often the developing variation) of compositional material. Fragmented melodies frequently began and ended on weak beats, settled into or emerged from ostinati, and were dynamically and texturally faded, mixed, or contrasted.[422] Tonality became less directional, functional, or narrative than tenuous, spatial, or symbolic as fit Webern's topics and literary settings. Stein thought that "his compositions should be understood as musical visions".[ck] Oliver Korte traced Webern's Klangfelder[cl] to Mahler's "suspensions".[cm]

Expanding on Mahler's orchestration, Webern linked colorful, novel, fragile, and intimate sounds, often nearly silent at ppp, to lyrical topics: solo violin to female voice; closed or open voicings, sometimes sul ponticello, to dark or light respectively; compressed range to absence, emptiness, or loneliness; registral expansion to fulfillment, (spiritual) presence, or transcendence;[cn] celesta, harp, and glockenspiel to the celestial or ethereal; and trumpet, harp, and string harmonics to angels or heaven.[424][co]

With elements of Kabarett,[cp] neoclassicism,[cq] and ironic Romanticism[cr] in Pierrot lunaire, Op. 21 (1912), Schoenberg began[cs] to distance himself from Webern's and latterly Berg's aphoristic expressionism, which provoked the Skandalkonzert. Alma recalled Schoenberg telling her and Franz Werfel "how much he was suffering under the dangerous influence of Webern", drawing on "all his strength to extricate himself from it".[425]

### 1914–1924: Mid-period Lieder

[edit]

"Fahr hin, o Seel', zu deinem Gott", double canon in motu contrario (Klagenfurt, 20 July 1917) – soprano Halina Lukomska and conductor Pierre Boulez

In this excerpt (mm. 20–29) is Webern's lyric setting of the text "[Gott ... nehme dich] barmherzig auf in jenes bess're Leben".[426][ct] Julian Johnson noted Webern's use of first short, then long note values and phrases to impart a sense of calm rest before the final high harp harmonic, a tone painting of heaven.[427]

During and after World War I (1914–1926) Webern worked on some fifty-six songs.[428] He finished thirty-two, ordered into sets (in ways that do not always align with their chronology) as Opp. 12–19.[428] Schoenberg's recent vocal music had been motivated by the idea that "absolute purity" in composition couldn't be sustained,[429] and Webern took Schoenberg's advice to write songs as a means of composing something more substantial than aphorisms, often making earnest settings of folk, lyric, or spiritual texts.[430] The first of these mid-period Lieder was an unfinished setting of a passage ("In einer lichten Rose ...") from Dante's Paradiso, Canto XXXI.[431]

By comparison to melodic "atomization" in Op. 11, Walter Kolneder noted relatively "long arcs" melodic writing in Op. 12[432] and polyphonic part writing to "control the ... expression" in Opp. 12–16 more generally.[433] "How much I owe to your Pierrot", Webern told Schoenberg after setting Trakl's "Abendland III" (Op. 14/iv),[434] in which, distinctly, there was no silence until a pause at the concluding gesture. The contrapuntal procedures and nonstandard ensemble of Pierrot are both evident in Webern's Opp. 14–16.[435]

Schoenberg "yearn[ed] for a style for large forms ... to give personal things an objective, general form."[cu] Berg, Webern, and he had indulged their shared interest in Swedenborgian mysticism and Theosophy since 1906, reading Balzac's Louis Lambert and Séraphîta and Strindberg's Till Damaskus and Jacob lutte. Gabriel, protagonist of Schoenberg's semi-autobiographical Die Jakobsleiter (1914–1922, rev. 1944)[cv] described a journey: "whether right, whether left, forwards or backwards, uphill or down – one must keep on going without asking what lies ahead or behind",[cw] which Webern interpreted as a conceptual metaphor for (twelve-tone) pitch space.[442] Schoenberg later reflected on "how enthusiastic we were about this."[cx]

On the journey to composition with twelve tones, Webern revised many of his mid-period Lieder in the years after their apparent composition but before publication, increasingly prioritizing clarity of pitch relations, even against timbral effects, as Anne C. Shreffler[444] and Felix Meyer described. His and Schoenberg's music had long been marked by its contrapuntal rigor, formal schemes, systematic pitch organization, and rich motivic design, all of which they found in the music of Brahms before them.[445] Webern had written music preoccupied with the idea of dodecaphony since at least the total chromaticism of his Op. 9 bagatelles (1911).[446] and Op. 11 cello pieces (1914).[447][cy] He began preparing these aphoristic works for publication while composing most of his mid-period Lieder, which may have reoriented him to his own lyricism.[449]

There are twelve-tone sets with repeated notes at the start of Op. 12/i and in some bars of Op. 12/iv, in addition to many ten- and eleven-tone sets throughout Op. 12.[450] Webern wrote to Jalowetz in 1922 about Schoenberg's lectures on "a new type of motivic work", one that "unfolds the entire development of, if I may say so, our technique (harmony, etc)".[451] It was "almost everything that has occupied me for about ten years", Webern continued.[452] He regarded Schoenberg's transformation of twelve-tone rows as the "solution" to their compositional concerns.[453] In Op. 15/iv (1922), Webern first used a tone row (in the voice's opening twelve notes), charted the four basic row forms, and integrated tri\- and tetrachords into the harmonic and melodic texture.[454] He systematically used twelve-tone technique for the first time in Op. 16/iv–v (1924).[455]

### 1924–1945: Formal coherence and expansion

[edit]

String Trio, Op. 20, I. Sehr langsam (1926–1927) – LaSalle String Quartet members

An excerpt (mm. 49–59) from the first movement of Webern's String Trio, Op. 20. At 0:07–0:18 in this excerpt (mm. 51–56), there are repeated figures in fixed (or "frozen") register, comprising the first B section of this movement's seven-part ABACABA rondo.[456] Kathryn Bailey Puffett likened them to bell ringers' technique in ringing changes.[457]

With Schoenberg leaving Mödling in 1925 and this compositional approach at his disposal, Webern obtained more artistic autonomy and aspired to write in larger forms, expanding on the extreme concentration of expression and material in his earlier music.[458] Until the Kinderstück for piano (1924, intended as one of a set), Klavierstück (1925), and Satz for string trio (1925), Webern had finished nothing but Lieder since a 1914 cello sonata.[459][cz] The 1926–1927 String Trio, Op. 20, was his first large-scale non-vocal work in more than a decade. For its 1927 publication, Webern helped Stein write an introduction emphasizing continuity with tradition:[461]

> The principle of developing a movement by variation of motives and themes is the same as with the classical masters ... [only] varied more radically here ... . One 'tone series' furnishes the basic material ... . The parts are composed in a mosaic-like manner ...

Schoenberg exploited combinatorial properties of particular tone rows,[462] but Webern focused on prior aspects of a row's internal organization. He exploited small, invariant pitch subsets (or partitions) symmetrically derived via inversion, retrograde, or both (retrograde inversion). He understood his compositional (and precompositional) work with reference to ideas about growth, morphology, and unity that he found represented in Goethe's Urpflanze [de] and in Goethean science more generally.[463][da]

The tone row from Webern's Variations for Orchestra, Op. 30, has only two intervals (minor seconds and minor thirds) and is derived from two hexachords or three tetrachords, yielding half as many basic tone-row forms and ensuring a unity of chords and motives.[157]

Webern's large-scale, non-vocal music in more traditional genres,[db] written from 1926 to 1940, has been celebrated as his most rigorous and abstract music.[465] Yet he always wrote his music and tried his new compositional procedures with concern for (or at least some latent reference to) expressivity and representation.[466][dc] In sketches for his Op. 22 quartet, Webern conceived of his themes in programmatic association with his experiences—as an "outlook into the highest region" or a "coolness of early spring (Anninger,[dd] first flora, primroses, anemones, pasqueflowers)", for example.[471] Studying his compositional materials and sketches, Bailey Puffett wrote,[472]

> ... [Webern] seems perhaps not ... a prodigy whose music was the result of reasoned calculations [but a composer] who used his row tables as Stravinsky used his piano, to reveal wonderful surprises ... [like] he found on his walks in the Alps.

While writing the Concerto for Nine Instruments, Op. 24, Webern was inspired by the Sator square, which is like a twelve-tone matrix.[473] He concluded his Weg zur Neuen Musik with this magic square.

In Webern's late cantatas and songs,[de] George Rochberg observed, "the principles of 'the structural spatial dimension' ... join[ed] forces with lyrico-dramatic demands".[474] Specifically in his cantatas, Bailey Puffett wrote, Webern synthesized the rigorous style of his mature instrumental works with the word painting of his Lieder on an orchestral scale.[475] Webern qualified the apparent connection between his cantatas and Bach's as general and referred to connections between the second cantata and the music of the Franco-Flemish School.[476] His textures became somewhat denser yet more homophonic at the surface through nonetheless contrapuntal polyphonic means.[477] In Op. 31/i he alternated lines and points, culminating twice[df] in twelve-note simultaneities.[478]

At his death he left sketches for the movement of an apparent third cantata (1944–1945), first planned as a concerto, setting "Das Sonnenlicht spricht" from Jone's Lumen cycle.[479]

### Arrangements and orchestrations

[edit]

In his youth (1903), Webern orchestrated five or more Schubert Lieder for an appropriately Schubertian orchestra (strings and pairs of flutes, oboes, clarinets, bassoons, and horns). Among these were "Der Vollmond Strahlt auf Bergeshöhn" (the Romanze from Rosamunde), "Tränenregen" (from Die schöne Müllerin), "Der Wegweiser" (from Winterreise), "Du bist die Ruh", and "Ihr Bild".[480]

After attending Hugo Wolf's funeral and memorial concert (1903), he arranged three Lieder for a larger orchestra, adding brass, harp, and percussion to the Schubertian orchestra. He chose "Lebe wohl", "Der Knabe und das Immlein", and "Denk es, o Seele", of which only the latter was finished or wholly survived.[481]

For Schoenberg's Society for Private Musical Performances in 1921, Webern arranged, among other music,[5] the 1888 Schatz-Walzer (Treasure Waltz) of Johann Strauss II's Der Zigeunerbaron (The Gypsy Baron) for string quartet, harmonium, and piano.

In 1924 Webern arranged Liszt's Arbeiterchor (Workers' Chorus, c. 1847–1848)[482] for bass solo, mixed chorus, and large orchestra; thus Liszt's work was finally premièred[dg] when Webern conducted the first full-length concert of the Austrian Association of Workers Choir (13 and 14 March 1925). A review in the Wiener Zeitung (28 March 1925) read "neu in jedem Sinne, frisch, unverbraucht, durch ihn zieht die Jugend, die Freude" ("new in every respect, fresh, vital, pervaded by youth and joy").[182] The text (in English translation) read in part: "Let us have the adorned spades and scoops,/Come along all, who wield a sword or pen,/Come here ye, industrious, brave and strong/All who create things great or small."

In orchestrating the six-voice ricercar from Bach's Musical Offering, Webern timbrally defined the internal organization (or latent subsets) of the Bach's subject.[484] Joseph N. Straus argued that Webern (and other modernists) effectively recomposed earlier music, "projecting motivic density" onto tradition.[485] After more conservatively orchestrating two of Schubert's 1824 Six German Dances on UE commission in 1931, he wrote Schoenberg:

> I took pains to remain on the solid ground of classical ideas of instrumentation, yet to place them into the service of our idea, i.e., as a means toward the greatest possible clarification of thought and context.[dh]

## Reception, influence, and legacy

[edit]

Webern's music was generally considered difficult by performers and inaccessible by listeners alike.[487] "To the limited extent that it was regarded", Milton Babbitt observed, it represented "the ultimate in hermetic, specialized, and idiosyncratic composition".[488]

Composers and performers first tended to take Webern's work, with its residual post-Romanticism and initial expressionism, in mostly formalist directions with a certain literalism, departing from Webern's own practices and preferences in extrapolating from elements of his late style. This became known as post-Webernism.[489] A richer, more historically informed understanding of Webern's music and his performance practice began to emerge in the latter half of the 20th century as scholars, especially the Moldenhauers, sought and archived sketches, letters, lectures, recordings, and other articles of Webern's (and others') estates.[di]

In the immediate aftermath of World War II, Webern's marginalization under Gleichschaltung was appreciated, but his pan-Germanism, politics, and social attitudes (especially regarding antisemitism) were not as known or often mooted.[490] For many, like Stravinsky, Webern never compromised his artistic identity and values, but for others the matter was less simple.[dj]

### Performance practice

[edit]

> Eric Simon ... related ... : 'Webern was obviously upset by Klemperer's sober time-beating. ... [T]o the concert master [he] said: "... the phrase there ... must be played Tiiiiiiiiiii-aaaaaaaaa." Klemperer, overhearing ... said sarcastically: "... [N]ow you probably know exactly how you have to play the passage!"' Peter Stadlen ... [described Webern]'s reaction after the performance: ... '"A high note, a low note, a note in the middle—like the music of a madman!"'

