Hamas

Palestinian political and military organization

For other uses, see Hamas (disambiguation).

"Islamic Resistance Movement" redirects here. For other uses, see Islamic Resistance (disambiguation).

For their military wing, often also referred to as just "Hamas" in Israeli sources, see Al-Qassam Brigades.

Islamic Resistance Movement

حركة المقاومة الإسلامية

Emblem of Hamas' political wing

Chairman of the Political Bureau| Hamas temporary committee[a][1][2]
Deputy Chairman of the Political Bureau| Vacant
Chairman of the Shura Council| Muhammad Ismail Darwish
Leader in the Gaza Strip| Izz al-Din al-Haddad[3]
Military commander| Izz al-Din al-Haddad[3]
Founders|

* Ahmed Yassin X
* Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi X

... and others

* Mahmoud al-Zahar
* Mohammad Taha #[4]
* Imad al-Alami[5]
* Abdul Fatah Dukhan # [6]
* Ibrahim Fares Al-Yazouri[7]
* 'Isa al-Nashshar[8]
* Ibrahim Quqa[9]
* Mohammed Hassan Shama'a[10]
* Hassan Yousef[11]

Founded| 10 December 1987; 37 years ago (10 December 1987)
Headquarters| Gaza City, Gaza Strip
Military wing| Al-Qassam Brigades
Ideology|

* Palestinian nationalism[14]
* Islamic nationalism[18]
* Islamic fundamentalism[22]
* Sunni Islamism[24]
* Anti-Zionism[25]

Political position| Right-wing[26]
Religion| Sunni Islam
International affiliation| Axis of Resistance (informal)
Political alliance| Alliance of Palestinian Forces and Palestinian Joint Operations Room
Colours|  Green
Palestinian Legislative Council|

74 / 132

Party flag
Website
hamasinfo.info[dead link]

* Politics of Palestine
* Political parties
* Elections

The Islamic Resistance Movement, abbreviated Hamas[b] (an acronym from the Arabic: حركة المقاومة الإسلامية, romanized: Ḥarakat al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah),[29][c] is a Palestinian nationalist Sunni Islamist[30] political organisation with a military wing, the Qassam Brigades. It has governed the Israeli-occupied Gaza Strip since 2007.[31][32]

The Hamas movement was founded by Palestinian Islamic scholar Ahmed Yassin in 1987, after the outbreak of the First Intifada against the Israeli occupation. It emerged from his 1973 Mujama al-Islamiya Islamic charity affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood.[33] Initially, Hamas was discreetly supported by Israel, as a counter-balance to the secular Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) to prevent the creation of an independent Palestinian state.[34][35] In the 2006 Palestinian legislative election, Hamas secured a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council by campaigning on promises of a corruption-free government and advocating for resistance as a means to liberate Palestine from Israeli occupation.[36][37] In the Battle of Gaza, Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip from rival Palestinian faction Fatah,[38][39] and has since governed the territory separately from the Palestinian National Authority. After Hamas's takeover, Israel significantly intensified existing movement restrictions and imposed a complete blockade of the Gaza Strip.[40] Egypt also began its blockade of Gaza at this time. This was followed by multiple wars with Israel, including those in 2008–09, 2012, 2014, 2021, and an ongoing one since 2023, which began with the October 7 attacks.

Hamas has promoted Palestinian nationalism in an Islamic context[41] and initially sought a state in all of former Mandatory Palestine. It began acquiescing to 1967 borders in the agreements it signed with Fatah in 2005, 2006 and 2007.[42][43][44] In 2017, Hamas released a new charter[45] that supported a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders without recognizing Israel.[46][47][48] Hamas's repeated offers of a truce (for a period of 10–100 years[49]: 221–246 ) based on the 1967 borders are seen by many as consistent with a two-state solution,[50][51] while others state that Hamas retains the long-term objective of establishing one state in former Mandatory Palestine.[52]: 837, 839 While the 1988 Hamas charter was widely described as antisemitic,[53] Hamas's 2017 charter[54] removed the antisemitic language and declared Zionists, not Jews, the targets of their struggle.[55][56][57][58] It has been debated whether the charter has reflected an actual change in policy.[59][60]

