Arab migrations to the Levant

Medieval migrations of Arabs to the Levant

It has been suggested that this article be merged with Demographic history of Palestine (region). (Discuss) Proposed since September 2024.

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The Arab migrations to the Levant , known in Arabic as Bilād al-Shām , involved successive waves of migration and settlement by Arabian tribes from the Arabian Peninsula to the Levant region of West Asia, encompassing modern-day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine and Israel. Arabian migrants hailed from various parts of the Middle East, principally the Arabian Peninsula.

The Arab presence in the Levant before the Muslim conquest primarily consisted of Bedouin tribes inhabiting borderlands and desert regions, while the cultivated inner areas were mainly populated by Christians, Jews, and Samaritans.[1] Following the rise of the Rashidun Caliphate after Muhammad's death in 632 CE, Muslims quickly expanded their control over the Levant,[2] resulting in the settlement of Arabian Muslims in urban areas.[3]

## History

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Main articles: History of the Arabs , Qedarites, Osroene, Nabataeans, Palmyra , Emesene dynasty, Tanukhids , Old Arabic

The earliest known attestation of the Old Arabic language is found in the Levant, the earliest located in Bayir , Transjordan , dating to the 9th century BCE.[4] Assyrian and Ancient Greek records attest to the presence of Arabic-speaking peoples such as the Qedarites living in the desert peripheral areas such as the Syrian Desert , the Golan , the Negev , and Sinai.[5][6] In Classical Antiquity , multiple political entities in the Near East had a substantial Arab presence , such as the Nabatean Kingdom , later known as Provincia Arabia and Palaestina Salutaris , Idumea , where King Herod the Great of Judea's father originated , as well as the Palmyrene Empire.

By the Early Muslim conquests, Arab presence in the Levant consisted of nomadic Bedouin tribes inhabiting the borderlands , and including the Negev desert, the Syrian Desert west of the Euphrates, and the area around Palmyra [1] and settlements in areas such as Trade relations between the Levant and the Arabian Peninsula also existed, with Meccan caravans traveling north, some include Muhmmad's grandfather Hashim , who engaged in business in Gaza.[7] There were also concerns about Bedouin raiders are reflected in both Talmudic and Patristic literature,[7] with the latter recording Saracen raids against the desert monasteries of Palestine.[8]

Muslim sources such as Al-Yaqubi depict mention the Ghassanids and Judham tribal federations as Byzantine-clients in the Levant , acting as a buffer against the Sassanians under Byzantine tutelage,[9] as well as encroaching Arabian tribes . The Ghassanids were able to establish a Vassal Kingdom under Byzantine authority with Jabiya located in eastern Golan, as the capital.[10] The Banu Lakhm, who mingled with the Banu Judham and were based in the northern Euphrates, also had a particular presence in Palestine.[9]

### Rashidun era (632–661 CE)

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Main article: Muslim conquest of the Levant

The Rashidun Caliphate established after Muhmmad's death under Abu Bakr and Umar ibn al-Khattab, rapidly expanded and conquered much of the Levant. Within three years, Syria-Palestine was under Muslim control.[2] During the conquest a number of the Byzantine-Greek minority began to flee from Arabia and began settling in the towns of Syria right after the conquest.[3] This settlement was however limited, primarily involving members of the original conquering armies.[11] Additional tribesmen who immigrated mainly settled in abandoned parts of towns, rather than in rural areas or new camp cities, as happened in Iraq.[11] The numbers of Arabs who settled in the eastern provinces (Mashriq) is unknown , but it's assumed they were a small minority among the native population , the total which Bernard Lewis estimated as a "Quarter of a million" in the first Hijri /Islamic century.[12]

While the Arabs caused less destruction during their conquest than the Persians had few decades earlier,[13] part of the Levant's urban population fled upon the arrival of Muslim forces.[14][13] This migration created vacancies that were later occupied by Arab Muslim migrants.[14] Both Arab and Syrian sources provide evidence of this emigration.[13] Residents of Damascus, and coastal cities such as Sidon, Arca, Byblos, Beirut fled their towns.[13] Al-Baladhuri mentions that the Romans inhabitants of towns such as Damascus , Baldah, Jabalah and Antartus left after the capitulations.[13] while others such as Antioch's residents were given the choice to remain and pay the poll tax (Jizyah) or leave.[13]