The Moldenhauers detailed Webern's reaction to Otto Klemperer's 1936 Vienna performance of his Symphony (1928), Op. 21, which Webern played on piano for Klemperer "with ... intensity and fanaticism ... passionately".[492]

Webern notated articulations, dynamics, tempo rubato, and other musical expressions, coaching performers to adhere to these instructions but urging them to maximize expressivity through musical phrasing.[492][dk] This was supported by personal accounts, letters, and extant recordings of Schubert's Deutsche Tänze (arr. Webern) and Berg's Violin Concerto under Webern's direction. Ian Pace considered Peter Stadlen's account of Webern's coaching for Op. 27 as indicating Webern's "desire for an extremely flexible, highly diaphanous, and almost expressively overloaded approach".[494][dl]

This aspect of Webern's work was often overlooked in his immediate post-war reception,[496] which was roughly coterminous with the early music revival. Stravinsky engaged with Webern and Renaissance music in his later music; his amanuensis Craft performed Webern as well as Monteverdi, Schütz, Gabrieli, and Tallis.[497] Many musicians performed "music that is at the same time old and new", as Nicholas Cook and Anthony Pople glossed it and as Richard Taruskin addressed. J. Peter Burkholder noted early and new music audience overlap.[498]

Felix Galimir of the Galimir Quartet told The New York Times (1981): "Berg asked for enormous correctness in the performance of his music. But the moment this was achieved, he asked for a very Romanticized treatment. Webern, you know, was also terribly Romantic—as a person, and when he conducted. Everything was almost over-sentimentalized. It was entirely different from what we have been led to believe today. His music should be played very freely, very emotionally."[499]

### Contemporaries

[edit]

#### Artists

[edit]

Many artists portrayed Webern (often from life) in their work. Kokoschka (1912), Schiele (1917 and 1918), B. F. Dolbin [de] (1920 and 1924), and Rederer (1934) made drawings of him. Oppenheimer (1908), Kokoschka (1914), and Tom von Dreger [de] (1934) painted him. Stumpp made two lithographs of him (1927). Humplik twice sculpted him (1927 and 1928). Jone variously portrayed him (1943 lithograph, several posthumous drawings, 1945 oil painting). Rederer made a large woodcut of him (1964).[500]

#### Musicians

[edit]

Schoenberg admired Webern's concision, writing in the foreword to Op. 9 upon its 1924 publication: "to express a novel in a single gesture, joy in a single breath—such concentration can only be present in proportion to the absence of self-indulgence".[501] But Berg joked about Webern's brevity. Hendrik Andriessen found Webern's music "pitiful" in this regard.[502] In their second (1925) Abbruch[dm] self-parody, Anbruch [de][dn] editors jested that "Webern's" (Mahler's) "extensive" Symphony of a Thousand had to be abbreviated.[do]

Felix Khuner remembered Webern was "just as revolutionary" as Schoenberg.[503] In 1927, Hans Mersmann wrote that "Webern's music shows the frontiers and ... limits of a development which tried to outgrow Schoenberg's work."[504]

Identifying with Webern as a "solitary soul" amid 1940s wartime fascism,[505] Dallapiccola independently and somewhat singularly[dp] found inspiration especially in Webern's lesser-known mid-period Lieder, blending its ethereal qualities and Viennese expressionism with bel canto.[506] Stunned by Webern's Op. 24 at its 1935 ISCM festival world première under Jalowetz in Prague, Dallapiccola's impression was of unsurpassable "aesthetic and stylistic unity".[507] He dedicated Sex carmina alcaei[dq] "with humility and devotion" to Webern, who he met in 1942 through Schlee, coming away surprised at Webern's emphasis on "our great Central European tradition."[508] Dallapiccola's 1953 Goethe-lieder especially recall Webern's Op. 16 in style.[509]

In 1947, Schoenberg remembered and stood firm with Berg and Webern despite rumors of the latter's having "fallen into the Nazi trap":[dr] "... [F]orget all that might have ... divided us. For there remains for our future what could only have begun to be realized posthumously: One will have to consider us three—Berg, Schoenberg, and Webern—as a unity, a oneness, because we believed in ideals ... with intensity and selfless devotion; nor would we ever have been deterred from them, even if those who tried might have succeeded in confounding us."[ds] For Krasner this put "'Vienna's Three Modern Classicists' into historical perspective". He summarized it as "what bound us together was our idealism."[510]

### 1947–1950s: (Re)discovery and post-Webernism

[edit]

> Webern's death should be a day of mourning for any receptive musician. We must hail ... this great ... a real hero. Doomed to ... failure in a deaf world of ignorance and indifference he ... kept on cutting ... dazzling diamonds, the mines of which he had ... perfect knowledge.

Stravinsky lauded Webern in die Reihe[514][dt]

After World War II, there was unprecedented engagement with Webern's music. It came to represent a universally or generally valid, systematic, and compellingly logical model of new composition, especially at the Darmstädter Ferienkurse.[515] René Leibowitz performed, promulgated, and published Schoenberg et son école;[516] Adorno,[517] Herbert Eimert, Scherchen,[518] and others contributed. Composers and students[du] listened in a quasi-religious trance to Peter Stadlen's 1948 Op. 27 performance.[519]

Webern's gradual innovations in schematic organization of pitch, rhythm, register, timbre, dynamics, articulation, and melodic contour; his generalization of imitative techniques such as canon and fugue; and his inclination toward athematicism, abstraction, and lyricism variously informed and oriented European and Canadian, typically serial or avant-garde composers (e.g., Messiaen, Boulez, Stockhausen, Luigi Nono, Pousseur, Ligeti, Sylvano Bussotti, Bruno Maderna, Bernd Alois Zimmermann, Barbara Pentland).[520] Eimert and Stockhausen devoted a special issue of die Reihe to Webern's œuvre in 1955. UE published his lectures in 1960.[521]

In the US, Babbitt[522] and initially Rochberg[523] found more in Schoenberg's twelve-tone practice. Elliott Carter's and Aaron Copland's critical ambivalence was marked by a certain enthusiasm and fascination nonetheless.[524] Craft fruitfully reintroduced Stravinsky to Webern's music, without which Stravinsky's late works would have taken different shape. Stravinsky staked his contract with Columbia Records to see Webern's then known music first both recorded and widely distributed.[525] Stravinsky lauded Webern's "not yet canonized art" in 1959.[526]

Among the New York School, John Cage and Morton Feldman first met in Carnegie Hall's lobby, ecstatic after a performance of Op. 21 by Dimitri Mitropoulos and the New York Philharmonic. They cited the effect of its sound on their music.[527] They later sung the praises of Christian Wolff as "our Webern".

Gottfried Michael Koenig suggested some early interest in Webern's music may have been that its concision and apparent simplicity facilitated didactic musical analysis. Robert Beyer [de] criticized serial approaches to Webern's music as reductive, narrowly focused more on Webern's procedures than his music while neglecting timbre in their typical selection of Opp. 27–28.[528] Webern's music sounded like "a Mondrian canvas", "crude and unfinished", to Karel Goeyvaerts.[529] Wolf-Eberhard von Lewinski criticized some Darmstadt music as "acoustically absurd [if] visually amusing" (Darmstädter Tagblatt [de], 1959); a Der Kurier article of his was headlined "Meager modern music—only interesting to look at".[530]

### 1950s onward: Beyond (late) Webern

[edit]

> [H]ermetic constructivism seems infused with intense emotion, ... diffused across the ... surface of the music. Gone is the mono-directional thrust of Classical and Romantic music; in its place a world of rotations and reflections, opening myriad paths for the listener to trace through textures of luminous clarity yet beguiling ambiguity.

George Benjamin described Webern's Op. 21.[531] Many[dw] noted floating, spatial, static, or suspended qualities in some of Webern's music. Johnson noted spatial metaphors.[534]

Through late 1950s onward, Webern's work reached musicians as far removed as Frank Zappa,[535] yet many post-war European musicians and scholars had already begun to look beyond[536] as much as back at Webern in his context. Nono advocated for a more humanistic understanding of Webern's music.[537]

Adorno lectured that in the prevailing climate "artists like Berg or Webern would hardly be able to make it" ("The Aging of the New Music", 1954). Against the "static idea of music" and "total rationalization" of the "pointillist constructivists," he advocated for more subjectivity, citing Über das Geistige in der Kunst (1911), in which Wassily Kandinsky wrote: "Schoenberg's [expressionist] music leads us to where musical experience is a matter not of the ear, but of the soul—and from this point begins the music of the future."

In the 1960s, many began to describe Webern and his like as a "dead end".[538][dx] Rochberg felt "Webern's music leaves his followers no new, unexplored territory."[541] Stravinsky judged Webern "too original ... too purely himself. ... [T]he entire world had to imitate him [and] fail; of course it will blame Webern"; he blamed post-Webernism: "[T]he music now being charged to his name can neither diminish his strength nor stale his perfection."[542]

In Votre Faust (1960–1968), Pousseur quoted and his protagonist Henri analyzed Webern's Op. 31. Yet there were already several elements of late or postmodernism (e.g., eclecticism of historical styles, mobile form, polyvalent roles).[543] This coincided with a wider rapprochement with Berg,[544] whose example Pousseur cited,[545] from whose music he also quoted, and whose writings he translated into French in the 1950s.[546] Boulez was "thrilled" by Berg's "universe ... never completed, always in expansion—a world so ... inexhaustible," referring to the rigorously organized, only partly twelve-tone Chamber Concerto.[dy]

Engaging with Webern's atonal works by some contrast to earlier post-Webernism, both Ferneyhough and Lachenmann expanded upon and went further than Webern in attention to the smallest of details and the use of ever more radically extended techniques. Ferneyhough's 1967 Sonatas for string quartet included atonal sections much in the style of Webern's Op. 9, yet more intensely sustained. In a comparison to his own 1969 Air, Lachenmann wrote of "a melody made of a single note ... in the viola part" of Webern's Op. 10/iv (mm. 2–4) amid "the mere ruins of the traditional linguistic context," observing that "the pure tone, now living in tonal exile, has in this new context no aesthetic advantage over pure noise" ("Hearing [Hören] is Defenseless—without Listening [Hören]", 1985).

### Eastern Europe

[edit]

In Eastern Europe, the Second Viennese School's music represented a professionally dangerous but sometimes exciting or inspiring alternative to socialist realism. Their influence on composers behind the Iron Curtain was mediated by anti-fascist and -German sentiment[547] as well as anti-formalist cultural policies[548] and Cold War separation.[dz] Ligeti lamented the separation and left in 1956, noting that "after Bartók hardly any grass could grow".[551]

#### Eastern Bloc

[edit]

Webern's influence predominated after the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, bearing on Pál Kadosa, Endre Szervánszky, and György Kurtág.[552] Among Czechs, Pavel Blatný attended the Darmstädter Ferienkurse and wrote music with serial techniques in the late 1960s. He returned to tonality in Brno and was rewarded.[553] Marek Kopelent discovered the Second Viennese as an editor and was particularly taken by Webern.[554] Kopelent was blacklisted for his music and despaired, unable to attend international performances of his work.[555]

#### Soviet Russia

[edit]

Official Soviet Russian condemnation eased in the post-Stalinist Khrushchev Thaw with the rehabilitation of some affected by the Zhdanov Doctrine. Sheet music and recordings entered via journalists, friends, family (e.g., from Nicolas to Sergei Slonimsky), and especially composers and musicians (e.g., Igor Blazhkov [ru], Gérard Frémy, Alexei Lubimov, Maria Yudina), who traveled more.[556] Stationed in Zossen as a military band arranger (1955–1958), Yuri Kholopov risked arrest for obtaining scores in West Berlin and from the Leipzig office of Schott Music.[557]

Philip Herschkowitz, poverty-stricken, taught privately in Moscow with cautious emphasis on Beethoven and the tradition from which Webern emerged.[558] His pupil Nikolai Karetnikov taped Glenn Gould's 1957 Moscow Conservatory performance of Webern's Op. 27.[559] In practice like that of Webern, Karetnikov derived the tone row of his Symphony No. 4 from motives as small as two notes related by semitone.[333]

In Soviet Music, Marcel Rubin criticized "Webern and His Followers" (1959), by contrast to Berg and Schoenberg, for going too far.[560] Alfred Schnittke complained in an open letter (1961) of composers' restricted education.[561] Through Grigory Shneyerson's anti-formalist On Music Living and Dead (1960) and Johannes Paul Thilman's anti-modernist "On the Dodecaphonic Method of Composition" (1958), many (e.g., Eduard Artemyev, Victor Ekimovsky, Vladimir Martynov, Boris Tischenko[ea]) ironically learned more about what had been and even was still forbidden.[563] Kruschchev warned, "dodecaphonic music, music of noises ... this cacophonic music we totally reject. Our people cannot include such trash".[564]

Through Andrei Volkonsky, Lydia Davydova recalled, Schoenberg's and Webern's music came to Russia alongside Renaissance and early Baroque music.[565] Tischenko remembered that in the 1960s, Volkonsky "was the first swallow of the avant-garde. [T]hose who came after him ... already followed in his tracks. I consider [him] the discoverer."[565] Edison Denisov described the 1960s as his "second conservatory", crediting Volkonsky not only for introducing Webern, but also Gesualdo.[566]

This tolerance did not survive the Brezhnev Stagnation.[567] Volkonsky emigrated in 1973, Herschkowitz in 1987, and of Khrennikov's Seven (1979), Denisov, Elena Firsova, Sofia Gubaidulina, Dmitri Smirnov, and Viktor Suslin eventually emigrated.[568]

### Dance

[edit]

Many choreographers set Webern's music to dance. Martha Graham and George Balanchine choreographed several works in Episodes I and II respectively (1959) as a New York City Ballet "novelty".[569] John Cranko set Opus 1 (1965) to Webern's Passacaglia, Op. 1. Rudi van Dantzig choreographed Webern's music in Ogenblikken[eb] (1968) and Antwoord gevend[ec] (1980); Glen Tetley in Praeludium (1978) and Contredanses (1979);[570] Anne Teresa De Keersmaeker alongside that of Beethoven and Schnittke in Erts (1992);[571] and Trisha Brown in Twelve Ton Rose (1996).[572] Jiří Kylián set only Webern's music in No More Play (1988) and Sweet Dreams (1990), more often pairing it with that of other composers in several ballets (1984–1995).[573]

### Since the 1980s: Reappraisals and historiography

[edit]

#### Contested canonization

[edit]

Webern's legacy, contested in the "serial wars",[ed] remained subject to polemic vicissitudes. Musicologists quarreled[575][ee] amid the "Restoration of the 1980s", as Martin Kaltenecker termed a paradigm shift from structure to perception within musicological discourse.[ef] Charles Rosen scorned "historical criticism ... avoiding any serious engagement with a work or style ... one happens not to like".[576] Andreas Holzer warned of "post-factual tendencies".[577][eg] Pamela M. Potter advised considering "the complexity of ... day-to-day existence" under Nazism, partly in considering the relevance of composers' politics to their canonic status.[579] Meanwhile Allen Forte and Bailey Puffett formally analyzed Webern's atonal and twelve-tone œuvres respectively.

