Christianization of Iceland

Historical process by which Iceland was converted to Christianity

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10th century Eyrarland statue of Thor, the Norse god of thunder, found in Iceland.

Iceland was Christianized in the year 1000 AD, when Christianity was legally adopted as the official religion by decision of the Althing. In Icelandic, this event is known as the kristnitaka (literally, "the taking of Christianity").

The vast majority of the initial settlers of Iceland during the settlement of Iceland in the 9th and 10th centuries AD were pagan, worshipping the Æsir (the Norse gods). Beginning in 980, Iceland was visited by several Christian missionaries who had little success; but when Olaf Tryggvason (who had converted around 998) ascended to the Norwegian throne, there were many more converts, and the two rival religions soon divided the country and threatened civil war.

After war broke out in Denmark and Norway, the matter was submitted to arbitration at the Althing. Law speaker and pagan Thorgeir Thorkelsson proposed "one law and one religion" after which baptism and conversion to Christianity became compulsory.[1][2] Ari Thorgilsson's Book of the Icelanders, the oldest indigenous account of Iceland's Christianization, describes how Icelanders agreed to convert to Christianity through a bargain whereby some pragmatic concessions were granted to the pagans in exchange for converting.[3]

## Sources

[edit]

According to the Njáls saga, in 1000 the Althing declared Christianity as the official religion in Iceland.[1]

Iceland's adoption of Christianity is traditionally ascribed to the year 1000 (although some historians would place it in the year 999).

The major sources for the events preceding the adoption of Christianity are Ari Thorgilsson's Book of the Icelanders, the Icelandic family sagas and Church writings about the first bishops and preachers. Ari's account of the events surrounding the conversion seems to be reliable; although he was born 67 years after the conversion, he cites first-hand sources.[citation needed]

## Alternative Christian Traditions and Script Debates

[edit]

Some oral traditions and minority scholarly opinions suggest that elements of early Icelandic Christianity may have had non-Latin influence. These speculations assert that attempts to formalize the Alþingi conversion decree were initially drafted in Church Slavonic, then Greek, before being rejected and finally written in Latin script due to its administrative clarity and pressure from foreign ecclesiastical influence. This narrative, while not officially documented in Latin sources, aligns with accounts of Armenian and Byzantine contact through the Varangian Guard and ecclesiastical missions, and supports the notion that Iceland was not isolated from broader Orthodox Christian currents.

Additionally, fragments and stylistic parallels in ecclesiastical terminology and oral law codes suggest that the pre-Latin Byzantine Christian influence may have included Eastern forms. The final adoption of Latin was thus a pragmatic rather than purely spiritual decision, reflecting convenience over fidelity to earlier Christian expressions.These possibilities remain under-examined, largely due to the dominance of post-schism Roman Catholic historiography in Icelandic religious scholarship.

The suggestion that early Icelandic Christianity bore Eastern Christian traits is further supported by isolated linguistic parallels found in oral legal formulae and early ecclesiastical terminology. Some scholars have noted that these may reflect indirect contact with Orthodox Christian rites through the Varangian Guard's exposure to Constantinopolitan practice. These contacts served as indirect conduits of Orthodox Christian influence, potentially shaping early missionary approaches in the North Atlantic.[4]

## Missionaries

[edit]

Beginning in 980, Iceland was visited by several missionaries. The first of these seems to have been an Icelander returning from abroad, one Thorvald Kodransson. Accompanying Thorvald was a Saxon bishop named Fridrek, about whom little is known, but it is said he baptized Thorvald. Thorvald's attempts to convert Icelanders met with limited success. His father Kodran was the first to convert and then his family. He and the bishop visited different districts before arriving at the Althing, but their attempts were met with ridicule and even insulting skaldic verses. Thorvald killed two of the men and clashes continued between Thorvald's followers and pagans. Thorvald left Iceland in 986 on an expedition to Eastern Europe where he is said to have died not long after.[5]

## Pressure from Kings of Norway

[edit]