Some archeological evidence suggests certain areas were depopulated, likely as considerable portion of its population fled , an example being Caesarea whose size has been reduced by 70% in the 7th century. [13] especially along the Levantine coast; some Syrian cities also experienced substantial size reductions.[13] Many of the citizens of Emesa also departed. Muslim sources state that the Muslims entered into agreements with residents of various towns and cities , which included conditions requiring the locals to vacate certain properties to accommodate the Muslim newcomers , as well as to relinquishing half of their homes and churches for use as living spaces and mosques.[15] Fred Donner disputes the authenticity of some of these treaties and their details mentioned in Muslim sources are of uncertain, and assumed they may have been "systematizations of subsequent generations of legal scholars seeking to rationalize later taxation or legislative measures".[3] The abandonment of urban properties—whether due to flight, voluntary evacuation, or dispossession—led to their gradual resettlement by Muslims.[3]

Umar honored a promise made by the Prophet Muhammad to Tamim al-Dari, a Lakhmid Palestinian Christian who converted to Islam and joined Muhammad in Medina, becoming one of his companions which involved lands in Hebron and Bayt 'Aynun (and, according to some sources, Bethlehem), along with a bill of rights.[16] Tamim seemingly served as the collector of land taxes (kharaj) in these areas. His descendants are reported to have continued residing there into the medieval period.[16]

The Muslim conquerors established a primary military base in Jabiyah, an encampment in eastern Golan that was previously the capital of the Ghassanids.[17] According to one source, the initial Muslim force that arrived in Jabiyah comprised about 24,000 soldiers.[17] However, following the plague of Amwas, only 4,000 remained. It remains uncertain whether the remaining troops perished due to the plague or if many had fled and could potentially return.[17] The Ghassanids, who preferred to remain Christian, were asked to pay land and poll taxes. Their leader refused, asserting Arab exemption from such taxes, and Umar ultimately conceded.[9] Jabiyah was ultimately disregarded as a settlement site, as new arrivals favored cities like Damascus, Homs, and Aleppo. Unlike in Iraq and Mesopotamia : those who came to the Levant settled in established urban centers, often occupying areas vacated during the conquest.[17]

Some Muslims acquired land grants and residences in various cities of the Levant , according to Yaqut al-Hamawi . [3] Amr ibn al-As owned multiple properties in Damascus.[3] Habib ibn Maslama al-Fihri also settled in Damascus, where he had a dwelling overlooking the Barada River.[3] In Homs, a general allocated vacant areas among Muslims: "divided it (the city) up among the Muslims in lots (khitat), so that they might occupy them, and he settled them also in every place whose occupants had evacuated it and in every abandoned yard."[3] Umar honored a promise made by the Prophet Muhammad to Tamim al-Dari, a Lakhmid Palestinian Christian who converted to Islam and joined Muhammad in Medina, becoming one of his companions which involved lands in Hebron and Bayt 'Aynun (and, according to some sources, Bethlehem), along with a bill of rights.[16] Tamim seemingly served as the collector of land taxes (kharaj) in these areas. His descendants are reported to have continued residing there into the medieval period.[16] Additionally : some locals chose to surrender their homes to the Muslims , and then resttled along the Orontes River.[3] In Tiberias, following the battle of Fahl and the fall of Damascus, commanders and their cavalry have reportedly settled in the town and neighboring area.[3] , and the reinforcements were scattered among the distributed the cities and villages in the along the Jordan River.[3] In Jerusalem, 'Umar settled troops from Jabiya once the inhabitants concluded agreements.[3] Under 'Umar and 'Uthman, tracts of land in 'Asqalan were allocated to Muslims.[3]

Following the Muslim conquest, settlement in the countryside of the Levant occurred, though it was less documented than in urban areas.[3] Muslim sources indicate that abandoned agricultural lands were allocated to Muslims, on the condition that they restore the land to productivity and pay a tithe ('ushr) on the produce.[18] Some references suggest that at least some of the Arabian migrants had rural ties in Syria. For example, Saʽd ibn ʽUbadah, a leader of the Khazraj tribe, settled in Damascus but may have owned property in the Hauran.[19] Mu'awiya, as governor, was directed by 'Uthman to settle Arab nomads (al-'arab) in unclaimed or vacant lands far from urban areas, placing tribes like Banu Tamim in Rabiya, and the tribes of Qays and Asad in regions such as al-Mazihin and al-Mudaibir (near Raqqa).[19] However, settlement in rural areas appeared limited . Muawiya was instructed by Uthman to settle nomads in places far from the cities and villages to let them use vacant lands.[19] Fred Donner rejects that land may have been appropriated from Levantine peasantry to settle Arabians migrants , believing that the policy was similar to Iraq : maintaining the rural population on the land so as to provide a tax base. Instead settled lands were mostly already vacant , and that "very few" Syrian peasants had left compared to Urban dwellers in the cities and towns. [19]

### Umayyad era (661–750)

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The Umayyad Caliphate, which succeeded the Rashidun in 661, established its center in Syria and designated Damascus as its capital, thereby transforming the region into a major metropolitan province.[20] The Islamic leaders aimed to preserve the distinct identity and traditional lifestyle of the tribes, incorporating Islamic elements while preventing their assimilation into local populations. [21] Most of them were soldiers, officials, townsmen, or Bedouins.[12]