Tim Page noted less formalist readings of Webern's work at his 1983 birth centenary.[580] The occasion "went almost unmarked", Glenn Watkins observed in the United States, "a fate hardly imaginable for Berg [on his] 1985 [centenary]". After Webern's mid-century "meteoric ascension and ultimate canonization",[581] Watkins described "quick shifts of interest" tapering to neglect.[582] Webern's music was established but infrequent in standard (repeating) orchestral repertoire.[583][eh] His œuvre was played at the Venice Festival of Contemporary Music (1983),[587] Juilliard (1995), and the Vienna Festival (2004), echoing six international festivals in his name (1962–1978).[ei] In some obscurity (1941 or 1942), Webern had been quietly sure that "in the future even the postman will whistle my melodies!"[589] But many did not acquire such an aesthetic taste.[590][ej] He remained polarizing and provocative.[598][ek]

Noting this aspect of his reception, Johnson described Webern's "almost unique position in the canon of Western composers".[600] Christian Thorau argued Webern's innovations impeded his "exoterischen Kanonisierung".[601][el] By contrast to the "concert canon", Shreffler considered Webern's better standing in a "separate canon" of technical and formal innovation.[602][em] Burkholder argued that music of the "historicist tradition",[en] including Webern's, was secure in "a musical museum", "for that is what the concert hall has become".[608][eo] Mark Berry described Webern, already among Boulez's "big five", as one of five "canonical pillars of classic historical early twentieth-century modernism".[ep] David H. Miller suggested Webern "achieved a certain kind of acceptance and canonization".[615]

Taruskin prioritized audience reception, not "musical utopianism".[616][eq] He excoriated the Second Viennese School's "idiosyncratic view of the past", linking Webern and Adler to Eduard Hanslick and "neo-Hegelian" Franz Brendel;[618][er] he criticized historical determinism, "the natural ally of totalitarian politics."[621] Martin Scherzinger noted that Taruskin's criticisms sought "active complicity with undesirable politics".[622][es] Noted for his polemicism and revisionism,[627][et] Taruskin described his "dubious reputation" on Webern and New Music[629] and was praised and criticized[eu] by many. For Franklin Cox, Taruskin was an unreliable historian who opposed the Second Viennese School's "progressivist historicist" emancipation of the dissonance with a "reactionary historicist" ideology of "tonal restoration".[637]

#### Historical continuities

[edit]

Pascal Decroupet observed an unquestioned "canon of polarizations" in prior histories.[638][ev] Johnson noted the "co-existence and interaction of diverse stylistic practices" with "remarkable similarities", challenging "conservative and progressive" campism[641] and decentering musicology's technical periodizations[642] via the longue durée of global modernity.[643][ew] Thus he ventured continuity[645] between the "broken homeland" of Webern's Opp. 12–18 and the "broken pastoral" of Monteverdi's L'Orfeo and Vaughan Williams' Pastoral Symphony;[646][ex] between Webern's "evanescent images of musical fullness"[647] and the brief, fragmentary nature of Chopin's Op. 28, which Schumann likened to "ruins".[649]

Building on Shreffler's and Felix Meyer's work, including sketch studies, as institutions like the Paul-Sacher-Stiftung [de] acquired and made the Moldenhauers' estate accessible,[650][ey] Johnson pursued a hermeneutics of Webern's (and Mahler's) music.[652] He noted Webern's concern for the relation between form and content.[653][ez] Wedler argued by antinomy and demythologization that the complex, seemingly contradictory reception of Webern and his music stemmed from the unity of opposites imaginatively mediated within Webern's underlying aesthetic of musical lyricism (or musical poetry, as Schoenberg himself noted). Adorno called it "absolute lyricism", perhaps (Wedler suggested) after Hegel, who saw concentration as the lyric's essence, permitting "the greatest wealth of steps and nuances" to dialectically resolve the dilemma between "almost dumb conciseness" and "the eloquent clarity of a [fully developed] idea".[655]

## Recordings by Webern

[edit]

* Webern Conducts: Berg – Violin Concerto. Continuum. 1991 [1936]. ASIN B000003XHN. OCLC 25348107. SBT 1004.
* The Complete Works of Anton Webern. CBS Records. 1978. ASIN B000002707. OCLC 612743015.
* Webern conducts his arrangement of Schubert's German Dances

## See also

[edit]

* List of Austrians in music

## Notes

[edit]