In terms of foreign policy, Hamas has historically sought out relations with Egypt,[61] Iran,[61] Qatar,[62] Saudi Arabia,[63] Syria[61] and Turkey;[64] some of its relations have been impacted by the Arab Spring.[65] Hamas and Israel have engaged in protracted armed conflict. Key aspects of the conflict include the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the status of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, borders, water rights,[66] the permit regime, Palestinian freedom of movement,[67] and the Palestinian right of return. Hamas has attacked Israeli civilians, including using suicide bombings, as well as launching rockets at Israeli cities. Australia, Canada, Paraguay, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States, as well as the European Union, have designated Hamas as a terrorist organization. In 2018 and 2023, a motion at the United Nations to condemn Hamas was rejected.[d][69][70]

## Etymology

[edit]

Hamas is an acronym of the Arabic phrase حركة المقاومة الإسلامية or Ḥarakah al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah, meaning "Islamic Resistance Movement". This acronym, HMS, was glossed in the 1988 Hamas Covenant[71] by the Arabic word ḥamās (حماس) which itself means "zeal", "strength", or "bravery".[72]

## History

[edit]

Main article: History of Hamas

Hamas was established in 1987, and allegedly has its origins in Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood movement,[73][74][75][76] which had been active in the Gaza Strip since the 1950s and gained influence through a network of mosques and various charitable and social organizations. Unlike other Palestinian factions, after the Israeli occupation of Gaza in 1967, the Brotherhood in Gaza refused to join the resistance boycott against Israel.[77] In the 1980s, it emerged as a powerful political factor, challenging the influence of the PLO, whose Fatah faction it had played a core role in creating.[77] In December 1987, the Brotherhood adopted a more nationalist and activist line under the name of Hamas.[78] Hamas was initially discreetly supported by Israel as a counter-balance to the secular PLO.[34] During the 1990s and early 2000s, the organization conducted numerous suicide bombings and other attacks against Israel.[79]

In the Palestinian legislative election of January 2006, Hamas gained a large majority of seats in the Palestinian Parliament, defeating the ruling Fatah party. After the elections, conflicts arose between Hamas and Fatah, which they were unable to resolve.[80][81][82] In June 2007, Hamas defeated Fatah in a series of violent clashes, and since that time Hamas has governed the Gaza portion of the Palestinian Territories, while at the same time they were ousted from government positions in the West Bank.[83][84] Israel and Egypt then imposed an economic blockade on Gaza and largely sealed their borders with the territory.[85][86]

After acquiring control of Gaza, Hamas-affiliated and other militias launched rocket attacks upon Israel, which Hamas ceased in June 2008 following an Egyptian-brokered ceasefire.[87] The ceasefire broke down late in 2008, with each side accusing the other of responsibility.[88] In late December 2008, Israel attacked Gaza,[89] withdrawing its forces in mid-January 2009.[90] Since 2009, Hamas has faced multiple military confrontations with Israel, notably the 2012 and 2014 Gaza Wars, leading to substantial casualties. Hamas has maintained control over Gaza, often clashing with the Palestinian Authority led by Fatah. Efforts at reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah have seen limited success. Hamas continued to face international isolation and blockades, while engaging in sporadic rocket attacks and tunnel construction activities against Israel.

On 7 October 2023, Hamas and other Palestinian militants attacked Israel killing nearly 1,200 Israelis, about two thirds of them civilians.[91] Approximately 250 Israeli civilians and soldiers were taken hostage and brought to the Gaza Strip,[92] with the aim of securing the release of Palestinian prisoners in Israel (as part of a prisoner swap).[93] Hamas said its attack was in response to Israel's continued occupation, blockade of Gaza, and settlements expansion, as well as alleged threats to the Al-Aqsa Mosque and the plight of Palestinians.[94] There are also reports of sexual violence by Hamas militants, allegations that Hamas has denied.[95] Israel responded by invading the Gaza Strip, killing over 70,000 Palestinians, 59.1% of them women, children and the elderly according to a peer-reviewed study in The Lancet.[96]

On 31 July 2024, Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in Tehran, after attending the inauguration ceremony of Iranian president Masoud Pezeshkian.[97] In August 2024, Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas in Gaza, was elected chairman of the group, replacing Haniyeh. Per Hamas officials, he was elected due to his considerable popularity in the Arab and Islamic worlds following the 7 October attacks and his strong connections with Iran and the "Axis of Resistance," an informal Iranian-led political and military coalition.[98][99] On 16 October 2024, IDF troops killed Sinwar during a routine patrol and a chance encounter in southern Rafah.[100] In January 2025, the Wall Street Journal, citing Israeli sources, reported that Sinwar's younger brother, Mohammed Sinwar (aka Shadow), was leading Hamas. Its sources said that Israel were "working hard to find him" and that he (aka Shadow) along with Izz al-Din Haddad, of al-Qassam Brigades, were the two most senior commanders in the Gaza Strip.[101] On 19 January 2025, a ceasefire between Hamas and Israel went into effect.