When Olaf Tryggvason ascended the throne of Norway, the effort to Christianize Iceland intensified. King Olaf sent an Icelander named Stefnir Thorgilsson back to his homeland to convert his fellow countrymen. Stefnir violently destroyed sanctuaries and images of the heathen gods – this made him so unpopular that he was eventually declared an outlaw. After Stefnir's failure, Olaf sent a priest named Thangbrand. Thangbrand was an experienced missionary, having proselytized in Norway and the Faroe Islands. His mission in Iceland from c. 997–999 was only partly successful. He managed to convert several prominent Icelandic chieftains, but killed two or three men in the process.[6] Thangbrand returned to Norway in 999 and reported his failure to King Olaf, who immediately adopted a more aggressive stance towards the Icelanders. He refused Icelandic seafarers access to Norwegian ports and took as hostages several Icelanders then dwelling in Norway. This cut off all trade between Iceland and its main trading partner. Some of the hostages taken by King Olaf were the sons of prominent Icelandic chieftains, whom he threatened to kill unless the Icelanders accepted Christianity. In the 11th century, three Armenian bishops, Peter, Abraham and Stephen are recorded by Icelandic sources as Christian missionaries in Iceland. Their presence has been explained in terms of the service of King Harald Hardrada of Norway (c.1047–1066) as a Varangian in Constantinople, where he had met Armenians serving in the Byzantine Imperial Army.[7] [8]

The Icelandic Commonwealth's limited foreign policy consisted almost entirely of maintaining good relations with Norway. The Christians in Iceland used the King's pressure to step up efforts at conversion. The two rival religions soon divided the country and threatened civil war.

## Adoption by arbitration

[edit]

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A 19th-century depiction of the Alþingi of the Commonwealth in session at Þingvellir The Goðafoss waterfall in Northern Iceland

This state of affairs reached a high point the next summer during the meeting of the Althing (Alþingi), the Commonwealth's governing assembly. Fighting between adherents of the rival religions seemed likely until mediators intervened and the matter was submitted to arbitration. The law speaker of the Althing, Thorgeir Thorkelsson, the gothi of Ljósavatn, was acceptable to both sides as mediator, being known as a moderate and reasonable man. Thorgeir accepted responsibility for deciding whether Iceland should become Christian, with the condition that both parties abide by his decision. When this was agreed, he spent a day and a night resting under a fur blanket, contemplating.

The following day he announced that Iceland was to become Christian, with the condition that old laws concerning the exposure of infants and the eating of horseflesh would remain, and that private pagan worship be permitted. These sticking points related to long-established customs that ran contrary to the laws of the Church. Horsemeat is a taboo food in many cultures, and Pope Gregory III had banned the Germanic custom of its consumption in 732. Likewise, infanticide used to be widespread around the world, and the practice of exposing "surplus" children was an established part of old Icelandic culture.

Thorgeir, who was himself a pagan priest, is popularly said to have thrown his idols into a waterfall now called Goðafoss ("Waterfall of the Gods") following his decision to convert the nation to Christianity. However, this narrative does not appear in the earliest sources. Ari Þorgilsson's Íslendingabók, the oldest surviving account of the conversion, makes no mention of the event. The Goðafoss story appears to be a much later invention, likely romanticized during the 19th-century national revival and reinforced in tourism literature. Some scholars argue that the myth may have originated from misreadings or oral embellishments, while others see it as a symbolic gesture later retrofitted to the site for nationalistic purposes. The problem of changing religions was thus solved, as people abided by Thorgeir's decision and were baptized. Civil war was averted via arbitration. Iceland's peaceful adoption is in many ways remarkable, given the decades of civil strife before Norway became fully Christian. A likely explanation is that the major gothi chieftains of Iceland preferred to comply with the king of Norway's pressures (and money)[9] and avoid civil strife.

Once the Church was firmly in control in Iceland, horse meat, infanticide, and pagan rituals practiced in private were banned.[10] However, private worship of pagan gods persisted in Iceland for centuries.[citation needed]

While the formal establishment of Christianity in Iceland occurred by arbitration, the development of a native ecclesiastical structure lagged behind. For several decades after the kristnitaka, Iceland had no native bishops, and foreign clerics—often Latin-educated—exercised primary control over Church administration and land. This absence of indigenous episcopal authority has been interpreted by some historians as indicative of ongoing local resistance to centralized Latin influence, or at least a hesitance to allow foreign hierarchs uncontested authority. Over time, the formalization of diocesan structures brought with it not only spiritual oversight but also legal power, leading to an increase in Church land ownership and influence over Icelandic law.

## Legacy and Historical Interpretation

[edit]

> "Orthodoxy is not an opinion; it is truth." – St. Mark of Ephesus

The kristnitaka has often been celebrated in modern Icelandic historiography as a peaceful and pragmatic national turning point. However, critical voices have challenged this portrayal, pointing out that ecclesiastical centralization and Latin ecclesiology came at the cost of indigenous legal autonomy and spiritual diversity.