1. ^ Anton Friedrich Wilhelm von Webern never used his middle names and was Anton von Webern until the 1919 Adelsaufhebungsgesetz [de], one social-democratic reform of many in the aftermath of World War I abolishing Austrian nobility in the newly declared Republic of German-Austria. But his friends did not respect this,[1] he often signed his name simply Anton Webern even before this,[2] and he retook his nobiliary particle in the 1930s.[3]
2. ^ As teacher, Webern guided and variously influenced Max Deutsch (or Frederick or Friedrich Dorian),[4] Hanns Eisler,[5] Arnold Elston,[6] Fré Focke [de],[7] Karl Amadeus Hartmann,[8] Philip Herschkowitz, Roland Leich,[9] Kurt List,[10] Gerd Muehsam [de], Matty Niël [nl], Karl Rankl,[11] George Robert (briefly of the First Piano Quartet),[12] Louis Rognoni [it], Humphrey Searle,[13] Leopold Spinner, Othmar Steinbauer,[citation needed] Eduard Steuermann, Stefan Wolpe,[14] Ludwig Zenk [cs],[15] and possibly René Leibowitz.[citation needed]
3. ^ See Sommerfrische [de].
4. ^ Bruckner told students he was no longer guided by the rules he taught, broadening Adler's normative ideas about music.
5. ^ Bruckner, Liszt, and Wagner all wrote of "music of the future".
6. ^ They also attended the opera and Mahler's symphonies together.[26]
7. ^ In 1925, Guido Adler asked Webern to edit the third edition. Webern declined due to financial and time constraints, instead proposing lectures on instrumentation and "modern music (Strauss, Mahler, Reger, Schoenberg) in the manner of ... Formenlehre, [or] formal principles (musical logic) and their connection with ... older masters".[27]
8. ^ Albrecht Dürer Society. He later served on its board.
9. ^ Webern may have seen newspaper ads for Schoenberg's Schwarzwald School courses in 1904. Karl Weigl, another Adler student, impressed Webern with the score of Schoenberg's Op. 5 in 1902. In 1903–1904, Webern attended performances of Schoenberg's Lieder and Op. 4.[37]
10. ^ Webern and others gave Schoenberg Klimt prints for his 1921 birthday.[44]
11. ^ Here Webern quoted Detlev von Liliencron's "Heimgang in der Frühe", which he set to music in 1903.[48]
12. ^ Still later, for Carl Dahlhaus, it was "trivial".[52]
13. ^ In 1926, he counseled his pupil Ludwig Zenk, then in an analogous situation, not to resign ("Do not allow yourself to be angered"), citing the examples of Mahler's conflicts with Felix von Kraus over tempi and "How Mahler had to suffer under [Bernhard] Pollini for so many years!"[58]
14. ^ Most references to a Volksoper in the Moldenhauers' Chronicle are to the famous one in Vienna, but Webern's father referred to one in Berlin.[60]
15. ^ Webern was "effusive and ecstatic" in his veneration of Mahler.[64]
16. ^ This "Praise of Criticism" was an early version of "Lob des hohen Verstandes" ("Praise of Lofty Intellect") from Des Knaben Wunderhorn.[65]
17. ^ Other prominent signatories included Peter Altenberg, Julius Bittner, Artur Bodanzky, Engelbert Humperdinck, Wilhelm Kienzl, Julius Korngold, Adolf Loos, Arthur Schnitzler, Franz Schreker, and Bruno Walter.[73]
18. ^ By then Webern had written several early works for string quartet.[87] He did not specify which ones he meant.
19. ^ Berg himself experienced breaks in his friendship with Schoenberg,[120] who could be overbearing.[121] When Webern broke his friendship with Berg (1915–1916), he cited Schoenberg's influence in the matter.[122]
20. ^ Schoenberg's son-in-law Felix Greissle [de] also recalled Webern's labile antisemitism, contextualizing it as part of Webern's vacillating resentment and respect toward Schoenberg[127] while also noting that Schoenberg had internalized some antisemitism ("mildly" antisemitic jokes were common in Schoenberg's home, Greissle's son George recalled, which Julie Brown contextualized as "unexceptional").[128] Schoenberg was self-conscious of his Jewish and class background, having confronted antisemitism in reading Otto Weininger.[129] He repeatedly engaged with controversies surrounding Richard Wagner, who he also read and whose possible Jewish lineage interested him.[129] He contended with Wagnerian charges as to Jewish artists' creative inabilities.[129] While working on Die Jakobsleiter on family holiday at Mattsee in summer 1921, Schoenberg was given notice that all Jews should leave the town, angering him and sparking his return from Protestantism to Judaism.[130] In response, Wassily Kandinsky wrote to him from the Bauhaus in 1923, "I reject you as a Jew. ... Better to be a human being".[128] Schoenberg responded, "what is anti-Semitism to lead to if not to acts of violence?"[128]
21. ^ In and after the 1930s, Schoenberg worried that adherents to Aryanism would deny his standing as the originator of twelve-tone technique, writing that Webern might "someday use his chance ... of the Aryan against the Jew" and that "[Josef Matthias] Hauer ... does the same".[136]
22. ^ Debussy, who died in 1918, once wished for a "'Society of Musical Esotericism'".[137]
23. ^ Men's Singing Society
24. ^ Singing Society of the Social Democratic Arts Council
25. ^ Workers' Symphony Concerts
26. ^ Social Democratic Arts Council
27. ^ Berthold Goldschmidt cautioned that the Second Viennese School were a "mutual admiration society".[144]
28. ^ Since 1902, Webern idolized Mahler as a leading musician, studying his conducting and viewing him as a "serious" and "introspective" if sometimes sentimental composer—perhaps his favorite alongside Beethoven and Schoenberg.[146] Mahler's music resonated with Webern as confiding "inner experiences", from an early "worship of nature" to a more abstract spirituality later.[147] In 1911, Webern aimed to convince his father of his conducting aspirations by taking him to back-to-back performances of Mahler's Symphony of a Thousand.[148] In 1912, he wrote Berg that he "must conduct ... must perform Schoenberg and Mahler and everything that is sacred".[149]
29. ^ Leinsdorf considered the experience of "utmost value to my musical and critical development".[154] The popevki-like 3-7A cell and 4–10 variant[155] of Les Noces are not altogether unlike the rhythmized trichords of Webern's later Op. 24[156] or the tetrachords of Op. 30[157] (which Stravinsky later admired),[158] apart from Stravinsky's tendency to anhemitony[159] in marked contrast to Webern's hemitonicism.[160]
30. ^ "high value"
31. ^ The first 1924 prize, juried by Julius Bittner, Joseph Marx, and Richard Strauss, was shared by several, including Berg, Carl Prohaska [de], Franz Schmidt, Max Springer, and Karl Weigl; the note was signed by Karl Seitz, who asked Webern at a concert two weeks prior, "Are you a professional musician?"[166] Berg and Webern later served as jurists.[167] Only Webern received the prize in 1931.[168]
32. ^ Among these were Alfred Adler, Karl Bühler, Leo Delitz [de], Josef Dobrowsky, Sigmund Freud, Ernst Lichtblau, Fanina Halle [lt], Hans Kelsen, Alma Mahler, suffragist Daisy Minor, Robert Musil, Egon Wellesz, and Franz Werfel.[173]
33. ^ "Die Kundgebung des geistigen Wien," April 20, 1927; it read in part, with emphasis in original: "The essence of Spirit [Geist] is above all Freedom, which is now endangered and we feel obligated to protect it. The struggle for a higher humanity and the battle against indolence [Trägheit] and sclerosis [Verödung] will always find us ready. Today, it also finds us prepared for battle."[173]
34. ^ Workers' Times
35. ^ Supporters included DJ Bach, Ruzena Herlinger, Werner Reinhart, Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge, Paul Stefan, and the IGNM-Sektion Österreich [de].[176]
36. ^ Before his suicide in 1942, Stefan Zweig wrote, "the short decade between 1924 and 1933, from the end of German inflation to Hitler's seizure of power, represents—in spite of all—an intermission in the catastrophic sequence of events whose witnesses and victims our generation has been since 1914."[179]
37. ^ In 1920, Webern warned his cousin Heinrich Diez (Ernst's brother) not to accept a Hofburg apartment because the Habsburg monarchy would be restored.[182]
38. ^ These conflicts arose within the ideological and political context of Germany–Soviet Union relations, 1918–1941.
39. ^ The clericofascist Vaterländische Front appealed to Austria's religious and national identity, and its imperial history, to attempt independence of Nazi Germany in alliance with Fascist Italy.[188]
40. ^ Berg wrote Adorno of prior instances,[195] and the Reichskulturkammer referred to Berg as an "émigré musical Jew" in Die Musik following Erich Kleiber's 1935 Berlin premiere of Berg's Lulu Suite.[196] Conversely, when Berg wrote in 1933 seeking an academic position for Adorno to immigrate to England, Edward Dent declined on the basis of protectionism and underfunding,[197] dubbing Berg "Hitlerian": "You [note in Berg's hand: '(The Jews?)'] are indeed Hitlerians, as you consider Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Holland, Scandinavia, Czechoslovakia and perhaps even England as belonging to 'Germany'!!!"[198]
41. ^ As part of the Reichsmusiktage, Webern's photograph was exhibited with the note, "this 'master student' of Arnold Schoenberg outdoes his training even in the length of his nose."[200]
42. ^ The transcript of The Path to the New Music went unpublished until 1960 to avoid "expos[ing] Webern to serious consequences".[202]
43. ^ From 1928 onward, Webern grew closer to Krenek, alongside whom he lectured, whose music (taking a twelve-tone turn) he conducted, and with whom he, Berg, and Adorno shared concerns about the future.[204]
44. ^ He was responding to Krenek's essay "Freiheit und Verantwortung" ("Freedom and Responsibility") in Willi Reich [de]'s 23 – Eine Wiener Musikzeitschrift (1934). Elsewhere Krenek advocated for "a Catholic Austrian avante garde", opposing "the Austrian provincialism that National Socialism wants to force on us."[207]  German Wikisource has original text related to this article: 23 – Eine Wiener Musikzeitschrift.
45. ^ Only guest conductor Otto Klemperer's status sufficed to overcome their refusal, and even then, the entire orchestra abruptly walked off stage afterward, leaving Krasner, Klemperer, and Arnold Rosé to stand alone. Rosé, retired, had returned to pay his respects to the late Berg as honorary concertmaster.[209]
46. ^ Webern's only son Peter was an avid Austrian National Socialist. His eldest daughter Amalie married businessman Gunter Waller, who joined the Nazi Party as a business formality. His youngest daughter Christine married Kreisleiter and Schutzstaffel member Benno Mattl, "little liked by the family", in Jun. 1938.[214] His middle daughter Maria Halbich almost emigrated with a man "of Jewish origin". She and Webern's wife Wilhelmine "Minna" Mörtl were wary of Hitler and the Nazis. Webern avoided politics at home.[215]
47. ^ Webern told Krasner, "Schoenberg, had he not been a Jew, would have been quite different!"[212] For Bailey Puffett, this likely referred to Schoenberg's politics,[216] which were vaguely conservative and German nationalist before becoming Zionist. See also "My Attitude towards Politics" in Schoenberg's Style and Idea.
48. ^ Adorno wrote that "Berg was little concerned with politics, although he saw himself implicitly a socialist."[217] Following the 1918 Jännerstreik and 1919 Spartacist uprising, Berg wrote to Erwin Schulhoff, who was sympathetic, "What names does the Entente have (outside of Russia) that ring of idealism as [Rosa] Luxemburg and [Karl] Liebknecht do?"[218] In weary opposition to World War I, Berg had been adapting Junges Deutschland playwright Georg Büchner's proto-Naturalist Woyzeck, with its Vormärz theme of alienation,[219] in his opera Wozzeck. Büchner's revolutionary 1834 call in The Hessian Courier for "Peace to the huts! War on the palaces!" (Friede den Hütten! Krieg den Palästen!)[218] had endured. It was paraphrased by August Bebel (1871, during the Paris Commune)[220] and Vladimir Lenin (1916, "Peace Without Annexations and the Independence of Poland as Slogans of the Day in Russia", and 1917, "Appeal to the Soldiers of All the Belligerent Countries", both amid the revolutions of 1917–1923 ending World War I, of which the February Revolution was first).
49. ^ This was Stein's phrase about "what we have [in Vienna]" in a 1934 letter to Schoenberg.[222]
50. ^ The Moldenhauers described Ploderer as "a victim of ... despair ... because of ... political developments."[225]
51. ^ Nazism itself was variously outlined, often emphasizing mutually reinforcing anticommunism, expansionist nationalism (Lebensraum), and racialized antisemitism (Judeo-Bolshevism); but historians also noted multipartisan syncretic appeals of a nostalgic, populist nature, with some anti-modernism and irrationalism, socially exclusive communitarianism (Volksgemeinschaft), and criticism of capitalism.[229]
52. ^ Composers' correspondence was conducted with some regard to the possibility of later publication, especially after the nineteenth century.[230] Accounts were often self-admittedly perspectival.
53. ^ Tito M. Tonietti observed of Schoenberg's reception history: "The many aspects of his complex life and artistic personality have ... been drastically simplified and isolated from their context. There has been a tendency to prefer only one, the most in line with the thesis that the writer wished to demonstrate. ... Schönberg has unfortunately not been understood ... [but] used ... for ... controversy ..., for ... purpose ... ."[232]
54. ^ List ventured that "[n]ationalist ideas may have saved [Webern] from the concentration camp".[238] Dissent was punishable under the Heimtückegesetz.[239]
55. ^ Goldschmidt reported that Webern was called "Kapellmeister Zig-Zag", perhaps at the Berlin Philharmonic.[144]
56. ^ Austrofascists enacted unpopular economic measures amid 1930s mass unemployment; the Nazis waged economic warfare (e.g., the thousand-mark ban).[256]
57. ^ Austrian pan-Germans, Grossdeutschen, or Deutschnationalisten hoped for stable prosperity via some form of Greater German nation-state like the Reich.[258] This hope was shared by some Social Democrats and was not alien to Social Christians.[259] The Greater German People's Party received a maximum of 17% of the vote during 1919–1933 elections, mostly from students, teachers, and civil servants.[260] They were most popular in Styria and Carinthia.[261] First they governed with the Social Christians.[262] Austrian Nazis won their parliamentary seats by 1933.[263] That year they joined forces with the Social Democrats.[264] They had Nazi affinity, though not identity, as of 1934.[265] Schuschnigg described Hitler's plans for Austria as "pan-German" in 1936.[266]
58. ^ Deteriorating German-Austrian relations and Austrian weakening were marked by the July Putsch, assassinations (including Engelbert Dollfuss's), and terror (including bombings "almost daily" in Austria).[269]
59. ^ Krasner further recalled that only his US passport saved him from locals and police when revisiting Vienna in 1941 to help friends (e.g., Schoenberg's daughter Gertrude, her husband Felix Greissle) emigrate.[276]
60. ^ Webern emphasized.
61. ^ Webern's immediate reply (March 1940) was: "I ... with reference ... to my ... experiences ... wondered how such opposites could have become possible next to each other."[302]
62. ^ In the tradition of parties seeking a dues-paying mass membership, formal NSDAP affiliation could oblige one to pay registration fees or dues, or even to labor.[308] Nazis dissuaded some prospective members from formal affiliation as a strategic matter.[309]
63. ^ Schoenberg was unable to secure Georg's emigration despite many attempts. Between the Russian–German language barrier and Nazi munitions and propaganda in the apartment's storeroom, Georg was held and nearly executed as a Nazi spy but was able to convince a German-speaking Jewish officer otherwise. Georg and his family remained there until 1969.[316]
64. ^ Webern had not set Rilke's work since Op. 8.[322] Schoenberg dedicated a 1915 setting of Rilke's "Alle, welche dich suchen", Op. 22/ii, to Webern.[323]
65. ^ Webern repeatedly emphasized Zusammenhang, translated as unity, coherence, or connection. Jonathan Kramer wrote that Webern's definition of unity was "utmost relatedness" and that he sought "to develop everything else from one principal idea!"[327] Kramer noted that most prior music and theory shared Webern's emphasis.[328] But Webern's zeal and rigor fit more with twentieth-century modernism, and his approach added complexity, Kramer argued.[329] Sibelius was also noted for his organicism and natural topics. British concert programs posed him as an alternative to the Second Viennese School.[330] Adorno and Leibowitz criticized him.[331]
66. ^ Taruskin noted Webern's "descent from Mahler".[333] Keith Fitch glossed Webern as "crystallized Mahler". The opening of Webern's Op. 21 echoed that of Mahler's Ninth.[334]
67. ^ This was noted in his performances.[335]
68. ^ Webern engaged with Bach in two phases, first as a student.[336] Later, he conducted Bach's music ten times (1927–1935), finding inspiration in it while writing his twelve-tone music.[337] He made some connections between his and Bach's music to make his own more easily understandable and to emphasize his place in established tradition.[338] Webern cited the two-movement (overture–dance suite) form of Bach's orchestral suites as one model for the two-movement form of his Op. 21 (writing to Schoenberg),[339] the instrumentation of the Brandenburg Concertos as inspiration for that of his Op. 24 (writing to Hertzka),[340] and Bach's B-minor badinerie as the model for the Op. 27/ii scherzo (in coaching Peter Stadlen).[341] Writing to Stein, Webern confirmed (as Polnauer had already noticed) that the BACH motif was the motivic basis of his Op. 28, but "secretly ... never ... in this ostentatious transposition!!!"[342] He asked Stein not to publicize this in Tempo.[343] In the same letter, Webern also outlined a complex synthesis of musical forms in Op. 28/iii, specifically identifying Bach's influence in the fugal element.[344]
69. ^ Webern's Op. 1 was openly modeled on that of Brahms's Fourth.[345] Webern's Op. 27/i was perhaps modeled on Brahms's Op. 116/v.[346]
70. ^ Webern often referred to the Franco-Flemish School as "the Netherlanders." In Feb. 1905 Webern recorded in his diary, "Mahler pointed out ... Rameau ... Bach, Brahms, and Wagner as ... contrapuntalists ... . '... Just as in nature the entire universe has developed from the primeval cell ... beyond to God ... so also in music should a large structure develop [entirely] from a single motive ... .' Variation is ... most important ... . A theme [must] be ... beautiful ... to make its unaltered return ... . ... [M]usicians [should] combine ... contrapuntal skill ... with ... melodiousness".[348] In Jan. 1931, Schoenberg responded to Webern's plan for lectures: "... show the logical development towards twelve-tone composition. ... [T]he Netherlands School, Bach for counterpoint, Mozart for phrase formation [and] motivic treatment, Beethoven [and] Bach for development, Brahms, and ... Mahler for varied and highly complex treatment. ... [T]itle ... : 'The path to twelve-tone composition.'"[349] J. Peter Burkholder generalized his claim that "the use of existing music as a basis for new music is pervasive in all periods";[350] he had focused on "the historicist mainstream" within the proximal eighteenth and especially nineteenth and twentieth centuries.[351] Adriaan Peperzak, writing about the taste of "most intellectuals" at the end of the 20th century as "a plurality of cultural homes" (or about "the 'modern museum of cultures'"),[352] stressed a general connection between new and old represented also in music (i.e., both "after" and before tonality or common practice), observing that "whereas certain works of Bartók and Stravinsky already are experienced as difficult," "Josquin des Prez, Gesualdo, Webern and Boulez seem to be reserved to a small elite, and we continue to refer to traditional art in learning how to compose new works and how to listen to the extraordinary works made according to non-traditional codes."[353]