In January 2025, Hamas confirmed that its senior military chief, Mohammed Deif, was killed by Israel's military in July 2024.[102] On 18 March 2025, Israel broke the ceasefire and shelling of the territory continued.[103][104] In March 2025, Ismail Barhoum, a member of Hamas’s political bureau was killed in an Israeli attack on Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis.[105] In April 2025, according to the IDF, Yahya Fathi Abd al-Qader Abu Shaar, the head of Hamas' weapons smuggling network, was killed by the Israeli army.[106] In May 2025, there were unconfirmed reports that Mohammed Sinwar, Hamas leader in Gaza and the brother of Yahya Sinwar, and Muhammad Shabana, commander of the Rafah Brigade, were killed by Israeli airstrike in the southern Gaza Strip.[107][108] In June 2025, the Israeli military confirmed that it had identified the body of Mohammed Sinwar through DNA checks.[109]

## Policies towards Israel and Palestine

[edit]

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Hamas' policy towards Israel has evolved. Historically, Hamas envisioned a Palestinian state on all of the territory that belonged to the British Mandate for Palestine (that is, from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea),[110] and in its 1988 Charter framed the Mandate Palestine as ‘Islamic waqf’ or endowment, under sovereignty of God.[52]: 837, 839 With Hamas's 1993 Introductory Memorandum, Hamas broke away from the uncompromising character of their religious frame, and proposed two stages of liberation of Palestine: a short-term objective to establish a Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank, and a long-term objective still striving to liberate Mandate Palestine in its entirety.[52]: 837, 839 This distinction between "short-term policy" and "long-term solution" is present in many subsequent documents. The aim of this double policy is to create an authority on a portion of the former Mandatory Palestine, which would eventually lead to the restoration of Islamic sovereignty across all of (Mandatory) Palestine.[111]

In 2006, Hamas signed the Palestinian Prisoners' Document which supports the quest for a Palestinian state[112][113] "on all territories occupied in 1967".[114] This document also recognized authority of the President of the Palestinian National Authority to negotiate with Israel.[113] Hamas also signed the Cairo Declaration in 2005, which emphasized the goal of ending the Israeli occupation and establishing a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders.[44] On 2 May 2017, Khaled Mashal, chief of the Hamas Political Bureau, presented a new Charter, in which Hamas accepted the establishment of a Palestinian state "on the basis of June 4, 1967" (West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem). But the new Charter did not recognize Israel nor relinquish Palestinian claims to all of historical Palestine.[45] Many scholars saw Hamas' acceptance of the 1967 borders as a tacit acceptance of another entity on the other side.[115][116][117]

### Truce proposals

[edit]

The founder of Hamas, sheikh Ahmed Yassin, has offered Israel a ten-year hudna (armistice) in return for complete Israeli withdrawal from the territories captured in the 1967 war and establishing a Palestinian state in West Bank and Gaza. Later, Yassin has stated that this hudna could be renewed for 30, 40 or even 100 years.[49]: 238 [118] Hamas's spokesperson, Ahmed Yousef, has said that a "hudna" is more than a ceasefire and it "obliges parties to use the period to seek a permanent, non-violent resolution to their differences."[119] Under Islamic international law, a hudna is a binding and the Qur'an prohibits its violation.[120]

Hamas first proposed a hudna in 1999. In exchange Israel would have to end the occupation of West Bank and Gaza Strip and release all Palestinian prisoners.[120] The 1999 proposal did not mention the issues of the return of the Palestinian refugees or Hamas's recognition of Israel, but interviewed Hamas leaders in 2010 added that the right of return should be accepted in principle by Israel (without direct actual implementation). Israel and Hamas should use the period of calm (armistice) for negotiating these two issues; if they would also be settled the temporary peace would convert into a permanent peace agreement.[120]

In 2006, Ismail Haniyeh, shortly after being elected as Prime Minister, sent messages both to US President George W. Bush and to Israel's leaders, offering a long-term truce. Neither Israel nor the United States responded.[121] Haniyeh's proposal reportedly was a fifty-year armistice with Israel, if a Palestinian state is created along the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital.[118] A Hamas official added that the armistice would renew automatically each time.[122] In mid-2006, University of Maryland's Jerome Segal suggested that a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and a truce for many years could be considered Hamas's de facto recognition of Israel.[123] A similar proposal was once again offered by Hamas to Israel in November 2006.[124]