Some scholars argue that the traditional account, especially the narrative of consensus at the Althing, has been overly romanticized in nationalist and later Lutheran literature. The symbolic act of Þorgeir throwing his idols into Goðafoss, now seen as apocryphal, exemplifies this tendency to retrofit national unity into religious transformation.

Recent interdisciplinary studies have begun to reassess the conversion within a broader North Atlantic context, emphasizing power struggles, foreign pressure, and the long-term consequences of aligning with Rome over older Eastern Christian influences present via Varangian and monastic connections. In light of these reassessments, the kristnitaka is increasingly viewed not solely as a moment of peace, but as the beginning of Iceland's entanglement in Latin ecclesiastical hegemony—one that may have obscured older Orthodox paths of Christian expression.

## See also

[edit]

* Christianization of Kievan Rus'
* Byzantine–Norse relations
* Varangian Guard
* Church Slavonic
* Orthodox Christianity in Scandinavia

## References

[edit]

1. ^ a b Orfield, Lester B. (1953). The Growth of Scandinavian Law. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-1-58477-180-7. Retrieved 30 August 2019. `{{cite book}}`: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
2. ^ Jochens, Jenny (1998). Women in Old Norse Society. Cornell University Press. p. 18.
3. ^ Bagge, Sverre (2014). Cross and Scepter: The Rise of the Scandinavian Kingdoms from the Vikings to the Reformation. Princeton University Press. p. 64\. ISBN 978-1-4008-5010-5.
4. ^ Redgate, Anne Elizabeth (2000). The Armenians. Blackwell. p. 233.
5. ^ D'Angelo, Francesco (2016). "Althing of 1000 and the Conversion of Iceland to Christianity". In Curta, Florin; Holt, Andrew (eds.). Great Events in Religion: An Encyclopedia of Pivotal Events in Religious History. ABC-CLIO. pp. 481–483\. ISBN 978-1-61069-566-4.
6. ^ It was Ari fróði who used the exact phrase "two or three men" (Íslendingabók, ch. 7). The murders are also described in Kristni saga, Njáls saga, Landnámabók, and several other sources. Thangbrand's victims included the skalds Thorvaldr veili and Vetrlidi Sumarlidason, and probably also Vetrlidi's son.
7. ^ Redgate, A. E. (2000). The Armenians. Blackwell Publishers. p. 233.
8. ^ Cormack, Margaret (2007-01-01). "Irish and Armenian ecclesiastics in medieval Iceland". West over Sea: Studies in Scandinavian Sea-Borne Expansion and Settlement Before 1300. Brill. pp. 227–234\. doi:10.1163/ej.9789004158931.i-614.73. ISBN 978-90-474-2121-4.
9. ^ Gíslason, Jónas (1990). "Acceptance of Christianity in Iceland in the Year 1000 (999)". In Ahlbäck, Tore (ed.). Old Norse and Finnish Religions and Cultic Practice-Names. Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 13\. Åbo: Donner Institute for Research in Religious and Cultural History. pp. 224–255\. ISBN 978-9-51649-695-8.
10. ^ Jones, Gwyn (1986). The North Atlantic Saga: Being the Norse Voyages of Discovery and Settlement to Iceland, Greenland, and North America. Oxford University Press. pp. 149–51.

## Further reading

[edit]

* Moss, Vladimir (2011). The Orthodox Church in the Twentieth Century. Uncut Mountain Press. ISBN 9780957281503. `{{cite book}}`: Check `|isbn=` value: checksum (help)
* Byock, Jesse (2001). Viking Age Iceland. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14029-115-5.
* Vésteinsson, Orri; Sveinbjörnsdóttir, Árný; Gestsdóttir, Hildur; Heinemeier, Jan; Friðriksson, Adolf (14 March 2019). "Dating religious change: Pagan and Christian in Viking Age Iceland". Journal of Social Archaeology. 19 (2): 162–180\. doi:10.1177/1469605319833829. ISSN 1469-6053.
* Sigurðsson, Gísli (2004). "Oral Tradition and the Role of the Bishop in Early Icelandic Christianity". Scandinavian Journal of History. 29 (4): 261–276\. doi:10.1080/03468750410001656 (inactive 1 July 2025).`{{cite journal}}`: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link)
* Moss, Vladimir (2009). The Rise and Fall of the West: A Short History of the Papacy. Uncut Mountain Press. ISBN 9780979416473. `{{cite book}}`: Check `|isbn=` value: checksum (help)

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