71. ^ For example, his first use of twelve-tone technique in Op. 17, Nos. 2 and 3, was more technical than stylistic, and Adorno felt that Op. 14 sounded twelve-tone.[354]
72. ^ Their instrumental music has been related to vocal idioms: the "concealed vocality" and "latent opera" of Berg's Lyric Suite[358] and the Bach chorale and folk melody of his Violin Concerto; the "recitative" of Schoenberg's Op. 16/v and the accented musical prose of his twelve-tone music. Unlike Berg and Schoenberg, Webern did not use Hauptstimmen and Nebenstimmen, but he endorsed textures of accompanied melody in his music's polyphony. He could not stop writing songs, he told Berg (1921) and Hertzka (1927), noting his work's "almost exclusively lyrical nature" and apologizing to Hertzka for the consequently inauspicious commercial implications.[359]
73. ^ Berg endorsed an innovative, pluralist approach emphasizing some bel canto and like Webern, expressed faith in singers to execute challenging lines.[364]
74. ^ Hairpins were arguably read as tenuto-like agogic accents.[366]
75. ^ Some exceptions included Webern's Op. 23.
76. ^ Webern found Bartók's String Quartet No. 4 "cacophonous" for its clusters of semitones.[376]
77. ^ Philip Ewell cited Erhard Karkoschka, Kolneder, Heinz-Klaus Metzger, Henri Pousseur, and Karlheinz Stockhausen on this point.[377]
78. ^ Eliahu Inbal, whose work with the hr-Sinfonieorchester in the 1980s was part of a Bruckner reappraisal,[378] found additional connections between Bruckner and Webern and Romantics and modernists more generally,[379] echoing Dika Newlin and Mahler himself.
79. ^ Performers also relaxed their tempi.[384]
80. ^ La vita, La natura, and La morte; or Life, Nature, and Death
81. ^ Alpine Triptych (1898–1899)
82. ^ "Becoming–Being–Bygone"
83. ^ Modern Evening
84. ^ "I feel the air of other planets"
85. ^ Op. 11/iii (mid-1909) so differed from Op. 11/i–ii (Feb. 1909) that when Bartók performed Op. 11 (23 Apr. 1921 Budapest, 4 Apr. 1922 Paris), he omitted it.[407]
86. ^ Maurice Maeterlinck's notion of static drama influenced Webern.[415]
87. ^ Webern was likely inspired by the sudden death of his nephew, Theo Clementschitsch, who died on holiday in Italy.[417] Webern had to negotiate the return of his body to Austria.[418]
88. ^ Webern wrote Berg that August, "the heather from the middle of August is my favourite flower. It's most beautiful in a forest clearing, where the sun can reach, that wonderful sun, where it is against the grass, and the bees and bumble-bees are upon it, and that scent. I've indulged in orgies there, standing motionless, my eyes closed, that's my favourite. Have I already told you, that the 3rd piece of my orchestral pieces was born from such an impression. Directly. The scent of heather. But of course, that is the scent of heather which I laid on my mother's coffin."[421]
89. ^ "Ecstasy was [Webern's] natural state of mind", Stein recalled.[423]
90. ^ "fields of sound", sound-fields
91. ^ For Adorno, these were an "essential" Mahlerian formal "genre", often episodic as in a section of music marked senza tempo. Korte compared Webern's Op. 10/iii to the passage before Mahler's "Chorus mysticus".
92. ^ Beethoven's similar use of registral expansion was noted (e.g., Op. 111, No. 2, Var. 5 when the theme re-emerges in a strange harmonic context after a long section of trills).
93. ^ Examples included the circling ostinati of Op. 6/v and the end of Op. 15/v.
94. ^ See Sprechgesang. Schoenberg briefly directed and wrote for the Überbrettl, for example, in the 1901 Brettl-Lieder.
95. ^ Examples included passacaglia in "Nacht", fugue in "Der Mondfleck", and canon in both.
96. ^ Examples included the virtuoso solo and waltz in "Serenade" and triadic harmony in "O alter Duft".
97. ^ "Galgenlied" was still quite short.
98. ^ "[God ... lifts you] mercifully into that better life"
99. ^ In Apr. 1914, after Op. 22/i, "Seraphita," so wrote Schoenberg to Alma Mahler.[436]
100. ^ Scholarship varied as to the genesis of Jakobsleiter.[437] Two scholars noted work from 1914.[438] Winfried Zillig finished it after Schoenberg's death.[439] Schoenberg told Berg about setting Strindberg's Jacob lutte in spring 1911. Webern introduced Schoenberg to Balzac's Louis Lambert and Séraphîta in Mar. 1911.[440]
101. ^ "Ob rechts, ob links, vorwärts oder rückwärts, bergauf oder bergab – man hat weiterzugehen, ohne zu fragen, was vor oder hinter einem liegt."[441]
102. ^ In 1941 Schoenberg lectured: "the ... law of the unity of musical space demands an absolute and unitary perception. In this space, as in Swedenborg's heaven (described in Balzac's Séraphîta) there is no absolute down, no right or left, forward or backward." Schoenberg then considered Jakobsleiter a "real twelve-tone composition" for its opening hexachordal ostinato and "Scherzo ... of all the twelve tones".[443]
103. ^ Schoenberg hinted at the idea in Harmonielehre (1911),[448]
104. ^ Among six non-vocal drafts and sketches were an abandoned string quartet (1917–1918); seventeen measures of music scored for clarinet, trumpet, and violin (1920); and four twelve-tone fragments.[460]
105. ^ Webern wrote, "What you see here (retrograde, canon, etc.—it is always the same) is not to be thought of as "Kunststückerln" [artistic tricks]—that would be ridiculous!"[464]
106. ^ viz. the String Trio, Op. 20; Symphony, Op. 21; Quartet, Op. 22; Concerto, Op. 24; Variations for Piano, Op. 27; String Quartet, Op. 28; and Variations for Orchestra, Op. 30[465]
107. ^ Webern understood his own (and Mahler's) work as crystallizations of personal experience.[467] He wrote Berg in 1912 that an experience would occupy him until it became music "that quite decidedly had to do with the experience—often down to the details".[468] He wrote Schoenberg in 1910 that "[Mahler's symphonies] must be most closely connected with his inner experiences. I also see a development: from the most intense worship of nature to an ever more spiritual, more detached content. ... This ... abstraction ... is more important for me ... than ... techni[que]."[469]
108. ^ The Anninger to which Webern referred was a hill in the Vienna Woods above Mödling that he enjoyed hiking and wrote about in his diary, including while working on Op. 22.[470]
109. ^ viz. the Drei Gesänge, Op. 23; Drei Lieder, Op. 25; Das Augenlicht, Op. 26; Cantata No. 1, Op. 29; and Cantata No. 2, Op. 31[474]
110. ^ First by hexachordal aggregation in its center; second in a registrally expansive, open voicing at the end.
111. ^ Initially inspired by his revolutionary countrymen, Liszt left it in manuscript at Carl Haslinger [de]'s discretion.[483]
112. ^ Webern emphasized our.[486]
113. ^ In 2013, the Moldenhauers' dogged investigation into Webern's death and the experiences and testimony of those involved were portrayed in a one-act opera, The Death of Webern, which, though written in the eclectic style of its composer Michael Dellaira, paraphrases and quotes from Webern's music (e.g., the Passacaglia, Op. 1 in the third and final scenes, Klangfarbenmelodie in the sixth scene).
114. ^ For example, the BACH motif of Op. 28 (1938) troubled some, like Tarukin and Sebastian Wedler, as did Op. 29 (1938–1939, orch. 1944).[491]
115. ^ See Werktreue [de].[493]
116. ^ Stadlen published a specially marked score.[495]
117. ^ Cancellation
118. ^ Dawn
119. ^  German Wikisource has original text related to this article: Musikblätter des Anbruch.
120. ^ Goffredo Petrassi and his student Aldo Clementi were later influenced by Webern, as was Schoenberg pupil Alfredo Sangiorgi [it]. Riccardo Malipiero organized composers, including Camillo Togni, around twelve-tone music in 1949 Milan.
121. ^ Dallapiccola's 1943 Sex carmina alcaei, on some of the Lirici greci [it] of Salvatore Quasimodo after Alcaeus of Mytilene, were one of three groups of Lieder from his Liriche greche set (1942–1945).[506]
122. ^ This is Krasner's phrase, by which he interpreted Schoenberg's "those who tried might have succeeded in confounding us" as referring to Webern.[510] But Douglas Jarman noted Schoenberg's discomfort with and Stein's (and later Cerha's and Perle's) defense of Berg after the Jewish banker scene in Act III of Lulu.[511] When Schoenberg asked Webern about his feelings toward the Nazis, Webern replied, "Who dares to come between you and me?" When Steuermann asked Krasner on behalf of Schoenberg, Krasner soothed Schoenberg with a self-described lie. Schoenberg's 1934 (or 1935)–1936 Violin Concerto kept its dedication to Webern, though worded very simply ("to Anton von Webern"), whether due to Schoenberg's suspicions or to protect Webern from danger or Nazi suspicion. Schoenberg and Webern continued to correspond at least through 1939.[512]
123. ^ Schoenberg prepared his statement for publication as a handwritten inscription by facsimile reproduction in Leibowitz's 1948 didactic score of Webern's then unpublished Op. 24,[513] which Webern dedicated to Schoenberg in 1934 for his sixtieth birthday.
124. ^ Or possibly Craft, who often ghostwrote for Stravinsky.
125. ^ See Darmstadt School.
126. ^ See Scambi, 1957.
127. ^ Among these were Feldman, Pousseur,[dv] Rochberg,[532] Stravinsky,[533] and La Monte Young.
128. ^ Olin Downes described Op. 28 as "Dead End music" in 1941.[539] Another critic wrote in 1929: "If modernism depended for progress upon the Weberns, it would get nowhere."[540]
129. ^ Adorno advocated for the completion of Lulu, writing that it "reveals the extent of its quality the longer and more deeply one immerses oneself in it". Boulez conducted the 1979 première after Cerha's orchestration.
130. ^ By contrast, the Kolisch Quartet's 1927 performance of Berg's Lyric Suite at the Baden-Baden ISCM festival (where Bartók performed his own Piano Sonata) inspired Bartók in his subsequent third and fourth string quartets[549] and Concerto for Orchestra.[550]
131. ^ Tischenko's anti-Stalinist Requiem is a noted example of Soviet post-Webernism.[562]
132. ^ Moments
133. ^ Giving Answer
134. ^ This was Michael Broyles' term.[574]
135. ^ Robert Fink described a "general disciplinary crisis". In new musicology and postmodernism, canons were questioned, and pluralism was promoted. Lawrence Kramer and Susan McClary emphasized musical meaning. Taruskin criticized the canon's Eurocentrism, Germanism (especially in Schoenberg's, Webern's, and Dahlhaus's work), and colonialism.
136. ^ Johnson also described several shifts.
137. ^ In relation to post-Webernism more generally, Holzer slammed attempts "to place Darmstadt in a fascistoid corner or even identifying it as a US propaganda institution amid the Cold War" ("Darmstadt in ein 'faschistoides' Eck zu stellen oder es gar als Propagandainstitution der USA im Kalten Krieg auszuweisen") via "unbelievable distortions, exaggerations, reductions and propagation of clichés" ("unglaublichen Verdrehungen, Übertreibungen, Verkürzungen und Propagierungen von Klischeebildern").[578]
138. ^ In a survey of five prestigious British and French orchestras, his music was played 121 times[584] and Beethoven's 1,198 times between 1967 and 2017.[585] In a US orchestra survey of the "top 100 composers in terms of works performed", his music was played 175 times and Mozart's 7,103 times between 2000 and 2009.[586]
139. ^ Surveying institutions and performers, Ian Pace described New Music and its performance institutions as subcultural within classical music.[588]
140. ^ "[A]tonal music is [like] random notes" in its macroharmony, Dmitri Tymoczko suggested as one reason.[591] Building on Tymoczko's work, Joshua Ballance described Webern's Opp. 1–31 partly in its macroharmonies, emphasizing the already totally chromatic macroharmonies of the pre-dodecaphonic mid-period Lieder.[592] J. Kramer believed such music as Webern's required the listener to learn more about it in order to understand it and noted that only some listeners did.[593] In this sense, he wrote, it is elitist music.[594] While he asserted that Schoenberg and Stravinsky were "generally understood to be well within the cultural mainstream" by contrast to avant-garde radicals like Satie, Henry Cowell, or Luigi Russolo,[595] he considered that Ives and Webern straddled radical and progressive sensibilities.[596] He also noted that modernism fared better in Europe than in the US, which he ascribed to differences in education and also to the commercialization of increasingly unsubsidized art music particularly in the US.[597]
141. ^ J. Kramer noted that audiences gradually became less shocked and more indifferent, at least in the US.[599]
142. ^ "exoteric canonization"
143. ^ "Don't write music entirely by ear", Webern told Searle: "Your ears will always guide you ... but you must know why" (emphasis in original).[603] Webern's music was associated with "intellectual order".[600] He innovated musically and conceptually, challenging audiences.[604] Julian Johnson argued that criticisms of composers' innovations were a "constant of musical modernity for four hundred years", from il nuove musiche to die neue Musik. He quoted Girolamo Mei writing to Vincenzo Galilei in 1572: "[N]ot to appear ... inferior ... these musicians precipitated themselves at breakneck speed ... to discover always new styles and new forms of song [which] were not understood [or] felt".[605] Mei wrote Galilei that in these innovations composers followed their ears, not their intellects.[606]
144. ^ For J. Peter Burkholder, musical historicism as a mainstream intellectual tradition proper began in Brahms's generation's l'art pour l'art and more introverted musical experience. It intensified in Schoenberg's generation with increasing engagement with stylistic history as impetus to compositional innovation. Distantly and obliquely echoing Charles Burney's work, it flowered amid Hegelianism and theories of biological and social evolution or progress. Burkholder distinguished between more progressive historicism (Schoenberg's Erwartung), more emulative cases (Strauss's Ariadne auf Naxos), and mixed examples (Berg's Wozzeck). He noted the assimilation of peripheral national music traditions for novelty but emphasized that innovation occurred even within those contexts.[607]
145. ^ Burkholder and Lydia Goehr, among others, traced the history of orchestras' (and other institutions') museum-like function in producing and presenting "civilized", "elite", or "important" (if sometimes "difficult", "serious", or "unpopular") music as artwork, not without regard to audiences.[609]
146. ^ The others, in both cases, were Bartók, Berg, Schoenberg, and Stravinsky.[610] In Joseph N. Straus's account of how modernists recast tradition,[611] they were "the exemplars" on whom he focused.[612] Ensemble intercontemporain played them often at Boulez's IRCAM as "classics" in the 1980s, which Georgina Born argued contributed to their canonization.[613] In considering the US context, J. Kramer wrote that Bartók, Stravinsky, and especially Schoenberg and Webern were not often played or widely understood but nonetheless backed as central to canon of 20th-century classical music in terms of theory and analysis by academics with a shared perspective (who constituted a significant plurality of composers).[614] He considered Schoenberg, Stravinsky, and Webern "quintessential modernists of the early twentieth century".[599]
147. ^ For Taruskin, pitch sets did not "conform to the physics of sound", and "optimism about human adaptability ... is the same ... that drives all utopian thinking."[617]
148. ^ J. Kramer characterized early modernists (e.g., Schoenberg, Stravinsky, and Webern) and even the early modernist avant-garde (e.g., Satie, Cowell, Russolo, Edgar Varèse) as "trapped" in continuous historical development.[619] Seeing themselves as innovators entailed both conceiving of history as linear progress and rejecting prior concepts of music, he explained.[619] Modernists engaged and competed with the dominant music of the past, which they reinvented.[620]
149. ^ For Taruskin, "the legacy of fascism is an inseparable ... facet of the lofty legacy of modernism".[623] Krasner told Fanfare Webern "packed me off quickly" upon the Anschluss "for my safety but perhaps ... to avoid ... embarrassment ... had his family arrived, or friends celebrating ... Nazi entry".[250] Taruskin cited Krasner to claim Webern joyfully welcomed the Nazis upon the Anschluss.[624] In his "How Talented Composers Become Useless" postscript, Taruskin wrote, "The Nazis had every right to criticize Schoenberg ... . It is not for their criticism that we all revile them."[625] He compared Leibowitz to Goebbels, found "Nazi resonances" in Eimert's "only composers who follow Webern are worthy of the name," and likened Boulez's "[s]ince the Viennese discoveries, any musician who has not experienced ... the necessity of dodecaphonic language is USELESS" to the Zhdanov Doctrine.[626]
150. ^ "Of all in the volumes in this series," Taruskin referred to his Oxford History, "this one, covering the first half of the twentieth century, surely differs the most radically from previous accounts".[628]
151. ^ Rosen charged Taruskin's "hostile presentation ... does not result in historical objectivity".[576] Max Erwin considered Taruskin's work on the Darmstädter Ferienkurse "passionately negative"[630] and "thoroughly discredited",[631] particularly that "Adorno or Leibowitz officiated with near-dictatorial power".[632] Rodney Lister wrote, "Taruskin's purpose ... is to bury Webern, not to praise him", noting "the increasing importance of 'motivization' over the course of the 19th century and of the 'collapse' of (traditional) tonality [is] something which Taruskin flatly states never took place."[633] Larson Powell found "Taruskin's ... references to Webern's politics ... to discredit the music."[634] Christian Utz [de] agreed with Martin Zenck [de] that Taruskin's claims were "simplifying and distorting", granting "authoritarian rhetoric ... in ... the 1950s and 60s" and the nonexistence of "'apolitical music'".[635] Holzer also sympathized with but found Taruskin inappropriate and simplistic.[636]
152. ^ In a case study, Martin Kaltenecker noted Taruskin's taking aim at avant-garde prestige in opposition to Célestin Deliège [fr]'s Cinquante ans de modernité musicale: De Darmstadt à l'IRCAM.[639] He contrasted their polarized nomothetic "plots" with more idiographic approaches' "juxtapositions" and thick description. He considered how to move beyond this nomothetic–idiographic historiographical dichotomy.[640]
153. ^ Johnson described music in modernity as "broken off from the past", "broken in itself", and "of individual subjectivity". It no longer "elaborate[s] ... divine unity", by contrast to medieval music, but "rema[d]e it", he argued, "as Wagner's Siegfried ... from ... his father's sword, or as Webern piece[d] together ... atomized ... interval[s]."[644]
154. ^ For Johnson, modernism foregrounded the "brokenness that always lay at the heart of the pastoral".[647] Thomas Peattie wrote about brokenness in Mahler's pastoral music.[648]
155. ^ Julie Brown described a "greening" of Webern literature in the 1990s.[651]
156. ^ In 1912, Webern wrote that Schoenberg's music "creates entirely new expressive values; therefore it also needs new means of expression". "Content and form", he continued, "cannot be separated." The Moldenhauers wrote that "Webern's remarks ... could readily serve as commentaries on his own compositions".[654]