The Caliphate also enacted some polices of "population management" , including transfers and settlement. Starting in the early decades after the conquest, employed this practice both to populate newly conquered regions and to address demographic shifts. According to Al-Baladhuri : Mu'awiya settled Arab tribes and Persians in coastal Syria, and after the fall of Tripoli “made a dwelling- place for a large body of Jews".[22] After the conquest of Balis, he filled the demographic gap with Arab tribes that had just converted to Islam.[22] In the early 8th century, the city of Ramla was founded by the as the capital of Jund Filastin , which Al-Ya'qubi states was settled by people from Lydda , which was demolished after its completion.[23]

According to Moshe Gil regarding Palestine , the Umayyad era was "undoubtedly the golden age of the Arab tribes who penetrated into Palestine with the Muslim conquest.", and stated that "These Arab tribes, both those who had formerly lived on the borders of Palestine and those who came to it within the framework of the Muslim army, were a separate entity of the population of the country" on account of a common Bedouin past. [21] He continues to quote Al Ya'qubi's account , describing a number of tribes in Jund Filastin, including the Pre-Islamic Lakhm, Judham, and the post-conquest 'Amilah, Kinda, Qays, and Kinana newcomers.[21] Ehrlich states that the immigration was organized by the state , and that they were directed to new administrative centers acting as agents fostering Islamization and Arabization.[24] He also infers that Yaqubi's description indicates that "although emigrating elites from principal cities left their luxurious properties behind, Muslim immigrants did not occupy them, an impression corroborated by archaeological findings." [24]

According to Ya'qubi, the 'Amila tribe settled in Jabal al-Jalil (modern-day south Lebanon and northern Israel), with nearby Tyre inhabited by people of various origins. The 'Amila became the dominant group in the region, which was named after them as Jabil Amil.[25] Ehrlich remarks that local traditions believe that the tribe was already Shi'ite when settling in the 7th century.[25]

Khirbet Abu Suwwana, an archaeological site in the northern Judaean Desert founded in the early 8th century was likely established by nomadic groups who penetrated the area after the Muslim conquest.[26] Al-Tabari writes that Caliph Marwan I (r. 684–685) faced pressure to honor his promise to the Banu Kindah, allowing them to settle in the Balqa region of Transjordan.[27]

In 742, an army led by Balj ibn Bishr was dispatched to Al-Andalus, with many of its soldiers originating from Syria.[28] These soldiers later became settlers who received fiefs along the Mediterranean coast of Spain, adopting a model similar to that of Syria. Each of the Syrian military districts (junds) was allocated a corresponding Spanish region: the men of Damascus settled in Elvira, those from the Jordan in Malaga, Palestine in Sidonia, Hims in Seville, and Qinnasrin in Jaen.[28] They formed an Arab warrior class referred to as Shāmi (Syrian). This designation helped differentiate them from the original settlers who had come with the initial invasion.[29]

### Fatimid era (909–1171)

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The Shi'ite Fatimid Caliphate moved or encouraged Shi'ite immigrants to settle in cities along the Levantine coastal plain, such as Tyre,[30] as well as in Tiberias and its surrounding areas.[31] However the Shi'ites never constituted a majority of the Muslims population , and have either mostly converted to Sunni Islam by the Mamluks , or emigrated.[32]

### Crusader era (1099–1187)

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Sebastia was abandoned by its Samaritan community either during the Early Muslim period , or the Frankish conquest , becoming largely an Urban community centered in Nablus after many of the Samaritans in its hinterland had converted to Islam for social , religious , and economic reasons or settled to Nablus.[33] Concurrently , There was penetration by a noteworthy number of Bedouins into abandoned areas , undergoing a process of sedentarization which was not opposed by the Crusaders , as they sought to raise the tax base.[33] This settlement Ehrlich bellives "This may explain tribal nature of at least part of the rural society in the area".[33]

Ehrlich and Rubin state that Samaria was the only region in Palestine mostly Islamized prior to the Crusades and Mamluk rule.[33][34]

## Impact

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### Islamization and Arabization

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Main articles: Spread of Islam , Islam in Palestine , Islam in Syria , Islam in Lebanon , Arabization

The migration of Arabian tribes played a role in the Islamization and Arabization of the Holy Land by settling in abandoned areas over the centuries. within two centuries after the early Muslim conquest , the indigenous population adopted the Arabic Language , translating religious literature including the Bible into Arabic[35] , and using it as a native language[36][37] with Aramaic substratum and remenants[38][37]. However , Arabization was not congruent to conversion to Islam.[37]