In November 2008, in a meeting, on Gaza Strip soil, with 11 European members of parliaments, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh re-stated that Hamas was willing to accept a Palestinian state "in the territories of 1967" (Gaza Strip and West Bank), and offered Israel a long-term truce if Israel recognized the Palestinians' national rights; and stated that Israel rejected this proposal.[125] A Hamas finance minister around 2018 contended that such a "long-term ceasefire as understood by Hamas and a two-state settlement are the same".[126]

According to Leila Seurat, the movement's leaders consider that a traditional peace treaty like those in the Western tradition would be tantamount to surrender, while a truce would provide an alternative allowing them to wait for an inversion in the regional balance of power to the Palestinians' advantage.[127] Mkhaimer Abusada, a political scientist at Al Azhar University, wrote in 2008 that Hamas talks "of hudna [temporary ceasefire], not of peace or reconciliation with Israel. They believe over time they will be strong enough to liberate all historic Palestine."[128] Some scholars have noted that alongside offering a long-term truce, Hamas retains its objective of establishing one state in former Mandatory Palestine.[52]: 837, 839 Hamas originally proposed a 10-year truce, or hudna, to Israel, contingent on the creation of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders. Sheikh Ahmed Yassin indicated that such truce could be extended for 30, 40, or even 100 years, but it would never signal a recognition of Israel. A Hamas official said that having an indefinite truce with Israel doesn't contradict Hamas's lack of recognition of Israel, comparing it to the Irish Republican Army's willingness to accept a permanent armistice with the United Kingdom without recognizing the UK's sovereignty over Northern Ireland.[49]: 221–246

### Recognition of Israel

[edit]

Hamas leaders have repeatedly emphasized they do not recognize Israel.[45] But Hamas has also repeatedly accepted the 1967 borders in signed agreements (in 2005,[44] 2006,[42] and 2007[129]) and in its 2017 charter.[117] Some scholars saw Hamas' acceptance of the 1967 borders as a tacit acceptance of another entity on the other side,[115][116][117] while others state that Hamas retains the long-term objective of establishing one state in former Mandatory Palestine.[52]: 837, 839 [130][131][132][133] Whether Hamas would recognize Israel in a future peace agreement is debated.[134][135][136] Others argue that the long-term objective and lack of official recognition of Israel is merely maintained as a bargaining chip for future negotiations.[137] Several scholars have compared Hamas's lack of recognition of Israel to Likud's lack of recognition of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza.[138][139][140][141][137]

In 1995 Hamas repeated its rejection of any recognition of Israel.[142] However, after Hamas won the 2006 elections, it did not implement the 1988 Charter as policy, and instead agreed to work with the existing Palestinian political system.[52]: 839 In the 2007 Mecca agreement, Hamas agreed to respect previous agreements between Fatah and Israel, including the Oslo Accords in which the PLO recognized Israel.[129] Both in the 2007 agreement and in the 2006 Palestinian Prisoners' Document, Hamas agreed to a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders. Scholars see this as "implicit" recognition of Israel because by accepting a Palestinian state limited to the 1967 borders, Hamas acknowledged the existence of an entity on the other side.[116][117]

Mousa Abu Marzook, then the vice-president of Hamas' Political Bureau, explained his party's position in 2011: while Hamas did not recognize Israel as a state, it considered the existence of Israel as "amr waqi" (or fait accompli, meaning something that has happened and cannot be changed).[143] He called this "de facto recognition" of Israel.[143] Likewise, Graham Usher writes that while Hamas does not consider Israel to be legitimate, it has accepted Israel as political reality.[144]

In 2017, Hamas once again accepted the 1967 borders in its new charter, that "drop[ped] the call for the destruction of Israel from its manifesto".[115] While it did not abrogate the old charter, Hamas leaders explained that "The original charter has now become a historical document and part of an earlier stage in our evolution. It will remain in the movement's bookshelf as a record of our past."[citation needed] Khaled Mashal stated that the new document reflected "our position for now."[145]

Tareq Baconi notes that Hamas has said it would accept mutual recognition of Israel in any consensus peace deal approved by other Palestinian parties and the population in a referendum.[137] To explain why it withholds formal recognition, Baconi argues that Hamas has learned from the fact that, in the 1993 Oslo Accords, the PLO made a "historic concession" in recognizing Israel on 78% of the land of historic Palestine (along the 1967 borders), but was unable to convince Israel to recognize Palestine on the remaining 22% of the land. Having already recognized Israel, the PLO was unable to use recognition to extract any further concessions from Israel, thus according to Baconi the lesson for Hamas was that you can't negotiate from a position of weakness, and the issue of formal recognition of Israel is kept as bargaining chip for negotiations.[146][137]