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224. ^ Kapp 1999, 128; Krones 2007, Biographie, 1933–1939; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 473–474, 530–532, 680n28.
225. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 400, 435.
226. ^ Kapp 1999, 121–128; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 495–496, 517–518.
227. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 408–413, 499–500.
228. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 412–413, 499–500.
229. ^ Fulbrook 2011, 45–47; Mayer 1988, xiii, 90–109.
230. ^ Brand and Hailey 1987, xix-xxi.
231. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 166–174; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 529–530.
232. ^ Tonietti 2003, 236–237.
233. ^ Kapp 1999, 121; Powell 2013, 3.
234. ^ Brown 1998, 149–150; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 530.
235. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 166–174.
236. ^ Johnson 1999, 219–220 et passim 221–225.
237. ^ Krasner and Seibert 1987, 337–338; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 532.
238. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 554–555.
239. ^ Bukey 2019, 70–72; Russell 2019, 45–46.
240. ^ Johnson 2006b, 197.
241. ^ Johnson 2006b, 219–225.
242. ^ Johnson 1999, 220.
243. ^ Hayes 1995, 168–169.
244. ^ a b Foreman 1991, 4–10.
245. ^ a b Foreman 1991, 4–10; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 338–343.
246. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 164–165; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 343; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 476.
247. ^ Krasner and Seibert 1987, 338–343.
248. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 164; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 343; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 476.
249. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 164–165; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 343.
250. ^ a b Krasner and Seibert 1987, 343.
251. ^ Greissle-Schönberg 2003b; Hochman 2016, 237–238; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 343; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 476–477, 495; Wodak, de Cillia, Reisigl, and Liebhart 2009, 52.
252. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 476–477.
253. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 164–165; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 476–477; Shreffler 1999, 299.
254. ^ a b Bailey Puffett 1998, 154–155, 158–160, 164–165, 171, 174, 189–190.
255. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 154–155, 158–160, 164–165; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 337–338.
256. ^ Obinger 2018, 86.
257. ^ Bukey 2000, 151–152.
258. ^ Berger 2003, 74; Czerwińska-Schupp 2016, 1, 20–21 (quoting Josef Redlich [de]); Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 497; Wodak, de Cillia, Reisigl, and Liebhart 2009.
259. ^ Czerwińska-Schupp 2016, 23.
260. ^ Bukey 2000, 9.
261. ^ Kirk 2003, 15.
262. ^ Berger 2003, 78, 86.
263. ^ Berger 2003, 86–87; Kirk 2003, 18.
264. ^ Kirk 2003, 20.
265. ^ Lassner 2003, 167.
266. ^ Lassner 2003, 172–173.
267. ^ Bukey 2000, 32, 35–36; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 342–343.
268. ^ a b Krones 2007, Biographie, 1939–1945.
269. ^ Berger 2003, 87–89; Lassner 2003, 164–169, 180n4; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 680n26.
270. ^ Bukey 2000, 11–12, 36–38, 76–79, 227–228; Hochman 2016, 7–9, 22–23, 34–36, 46–47, 191–193, 231–242.
271. ^ Czerwińska-Schupp 2016, 1, 22–24, 39–44, 162–167, 192–194, 210–211, 217–218, 339–350.
272. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 209–210, 496–500, 525–532, 555.
273. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 161.
274. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 499, 683n8: "According to Polnauer, Webern only very gradually came to realize what was happening ... It took ... three years [after 1938] until his childlike faith ... was definitely shaken"; cf. 458, 474, 529, 538, 588: "optimism".
275. ^ Krasner and Seibert 1987, 337–338, 343–345.
276. ^ Krasner and Seibert 1987, 343–345.
277. ^ a b Wistrich 2012, 18–19.
278. ^ Jay 1986, 90–93.
279. ^ a b Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 516–519, 530–531.
280. ^ Krasner and Seibert 1987, 337; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 473–474.
281. ^ a b Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 517.
282. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 531; Schoenberg 2018, 209.
283. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 86, 105, 173; Webern 1967.
284. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 165; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 340, 385, 530.
285. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 150; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 473–474.
286. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 473, 680n29.
287. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 500–505.
288. ^ Kapp 1999, 121–128.
289. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 408–409, 499–500.
290. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 174; Kapp 1999, 121–128; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 499–500.
291. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 503–504, 519–520, 685.
292. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 521.
293. ^ Kapp 1999, 121–128; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 503–504, 517, 531, 549.
294. ^ a b c d Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 537–538.
295. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 523–525, 548–552, 579–580.
296. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 499–500, 523.
297. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 525, 591–592.
298. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 237, 538.
299. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 539.
300. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 538–540.
301. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 86, 166–175; Johnson 1999, 219–222; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, XI, 18, 283, 292, 333, 337, 339, 345, 356, 370, 372, 416–417, 448, 467, 517, 525–533, 538–539, 544–548, 550, 552, 555, 569, 573–575, 578, 591, 641–643; Ross 2007, 352.
302. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 526.
303. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 527–530.
304. ^ Johnson 1999, 221.
305. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 86, 166; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 522–523.
306. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 168-172; Kater 1997, 74; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 544–545.
307. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 166-172.
308. ^ Turner 1985, 59–60, 113–124, 157, 292–293, 347, 403.
309. ^ Turner 1985, 143–144, 347–349.
310. ^ a b Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 544–545.
311. ^ a b Bailey Puffett 1998, 183.
312. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 553–554.
313. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 592.
314. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 526, 552.
315. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 600–603.
316. ^ Greissle-Schönberg 2003a; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 345-346; Schoenberg 2018, 209.
317. ^ Krasner and Seibert 1987, 346.
318. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 183–184.
319. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 185–191; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 346; Moldenhauer 1961, 85, 102, 1141–16; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 632.
320. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 620, 680n27.
321. ^ Bailey Puffett 1998, 164; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 619–620.
322. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 113–115, 132–134, 138, 190, 204.
323. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 212.
324. ^ a b c d e f Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 638–643.
325. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 113.
326. ^ Adorno 1984, 448; Adorno 2004, 418.
327. ^ Kramer 2016.
328. ^ Kramer 2016, 84.
329. ^ Kramer 2016, 84–85.
330. ^ Bols 2020, 112–113.
331. ^ Bols 2020, 124–125.
332. ^ Burkholder 1983, 125; Frigyesi 1998, 23, 25–26, 30–33, 36–41, 90–93, 105–108; Neubauer 2001, 11–15; Neubauer 2002, 501–502; Neubauer 2009, 21–22, 29–31; Rochberg 2004, 17–18.
333. ^ a b Taruskin 2023a, 294.
334. ^ Johnson 1999, 205.
335. ^ Johnson 2006b, 205–206.
336. ^ Zenck 1989, 299; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 37, 39.
337. ^ Zenck 1989, 299, 309.
338. ^ Zenck 1989, 299.
339. ^ Zenck 1989, 299; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 319, 325–326.
340. ^ Zenck 1989, 299–300; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 422.
341. ^ Zenck 1989, 300; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 483, 681n6.
342. ^ Zenck 1989, 300; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 492–493, 756.
343. ^ Zenck 1989, 300; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 492.
344. ^ Zenck 1989, 299–300; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 492–493, 753–756.
345. ^ Littlewood 2004, 33.
346. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 483; Musgrave 1985, 259–260.
347. ^ Burkholder 1983, 119–128; Burkholder 2006, 425; Cook and Pople 2004, 672; Kolneder 1968, 20–21; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 37, 39, 49–69, 74–78, 84–88, 99, 124–125, 265, 274, 276, 300, 318–321, 325–328, 334–339, 366–369, 373–374, 378–380, 414, 419, 424–427, 482, 506–508, 570–572, 575–576, 689, 715, 738–739; Morris 2016, 172–173; Street 1989, 71–91; Tarasti 2002, 44–46, 99–104; Tarasti 2015, 292–293.
348. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 75–76.
349. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 374.
350. ^ Allen-Russell 2023, 192.
351. ^ Burkholder 1983, 115, 124–125, 129, 132.
352. ^ Stapleton 1994, 12–13; Peperzak 1994, 461.
353. ^ Peperzak 1994, 466.
354. ^ Adorno 1999, 100; Antokoletz 2014, 44; Bailey Puffett 1991, 14, 31–35, 94, 107–109, 125, 418; Ballance 2023, Abstract, 95, 232–234; Johnson 1999, 165.
355. ^ Rochberg 2004, 15; Shreffler 1994, 18; Shreffler 1999, 253–255.
356. ^ Schroeder 1999, 218–219.
357. ^ Berry 2019, 74; Simms 1999, 161–162.
358. ^ Schroeder 1999, 233–234.
359. ^ Shaftel 2000, iv.
360. ^ Johnson 1998, 275–279.
361. ^ Kolneder 1968, 86; Shreffler 1994, 149.
362. ^ Adorno 1999, 100.
363. ^ Barker 2004, 24–26; Fraser 2003, 9–25; Matter 1981, 57; Shreffler 1999, 276.
364. ^ Berg 2014, 218–219, 222, 261; Elliott 2007, 229–230; Hayes 1995, 138; Perle 1985, 29.
365. ^ Näf 2019, 190.
366. ^ Kim 2012, 46–48, 51.
367. ^ Clark 2001, 573; Hayes 2021, 9.
368. ^ Johnson 2017, 228.
369. ^ Rode-Breymann 1996, 1.
370. ^ Johnson 1999, 1–8, 20–37, 42–44, 50, 73–78, 100–109, 145–154, 162, 172, 182, 186, 193, 199–218, 230–232, 248, 259.
371. ^ Johnson 1999, 258.
372. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 340–342.
373. ^ Hába 1934, 15–17.
374. ^ Ewell 2013, 220–223, 242.
375. ^ Bailey Puffett 1991, 47; Hayes 2021, 9; Taruskin 2023a, 294.
376. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 465.
377. ^ Ewell 2013, 219–221.
378. ^ Korstvedt 2004, 121; Sanderson n.d..
379. ^ Inbal 2022.
380. ^ Antokoletz 2014, 44–47; Baragwanath 1999.
381. ^ Shaftel 2004, iv.
382. ^ Chen 2006; Puffett 1996, 38; Yang 1987, vi.
383. ^ Fitch 2000; Webern 2000.
384. ^ Quick 2010, 103–104, 112–118, 248.
385. ^ Meyer and Shreffler 1996, 136; Shere 2007, 7.
386. ^ a b Johnson 1999, 211–236.
387. ^ Rode-Breymann 1996, 2.
388. ^ Johnson 1999, 42–45.
389. ^ Wedler 2015, 225–226, 229.
390. ^ Jensen 1989, 12–14.
391. ^ Jensen 1989, 11–15; Johnson 1999, 72–77; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 86.
392. ^ Wedler 2015, 229–243.
393. ^ Wedler 2015, 226–227.
394. ^ Zenck 1989, 299, 301–308; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 82, 87–88.
395. ^ Bailey Puffett 1996, 195; Meyer and Shreffler 1996, 147, 150; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 93–97.
396. ^ Bailey Puffett and Schingnitz 2020, 193; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 140–141.
397. ^ Kolneder 1968, 225; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 116–117, 736–737.
398. ^ Johnson 1999, "one scene" as on 84, quoting his own translation of Webern's July 1912 letter from Rexroth's Opus Anton Webern; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 113, 132, "several scenes" as on 190, 736–737.
399. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 57.
400. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 104.
401. ^ Kolneder 1968, 184.
402. ^ Kolneder 1968, 128, 184.
403. ^ Busoni 1987, 388–9; Haimo 2010, 100–104; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 123–125, 706–707.
404. ^ Street 2005, 86.
405. ^ Schoenberg 1950, 484.
406. ^ Brinkmann 2000, 9–12.
407. ^ Krones 2017, 125.
408. ^ Adorno 1984, 448; Bailey Puffett 1997, 83–86; Haimo 2010, 100–104; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 64, 93–97, 117–134, 190–208, 263, 279, 656.
409. ^ Zenck 1989, 301.
410. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 194.
411. ^ Haimo 2006, 318–352.
412. ^ Boss 2015, 2, 5, 10–12, 46, n8.
413. ^ Johnson 1999, 121.
414. ^ Crawford and Crawford 1993, 243–244 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFCrawford_and_Crawford1993 (help); Johnson 1999, 33–34, 75, 101–108, 132–134.
415. ^ a b Crawford and Crawford 1993, 243–244. sfn error: no target: CITEREFCrawford_and_Crawford1993 (help)
416. ^ Johnson 1999, 33–34, 75, 101–108, 132–134.
417. ^ Crawford and Crawford 1993, 243–244 sfnm error: no target: CITEREFCrawford_and_Crawford1993 (help); Johnson 1999, 101.
418. ^ Johnson 1999, 101.
419. ^ a b Johnson 1999, 107–108, 132–134.
420. ^ Johnson 1999, 103–104 et passim 40, 85, 99–127; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 126.
421. ^ Johnson 1999, 104 et passim 40, 85, 99–127, quoting his own translation of Webern's Aug 1913 letter from Rexroth's Opus Anton Webern (77).
422. ^ Johnson 1999, 105–108.
423. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 205.
424. ^ Dolan and Rehding 2021, 135, 144, 157–159, 183, 514, 527–529, 534; Johnson 1999, 57, 94, 110–112, 121, 125, 141, 201.
425. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 660n9, quoting a 1915 note from Alma Mahler published in her Mein Leben (Frankfurt: S. Fischer, 1960): 77.
426. ^ Kolneder 1968, 89–90.
427. ^ Johnson 1997, 76–78; Johnson 1999, 156–157.
428. ^ a b Johnson 1999, 129.
429. ^ Kolneder 1968, 83–85, quoting Theodor W. Adorno.
430. ^ Johnson 1997, 71–74, 89–101.
431. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 274–275.
432. ^ Kolneder 1968, 83.
433. ^ Kolneder 1968, 90.
434. ^ Johnson 1999, 149–150.
435. ^ Johnson 1999, 149–150; Shreffler 1994, 131–132.
436. ^ Auner 2003, 123–124.
437. ^ Auner 2003, 123–125; Berry 2008, 86; Berry 2014, 66; Smither 2001, 678; Watkins 2011, 215, 295n83.
438. ^ Auner 2003, 123–125; Watkins 2011, 215.
439. ^ Watkins 2011, 295n83.
440. ^ Brown 2011, 120.
441. ^ Christensen 1979, Volume II: Appendices, Appendix B: Annotated Edition of the Libretto (DICH[tung]14), 6.
442. ^ Watkins 2011, 215–216, 226–227.
443. ^ Schoenberg 1950, 113.
444. ^ Shreffler 1999, 283.
445. ^ Straus 1990, 8–9, 21–41; Shere 2007, 10.
446. ^ Ballance 2023, 42, 95, 114; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 194, 309–310.
447. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 206.
448. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 308.
449. ^ Johnson 1999; Wedler 2023.
450. ^ Kolneder 1968, 89.
451. ^ Hamao 2011, 239–240, 287–288, quoting Webern with Webern's emphases.
452. ^ Hamao 2011, 239–240, 250–251.
453. ^ Hamao 2011, 235, 250–251, quoting Greissle and Schoenberg.
454. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 309–310.
455. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 310.
456. ^ Bailey Puffett 1991, 41–42, 238–242.
457. ^ Bailey Puffett 1991, 41–42.
458. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 259, 285–287, 322.
459. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 278–279, 285.
460. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 278–279, 311–320; Perle 1995, 125.
461. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 321–322.
462. ^ Straus 1990, 169–170, 180–184.
463. ^ Bailey Puffett 1996, 171; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 75–76, 318–319, 327, 513–514, 575, 689n9.
464. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 194, 327–328.
465. ^ a b Johnson 1999, 184.
466. ^ Bailey Puffett 1996, 170–173; Johnson 1999, 4–11, 184–185; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 190, 308–309, 315–316, 342.
467. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 113–114, 190.
468. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 190.
469. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 113–114.
470. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 348, 423, 670n4.
471. ^ Bailey Puffett 1996, 171; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 423.
472. ^ Bailey Puffett 1996, 171.
473. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 431–434.
474. ^ a b Rochberg 2004, 15.
475. ^ Bailey Puffett 2001.
476. ^ Zenck 1989, 301; Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 571, 576–578.
477. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 576–578.
478. ^ Johnson 1999, 182.
479. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 742.
480. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 67, 746.
481. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 67.
482. ^ Merrick 1987, 31.
483. ^ Arnold 2002, 386–387; Merrick 1987, 31.
484. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 416, 440–445; Straus 1990, 70-73.
485. ^ Straus 1990, 5–9, 73.
486. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 440; Straus 1990, 67, 72, 197.
487. ^ Auner 1999, 14; Clampitt 2009, 195; Doctor 1999, 200; Johnson 1999, 128; Paddison 1998, 51; Perle 1990, 45; Prausnitz 2002, 261.
488. ^ Babbitt 2003, 54.
489. ^ Maconie 2016, 36–41, 45–50.
490. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 292, 450, 516–517; Morgan 1993, 79; Ross 2007, 267.
491. ^ Wedler 2023, 103–104.
492. ^ a b Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 470–471, 679–680.
493. ^ Pace 2022b, 406–407.
494. ^ Pace 2022b, 436, 439.
495. ^ Jackson 2005, 465.
496. ^ Bolcom 2004, 50; Bolcom 2016; Cook 2017, 163, 201.
497. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 108.
498. ^ Burkholder 1983, 128–134.
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501. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 193.
502. ^ Andriessen and Trochimczyk 2002, 6.
503. ^ Crawford and Khuner 1996, 10.
504. ^ Kolneder 1968, 12.
505. ^ Dallapiccola 1972, 6.
506. ^ a b Alegant 2010, 14.
507. ^ Dallapiccola 1972, 2.
508. ^ Dallapiccola 1972, 5–6.
509. ^ Alegant 2010, 38–46, 103–105, 292.
510. ^ a b Krasner and Seibert 1987, 346–47.
511. ^ Jarman 2017; Perle 1985, 283–284.
512. ^ Arnold Schönberg Center n.d.; Kater 1999, clv; Krasner and Seibert 1987, 345.
513. ^ Leibowitz 2018, 2, 5, 7, 11, 13, 81, 83, 86.
514. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 693; Stravinsky 1959.
515. ^ Andriessen 2002, 131; Fosler-Lussier 2007, 38; Grant 2001, 103; Ross 2007, 267.
516. ^ Taruskin 2009a, 15–18.
517. ^ Bols 2020, 125–126.
518. ^ Fosler-Lussier 2007, 40.
519. ^ Ross 2007, 267.
520. ^ Erwin 2020, 93–94.
521. ^ Grant 2001, 103.
522. ^ Vandagriff 2017, 332.
523. ^ Rochberg 2004, 47–48; Wlodarski 2019, 59.
524. ^ Emmery 2020, 72–82.
525. ^ Clements 2022; Miller 2022a, 99.
526. ^ Straus 2001, 22.
527. ^ Feldman 2000, 114–115.
528. ^ Grant 2001, 104.
529. ^ Goeyvaerts 1994, 39; Grant 2001, 104-105.
530. ^ Iddon 2013, 250.
531. ^ Service 2013.
532. ^ Rochberg 2004, 9–11, 20–22; Wlodarski 2019, 62, 179.
533. ^ Sills 2022, 286–287.
534. ^ Johnson 1999, 28, 48, 54–55, 65–66, 69, 88, 110, 217, 231.
535. ^ Broyles 2004, 229.
536. ^ Erwin 2020, 93.
537. ^ Iddon 2013, 90–98, 115–116, 142–143, 258.
538. ^ Straus 1999, 330–332.
539. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 667.
540. ^ Slonimsky 1994, 251.
541. ^ Wlodarski 2019, 59.
542. ^ Watkins 1988, 390–391.
543. ^ Ehman 2013, 178.
544. ^ Street 2005, 101–103; Watkins 1988, 651.
545. ^ Bregegere 2014, 147; Pousseur 2009, 227.
546. ^ Berg 1957; Berg 2014, ix.
547. ^ Krones 2017, 56.
548. ^ Krones 2017, 123–124.
549. ^ Antokoletz and Susanni 2011, xxix.
550. ^ Suchoff 2004, 22.
551. ^ Fosler-Lussier 2007, 49.
552. ^ Frandzel 2002; Krones 2017, 122–124.
553. ^ Johnson, V 2015, 34.
554. ^ Johnson, V 2015, 53–54.
555. ^ Johnson, V 2015, 59–65.
556. ^ Schmelz 2009, 26–27, 45–50, 72, 84, 200, 275–276.
557. ^ Schmelz 2009, 45.
558. ^ Schmelz 2009, 52–54; Taruskin 2023a.
559. ^ Taruskin 2023a, 285.
560. ^ Schmelz 2009, 44.
561. ^ Schmelz 2009, 40.
562. ^ Tsenova 2014, 53–54.
563. ^ Schmelz 2009, 40–45, 65.
564. ^ Schmelz 2023, 253.
565. ^ a b Schmelz 2009, 70.
566. ^ Schmelz 2009, 40, 70–71.
567. ^ Schmelz 2009, 21–24, 179, 216, 221, 267, 275, 298.
568. ^ Sitsky 2002, 183–185.
569. ^ Bremser 1999, 2.
570. ^ Bremser 1999, 281–287.
571. ^ Bremser 1999, 108–113.
572. ^ Bremser 1999, 46–52.
573. ^ Bremser 1999, 175–180.
574. ^ Broyles 2004, 153–175.
575. ^ Adamson 2003, 415.
576. ^ a b Rosen 2012, 246.
577. ^ Holzer 2019, 293–308.
578. ^ Holzer 2019, 294.
579. ^ Potter 2005, 446.
580. ^ Page, Tim (30 June 1983). "Critic's Notebook; Re-evaluations of Webern's music". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 3 March 2024. Retrieved 3 March 2024.
581. ^ Watkins 1988, 390–391, 528–529.
582. ^ Watkins 1994, 465.
583. ^ Bols 2020, 205.
584. ^ Bols 2020, 265.
585. ^ Bols 2020, 250.
586. ^ London 2013, 85.
587. ^ Fontana 2023, "Non è triste Venezia".
588. ^ Pace 2022b, 396–397.
589. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 540–543.
590. ^ Bols 2020, 207–208; Kramer 2016, 38, 41, 55–57.
591. ^ Tymoczko 2011, 181–186.
592. ^ Ballance 2023, Abstract, 39–42, 69–74, 103–104, 107–108, 232–234.
593. ^ Kramer 2016, 41, 43, 47–48, 53.
594. ^ Kramer 2016, 41.
595. ^ Kramer 2016, 43.
596. ^ Kramer 2016, 38, 47–48.
597. ^ Kramer 2016, 56–57, 201–204.
598. ^ Ahrend and Münnich 2018; Clampitt 2009, 195; Erwin 2020, 93–94; Kramer 2016, 38, 47–48, 55–57; Miller 2022b.
599. ^ a b Kramer 2016, 47–48.
600. ^ a b Johnson 1997, 61.
601. ^ Thorau 2013, 549.
602. ^ Shreffler 2013, 617 (German), 11 (English).
603. ^ Kozbelt 2016, 46; Searle and Webern 1940, 405.
604. ^ Kozbelt 2016, 32–35, 44–47.
605. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 32–33, 57–58, 320.
606. ^ Mei 1998, 494–495.
607. ^ Burkholder 1983, 118–124.
608. ^ Burkholder 1983, 116–118, 127–134.
609. ^ Burkholder 1983, 116–118, 120, 125–131, 133–134; Goehr 1992, 7–8, 13, 55–56, 60-61, 117–119, 120–122, 172–175, 178, 190–216, 232–257, 264, 273–286.
610. ^ Berry 2019, 43; Nattiez 2004, 74–75.
611. ^ Straus 1990, 16–17.
612. ^ Straus 1990, vii.
613. ^ Born 1995, 172–175.
614. ^ Kramer 2016, 38–40, 199–200.
615. ^ Miller 2022b, "Epilogue; or, it matters how you flop".
616. ^ Taruskin 2009c, xiii–xiv.
617. ^ Taruskin 1994, ¶7–8; Scherzinger with Hoad 1997, 127–128.
618. ^ Taruskin 2011, 3–4.
619. ^ a b Kramer 2016, 14–15.
620. ^ Kramer 2016, 15.
621. ^ Taruskin 2023b, 518–519; Taruskin 2009a, 413.
622. ^ Scherzinger with Hoad 1997, 63–65, 147.
623. ^ Adlington 2019, 217, 231n9; Taruskin 2009f, 212.
624. ^ Taruskin 2009f, 211–212.
625. ^ Taruskin 1996b; Taruskin 2009d, 92.
626. ^ Holzer 2019, 305; Taruskin 2009a, 18–19.
627. ^ Robin, William (1 July 2022). "Richard Taruskin, Vigorously Polemical Musicologist, Dies at 77". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 2 July 2022. Retrieved 24 September 2022.; Bolcom 2004, 52; Bolcom 2016; Forte 1986, 321; Ho 2011, 200; Kosman 2014; MacDonald n.d.; Mitchinson 2001, 34; Pace 2022a; Schuijer 2008, 23
628. ^ Taruskin 2009b, xiv, xx.
629. ^ Eichner 2012, 28; Taruskin 2009e, 397; Taruskin 2011, 3–4; White 2008, 203.
630. ^ Erwin 2021, 71.
631. ^ Erwin 2020, 119.
632. ^ Erwin 2019, 45.
633. ^ Lister 2006, 52; Taruskin 2011, 3.
634. ^ Powell 2013, 3.
635. ^ Utz 2021, 114.
636. ^ Holzer 2019, 305.
637. ^ Cox 2011, 1, 36–38, 53.
638. ^ Barthel-Calvet and Murray 2023, 6; Decroupet 2023, 37.
639. ^ Barthel-Calvet and Murray 2023, 5–6.
640. ^ Barthel-Calvet and Murray 2023, 3–10, 12; Kaltenecker 2023, 13–14, 21–31, 34.
641. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 7, 85, 120–122.
642. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 1–4, 117–119, 124–129, 184–185.
643. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 3–10; Lee 2023, 434–436.
644. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 33–34.
645. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 4–8, 33–34.
646. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 15, 28–29, 40–41, 64–66.
647. ^ a b Johnson, J 2015, 28.
648. ^ Batstone 2023, 113–114.
649. ^ Johnson, J 2015, 25–28.
650. ^ Krones 2007, Nachlaß.
651. ^ Miller 2022a.
652. ^ Miller 2020, xiv–xix, 67–68, 133–134, 149, 178–179, 190–192; Peattie 2012, 424; Shreffler 2002, 294–299.
653. ^ Johnson 1999, 179.
654. ^ Moldenhauer and Moldenhauer 1978, 154, quoting Webern's "About Arnold Schoenberg".
655. ^ Wedler 2023, 87–96 et passim, quoting Schoenberg's Preface to Webern's Bagatelles, Adorno's review from the premiere of Webern's Op. 10, and Hegel's Lectures on Aesthetics.