The native population which didn't emigrate during or after the conquest and remained converted to Islam at different rates.[39] Christian communities persisted in greater numbers, likely due to their larger size and better organization, while Jewish communities experienced a revival through immigration. In contrast, Samaritan immigration was minimal, and their presence dwindled over time.[39]

## See also

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* Arab migrations to the Maghreb

## Citenotes

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1. ^ a b Gil 1997, p. 15.
2. ^ a b Theodoropoulos 2020, p. 271.
3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Donner 2014, p. 247.
4. ^ Al-Jallad, Ahmad (2018). "The Earliest Stages of Arabic and its Linguistic Classification" , The Routledge Handbook of Arabic Linguistics. Taylor & Francis Group. ISBN 9781315147062.
5. ^ Resto, Jan (2021). The Arabs In Antiquity Their History From The Assyrians To The Umayyads. Routledge ,Taylor and Francis Group. ISBN 0-7007-1679-3.
6. ^ Eph’al, Israel (1982). The Ancient Arabs : Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile Crescent, 9th-5th Centuries B.C. Brill. ISBN 9789004662155.
7. ^ a b Gil 1997, p. 16.
8. ^ Gil 1997, p. 17.
9. ^ a b c Gil 1997, p. 19.
10. ^ Avni 2014, p. 212.
11. ^ a b Donner 2014, p. 250.
12. ^ a b Lewis 2002, p. 70.
13. ^ a b c d e f g h Theodoropoulos 2020, pp. 265–266.
14. ^ a b Donner 2014, pp. 245–246.
15. ^ Donner 2014, p. 246.
16. ^ a b c d Gil 1997, pp. 129–130.
17. ^ a b c d Donner 2014, p. 245.
18. ^ Donner 2014, pp. 247–248.
19. ^ a b c d Donner 2014, p. 248.
20. ^ Lewis 2002, p. 66.
21. ^ a b c Gil 1997, p. 134.
22. ^ a b Theodoropoulos 2020, p. 273.
23. ^ Gil 1997, p. 173.
24. ^ a b Ehrlich 2022, p. 27.
25. ^ a b Ehrlich 2022, p. 83.
26. ^ Avni 2014, p. 155.
27. ^ Gil 1997, pp. 132–133.
28. ^ a b Lewis 2002, p. 132.
29. ^ Lewis 2002, pp. 132–133.
30. ^ Ehrlich 2022, pp. 46, 56.
31. ^ Ehrlich 2022, pp. 65.
32. ^ Friedman, Yaron (2019). The Shīʿīs in Palestine From the Medieval Golden Age until the Present. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-42102-8.
33. ^ a b c d Ehrlich 2022, pp. 90–93.
34. ^ Levy-Rubin, Milka (2000). "New Evidence Relating to the Process of Islamization in Palestine in the Early Muslim Period: The Case of Samaria". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient.
35. ^ Griffith, Sidney. "From Aramaic to Arabic: The Languages of the Monasteries of Palestine in the Byzantine and Early Islamic Periods". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 51: 11–31.
36. ^ Vollandt, Ronny (2015). Arabic Versions of the Pentateuch A Comparative Study of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Sources. Brill. pp. 22–39. ISBN 978-90-04-28993-2.
37. ^ a b c Levy-Rubin, Milka (1998). Arabization versus Islamization in the Palestinian Melkite Community during the Early Muslim Period , in "Sharing the Sacred: Religious Contacts and Conflicts in the Holy Land : First-fifteenth Centures CE". Yad Izhak Ben Zvi , Jerusalem.
38. ^ Blau, Joshua (1988). The Influence of Living Aramaic on Ancient South Palestinian Arabic , in Studies in Middle Arabic and its Judaeo-Arabic Variety. Magnes Press.
39. ^ a b Ehrlich 2022, pp. 5.

## Bibliography

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* Avni, Gideon (2014). The Byzantine-Islamic Transition in Palestine: An Archaeological Approach. Oxford Studies in Byzantium. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199684335.
* Donner, Fred McGraw (2014) [1982]. The Early Islamic Conquests. Princeton Studies on the Near East. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9781400847877.
* Gil, Moshe (1997). A History of Palestine, 634–1099. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0 521 40437 1.
* Ehrlich, Michael (2022). The Islamization of the Holy Land, 634–1800. Medieval Islamicate World. ARC Humanities Press. ISBN 9781802700312.
* Lewis, Bernard (2002) [1950]. The Arabs in History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780192803108.
* Theodoropoulos, Panagiotis (2020). "The Migration of Syrian and Palestinian Populations in the 7th Century: Movement of Individuals and Groups in the Mediterranean". Migration Histories of the Medieval Afroeurasian Transition Zone. Studies in Global Social History, Volume: 39/13. Brill. ISBN 9789004425613.