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* Taruskin, Richard. 2009. "How Talented Composers Become Useless". The Danger of Music and Other Anti-Utopian Essays, 86–93. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-94279-0 (ebk). ISBN 978-0-520-24977-6 (hbk).
* Taruskin, Richard. 2009. "Back to Whom? Neoclassicism as Ideology". The Danger of Music and Other Anti-Utopian Essays, 382–405. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-94279-0 (ebk). ISBN 978-0-520-24977-6 (hbk).
* Taruskin, Richard. 2009. "The Dark Side of the Moon". The Danger of Music and Other Anti-Utopian Essays, 202–216. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24977-6 (ebk). ISBN 978-0-520-24977-6 (hbk).
* Taruskin, Richard. 1996. Stravinsky and the Russian Traditions, Vol. II: A Biography of the Works Through Mavra. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07099-8.
* Taruskin, Richard. 1996. "How Talented Composers Become Useless". Classical View. The New York Times Archives (10 March 1996, web site accessed 30 Mar. 2024).
* Taruskin, Richard. 1994. "Does Nature Call the Tune?". Classical View. The New York Times Archives (18 Sept 1994, web site accessed 30 Mar. 2024).
* Thorau, Christian. 2013. "Werk, Wissen, und touristisches Hören: Popularisierende Kanonbildung in Programmheften und Konzertführern". Der Kanon der Musik, Theorie und Geschichte: Ein Handbuch, eds. and intro. Klaus Pietschmann and Melanie Wald-Fuhrmann [de], 535–561. Munich: edition text + kritik. ISBN 978-3-86916-981-1 (ebk). ISBN 978-3-86916-106-8 (pbk).
* Tonietti, Tito M. 2003. "Die Jakobsleiter, twelve-tone music, and Schönberg's Gods". In Journal of the Arnold Schönberg Center, Report of the Symposium, 26. – 29. Juni 2002: Arnold Schönberg and his God, ed. and fwd. Christian Meyer, 213–237. Vienna: Arnold Schönberg Center. ISBN 978-3-902012-05-0.
* Toorn, Pieter van den and John McGinness. 2012. Stravinsky and the Russian Period: Sound and Legacy of a Musical Idiom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-02100-6 (hbk).
* Tsenova, Valeria. 2014. Underground Music from the Former USSR, ed. Valeria Tsenova, trans. Romela Kohanovskaya. Amsterdam: Overseas Publishers Association. ISBN 978-1-134-37165-5 (ebk).
* Turner Jr, Henry A. 1985. German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503492-9 (hbk).
* Tymoczko, Dmitri. 2011. A Geometry of Music: Harmony and Counterpoint in the Extended Common Practice. Oxford Studies in Music Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press, ed. Richard Cohn. ISBN 978-0-19-533667-2.
* Utz, Christian. Musical Composition in the Context of Globalization: New Perspectives on Music History in the 20th and 21st Century, ed. Wieland Hoban. [Trans. Laurence Sinclair Willis.] Rev. and expanded ed. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. ISBN 978-3-8376-5095-2.
* Wasserman, Janek. 2014. Black Vienna: The Radical Right in the Red City, 1918–1938. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-5522-3 (ebk).
* Vandagriff, Rachel S. 2017. "Perspectives and the Patron: Paul Fromm, Benjamin Boretz and Perspectives of New Music". Journal of the Royal Musical Association 142(2):327–65. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1080/02690403.2017.1361175.
* Watkins, Glenn. 1994. Pyramids at the Louvre: Music, Culture, and Collage from Stravinsky to the Postmodernists. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-74083-9.
* Watkins, Glenn. 1988. Soundings: Music in the Twentieth Century. New York: Schirmer. ISBN 978-0-02-873290-9.
* Watkins, Holly. 2011. Metaphors of Depth in German Musical Thought: From E. T. A. Hoffmann to Arnold Schoenberg. New Perspectives in Music History and Criticism Series, gen. eds. Jeffrey Kallberg, Anthony Newcomb, and Ruth Solie. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-01091-8 (hbk).
* Webern, Anton. 1963. The Path to the New Music, ed. Willi Reich [de], trans. Leo Black. Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania: Theodore Presser Co., in Association with Universal Edition. Reprinted London: Universal Edition, 1975. Trans. of Der Wege zur neuen Musik, Vienna: Universal Edition, 1960.
* Webern, Anton. 1967. "Letters to Hildegard Jone and Josef Humplik", ed. Josef Polnauer, trans. Cornelius Cardew and Élisabeth Bouillon. Bryn Mawr: Theodore Presser; London, Vienna, and Zürich: Universal Edition.
* Webern, Anton. 2000. Sämtliche Werke/Complete Works/L'Œuvre complète/L'opera completa. Oelze · Pollet · Schneider · McCormick · Finley · Aimard · Cascioli · Maisenberg · Zimerman · Kremer · Hagen · BBC Singers · Emerson String Quartet · Ensemble Intercontemporain · Berliner Philharmoniker · Pierre Boulez. 6-CD set. Deutsche Grammophon 0289 457 6372 9 GX 6\. Hamburg: Deutsche Grammophon.
* Wedler, Sebastian. 2015. "Thus Spoke the Early Modernist: Zarathustra and Rotational Form in Webern's String Quartet (1905)." Twentieth-Century Music 12(2):225–251.
* Wedler, Sebastian. 2023. "Rethinking Late Webern". The Cambridge Companion to Serialism, ed. Martin Iddon, 87–107. Cambridge Companions to Music Series. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-49252-2 (hbk). ISBN 978-1-108-71686-4 (pbk). doi:10.1017/9781108592116.007.
* White, Harry. 2008. Music and the Irish Literary Imagination. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-156316-4.
* Wistrich, Robert S. 2012. From Ambivalence to Betrayal: The Left, the Jews, and Israel. Studies in Antisemitism Series. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, for the Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. ISBN 978-0-803240-83-4 (ebk).
* Wlodarski, Amy Lynn. 2019. George Rochberg, American Composer: Personal Trauma and Artistic Creativity. Eastman Studies in Music Series, senior ed. Ralph P. Locke. Rochester: University of Rochester Press. ISBN 978-1-58046-947-0.
* Wodak, Ruth, Rudolf de Cillia [de], Martin Reisigl, and Karin Liebhart [de]. The Discursive Construction of National Identity, abbrev. and trans. Angelika Hirsch, Richard Mitten, and J. W. Unger. Second edition. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999, 2003, 2005, and 2009. (Originally published in German. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1998.) ISBN 978-0-7486-3726-3 (hbk). ISBN 978-0-7486-3734-8 (pbk).
* Yang, Tsung-Hsien. 1987 "Webern Symphony: Beyond Palindromes and Canons". PhD diss. Waltham: Brandeis University.
* Zenck, Martin [de]. 1989. "Tradition as authority and provocation: Anton Webern's confrontation with Johann Sebastian Bach". Bach Studies, ed. Don O. Franklin, pref. Don O. Franklin and Johannes Tall, 297–322. Cambridge Composer Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-34105-9 (hbk).

## Further reading

[edit]

* Ahrend, Thomas, and Matthias Schmidt (eds.). 2015. Der junge Webern. Texte und Kontexte. Webern-Studien. Beihefte der Anton Webern Gesamtausgabe 2b. Wien: Lafite. ISBN 978-3-85151-083-6.
* Ahrend, Thomas, and Matthias Schmidt (eds.). 2016. Webern-Philologien. Webern-Studien. Beihefte der Anton Webern Gesamtausgabe 3. Wien: Lafite. ISBN 978-3-85151-084-3.
* Bowie, Andrew. 2007. Music, Philosophy, and Modernity. Modern European Philosophy Series, gen. ed. Robert B. Pippin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-511-35443-4 (ebk). ISBN 978-0-521-87734-3 (hbk).
* Cacciari, Massimo. 1996. Posthumous People: Vienna at the Turning Point, trans. Rodger Friedman. Crossing Aesthetics Series, eds. Werner Hamacher and David E. Wellbery. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-2709-9 (hbk). ISBN 978-0-8047-2710-5 (pbk). (Translation of Dallo Steinhof, 1980, Milano: Adelphi.)
* Cavallotti, Pietro, and Simon Obert, and Rainer Schmusch (eds.). 2019. Neue Perspektiven. Anton Webern und das Komponieren im 20. Jahrhundert. Webern-Studien. Beihefte der Anton Webern Gesamtausgabe 4. Wien: Lafite. ISBN 978-3-85151-098-0.
* Cook, Nicholas. 2013. Beyond the Score: Music as Performance. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19935-743-7 (ebk).
* Distler, Jed. 2000. "Complete Webern". Classics Today, Music Reviews Digest (9 Sept. 2000, web site accessed 19 Jan. 2023).
* Ewen, David. 1971. "Anton Webern (1883–1945)". Composers of Tomorrow's Music, by David Ewen, 66–77. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. ISBN 978-0-396-06286-8.
* Forte, Allen. 1998. The Atonal Music of Anton Webern. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-07352-2
* Galliari, Alain. 2007. "Anton von Webern". Paris: Fayard. ISBN 978-2-213-63457-9.
* Griffiths, Paul (27 August 2000). "A Complete Webern, with 'New' Works". The New York Times. Retrieved 19 January 2023.
* Kennicott, Philip. 2000. "Webern's Atonal Recall: Boulez Sets Record Straight on Composer". 11 June 2000. The Washington Post (web site accessed 19 Jan. 2023).
* Krellman, Hanspeter. 1975. Anton Webern in Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten. Rowohlts Monographien, gen. ed. Kurt Kusenberg. Hamburg: Rowohlt Verlag. ISBN 978-3-49-950229-3 (hbk).
* Kröpfl, Monika, and Simon Obert (eds.). 2015. Der junge Webern. Künstlerische Orientierungen in Wien nach 1900. Webern-Studien. Beihefte der Anton Webern Gesamtausgabe 2a. Wien: Lafite. ISBN 978-3-85151-082-9.
* McClary, Susan. Spring 1989. "Terminal Prestige: The Case of Avant-Garde Music Composition". Cultural Critique ("Discursive Strategies and the Economy of Prestige"). 12:57–81.
* Mead, Andrew. 1993. "Webern, Tradition, and 'Composing with Twelve Tones'". Music Theory Spectrum 15(2):173–204. doi:10.2307/745813
*   * Moldenhauer, Hans. 1966. Anton von Webern Perspectives. Ed. Demar Irvine, with an introductory interview with Igor Stravinsky. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
* Noller, Joachim. 1990. "Bedeutungsstrukturen: zu Anton Weberns 'alpinen' Programmen". Neue Zeitschrift für Musik 151(9):12–18.
* Obert, Simon (ed.). 2012. Wechselnde Erscheinung. Sechs Perspektiven auf Anton Weberns sechste Bagatelle. Webern-Studien. Beihefte der Anton Webern Gesamtausgabe 1. Wien: Lafite. ISBN 978-3-85151-080-5.
* Perle, George. 1991. Serial Composition and Atonality: An Introduction to the Music of Schoenberg, Berg and Webern. Sixth ed. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
* Pousseur, Henri. 1964. "Music, Form and Practice (an Attempt to Reconcile Some Contradictions)". Trans. Margaret Shenfield. Die Reihe 6 (English ed. 1964, German ed. 1960):77–93. Reprint from original in Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 13 (1959).
* Rockwell, John. 1983. All American Music: Composition in the Late Twentieth Century. New York: Alfred Knopf. Reprinted New York: Da Capo Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0-306-80750-3, ISBN 978-0-306-80750-3.
* Sutherland, Roger. 2000. "Boulez's Webern." Tempo 213:52–53. doi:10.1017/S0040298200007889.
* Tsang, Lee. 2002. "The Atonal Music of Anton Webern (1998) by Allen Forte". Music Analysis 21(3): 417–427.
* Taruskin, Richard. 2009. Music in the Nineteenth Century. The Oxford History of Western Music, Vol. 3. Revised edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-538483-3.
*   *   * Wildgans, Friedrich. 1966. Anton Webern. Trans. Edith Temple Roberts and Humphrey Searle. Intro. and notes by Humphrey Searle. New York: October House.

## External links

[edit]

* Anton Webern Gesamtausgabe (Complete Edition)
* Free scores by Anton Webern at the International Music Score Library Project (IMSLP)
* Free scores by Anton Webern in the Choral Public Domain Library (ChoralWiki)
* Anton Webern: Biography & list of works (in English and French)

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Anton Webern

List of compositions

Works|

* Langsamer Satz (1905)
* Passacaglia, Op. 1 (1908)
* Symphony, Op. 21 (1927–1928)
* Concerto for Nine Instruments, Op. 24 (1934)
* Variations, Op. 27, for piano (1936)
* String Quartet, Op. 28 (1938)

Related|

* Derived row
* Emancipation of the dissonance
* Expressionist music
* Fixed register
* Klangfarbenmelodie
* Second Viennese School

Category

Links to related articles

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Second Viennese School

Arnold Schoenberg (1874-1951)|

| Vocal|

* Vier Lieder, Op. 2 (1899-1900)
* Das Buch der hängenden Gärten, Op. 15 (1907-1909)
* Herzgewächse, Op. 20 (1911)
* Pierrot lunaire, Op. 21 (1912)
* Vier Lieder, Op. 22 (1913-1916)

|

Chamber|

* Verklärte Nacht, Op. 4 (1899, 1916-1917 and 1943 arr. for str. orch.)
* String Quartet No. 1, Op. 7 (1904-1905)
* String Quartet No. 2 (with soprano), Op. 10 (1907-1908, 1919 and 1929 arr. for str. orch.)
* Wind Quintet, Op. 26 (1923-1924)
* Suite, Op. 29 (1925–1926)
* String Quartet No. 3, Op. 30 (1927)
* String Quartet No. 4, Op. 37 (1936)

Choral|

* Gurre-Lieder, Op. (1900-1903, orch. 1910-1911)
* Die Jakobsleiter (1914–1922, rev. 1944)
* "Prelude" to Genesis Suite (1945)
* A Survivor from Warsaw, Op. 46 (1947)

Orchestral|

* Pelleas und Melisande, Op. 5 (1902-1903, rev. 1920)
* Chamber Symphony No. 1, Op. 9 (1906)
* Fünf Orchesterstücke, Op. 16 (1909, rev. 1922)
* Variations for orchestra, Op. 31 (1926-1928)
* Begleitungsmusik zu einer Lichtspielscene, Op. 34 (1929-1930)
* Chamber Symphony No. 2, Op. 38 (1906–1940) and Op. 38b (arr. for 2pf, 1941-1942)

Instrumental|

* Drei Klavierstücke, Op. 11 (1909)
* Sechs kleine Klavierstücke, Op. 19 (1911)
* Fünf Klavierstücke, Op. 23 (1920-1923)
* Suite für Klavier, Op. 25 (1921-1923)
* Klavierstücke, Op. 33a (1928-1929) and Op. 33b (1931)

Opera|

* Erwartung, Op. 17 (1909)
* Die glückliche Hand, Op. 18 (1910-1913)
* Von heute auf morgen, Op. 32 (1928-1929)
* Moses und Aron (1930–32, compl. Kocsis 2010)

Concertante|

* Violin Concerto, Op. 36 (1934-1936)
* Piano Concerto, Op. 42 (1942)

Text|

* Harmonielehre (1910-1911, rev. 1921)

Drama|

* Der biblische Weg (1922-1927)

Anton Webern (1883-1945)|

* Langsamer Satz (1905)
* Passacaglia, Op. 1 (1908)
* Symphony, Op. 21 (1927-1928)
* Concerto for Nine Instruments, Op. 24 (1931-1934)
* Variations for piano, Op. 27 (1935-1936)
* String Quartet, Op. 28 (1937–38)

Alban Berg (1885-1935)|

* "Schließe mir die Augen beide" (first setting, 1907)
* Seven Early Songs (1905-1908, orch. 1928)
* Piano Sonata, Op. 1 (1907-1908, rev. 1920)
* String Quartet, Op. 3 (1910, rev. 1924)
* Altenberg Lieder, Op. 4 (1911-1912, iv rearr. 1917)
* Three Orchestral Pieces, Op. 6 (1913-1915, rev. 1929)
* Wozzeck, Op. 7 (1914-1922)
* Kammerkonzert (1923-1935; ii "Adagio" arr. for cl, vl, pf 1935)
* "Schließe mir die Augen beide" (second setting, 1925)
* Lyric Suite (1925-1926 for string quartet, 1928 ii-iv arr. for str. orch.)
* Lulu (1928-1935, orch. compl. Cerha 1962-1978)
* Der Wein (1929)
* Violin Concerto (1935, rev. ed. Douglas Jarman 1996)

Related articles|

* Arnold Schönberg Complete Edition
* 6-20
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* Stefan George
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* Josef Matthias Hauer
* Ruzena Herlinger
* International Society for Contemporary Music
* Klangfarbenmelodie
* Gustav Klimt
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* Karl Kraus
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* Alma Mahler
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* Viennese trichord
* Franz Werfel
* Alexander Zemlinsky

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* Hans Abrahamsen
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* Kees van Baaren
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* Henry Cowell
* Luigi Dallapiccola
* Karel Goeyvaerts
* Henryk Górecki
* Josef Matthias Hauer
* Ben Johnston
* Gottfried Michael Koenig
* Ernst Krenek
* Witold Lutosławski
* Bruno Maderna
* Donald Martino
* Luigi Nono
* Juan Carlos Paz
* Krzysztof Penderecki
* George Perle
* Henri Pousseur
* Einojuhani Rautavaara
* Humphrey Searle
* Second Viennese School
* Alban Berg
* Arnold Schoenberg
* Anton Webern
* Roger Sessions
* Nikos Skalkottas
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