Some scholars, including Baconi, Ilan Pappé and Noam Chomsky, have argued that Hamas has offered more to the Israelis than Israeli major parties including Likud have offered in return to the Palestinians, both with its de facto recognition of the 1967 borders and its pledge to accept the recognition of Israel in any future peace deal that has the consensus and approval of the Palestinian parties and population.[137][147][148] Rashid Khalidi said in November 2023: "It is well-established that Israeli major governing parties like Likud have refused to recognize Palestinian statehood under any conditions, the constant references to "Judea and Samaria", and this has only increased in recent times with the Knesset passing a resolution opposing Palestinian statehood."[149]

### Allegations of antisemitism

[edit]

The 1988 Hamas charter proclaims that jihad against Jews is required until Judgement Day.[150][151] Article 7 of the 1988 governing charter of Hamas "openly dedicate(s) Hamas to genocide against the Jewish people".[152] Authors have characterized the violent language against all Jews in the original Hamas charter as genocidal,[153] incitement to genocide,[154][155] or antisemitic.[156][157] The charter attributes collective responsibility to Jews, not just Israelis, for various global issues, including both World Wars.[158] The American Interest magazine wrote that the charter "echoes" Nazi propaganda in claiming that Jews profited during World War II.[159] Jeffrey Goldberg, editor-in-chief of The Atlantic magazine and others have compared statements in the 1988 charter with those that appear in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[155][160] In 1998, Esther Webman of the Project for the Study of Anti-Semitism at Tel Aviv University wrote that although all this is true, antisemitism was not the main tenet of Hamas ideology.[161] The tone and casting of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as part of an eternal struggle between Muslim and Jews by the Hamas Covenant had become an obstacle for the movement to be able to take part in diplomatic forums involving Western nations.[162]

Hamas has called for the annihilation of Israel, and has stated that to be necessary for creating a pan-Islamic empire.[163][164] Hamas has been accused of promoting Holocaust denial.[165]: 11 [166] It described Nazi Germany's genocide of European Jews as "so-called" and "an alleged and invented story with no basis" in a 2000 press release.[165]: 17–18 In 2009, it was involved in a dispute with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) over the inclusion of Holocaust education in Gaza, with Hamas's Popular Committees for Refugees describing the Holocaust as "a lie invented by the Zionists".[167]

On the other hand, Hamas has also condemned the Holocaust, antisemitism, and the persecution of Jews. In an editorial in The Guardian in January 2006, Khaled Meshaal, the chief of Hamas's political bureau denied antisemitism, on Hamas' part, and he said that the nature of Israeli–Palestinian conflict was not religious but political. He also said that Hamas has "no problem with Jews who have not attacked us".[168] In 2008, Basem Naim, Minister of Health and Information in Gaza, stated that "it should be made clear that neither Hamas nor the Palestinian government in Gaza denies the Nazi Holocaust. The Holocaust was not only a crime against humanity but one of the most abhorrent crimes in modern history. We condemn it as we condemn every abuse of humanity and all forms of discrimination on the basis of religion, race, gender or nationality."[169] Hamas's 2017 charter removed the antisemitic language of the original, saying that their struggle is against Zionism and not Jews and condemning antisemitism and the persecution of the Jews,[55][57][58] while also advancing goals for a Palestinian state which are seen by many as being consistent with a two-state solution.[170][51] In 2025, Hamas stated that what it calls the Gaza genocide is "the Auschwitz of the 21st century".[171]

Ahmed Yassin, the founder of Hamas, responded to accusations that "Hamas hate Jews" by stating in a 1988 interview:

> We don't hate Jews and fight Jews because they are Jewish. They are a people of faith and we are a people of faith, and we love all people of faith. If my brother, from my own mother and father and my own faith takes my home and expels me from it, I will fight him. I will fight my cousin if he takes my home and expels me from it. So when a Jew takes my home and expels me from it, I will fight him. I don't fight other countries because I want to be at peace with them, I love all people and wish peace for them, even the Jews. The Jews lived with us all of our lives and we never assaulted them, and they held high positions in government and ministries. But if they take my home and make me a refugee like 4 million Palestinians in exile? Who has more right to this land? The Russian immigrant who left this land 2000 years ago or the one who left 40 years ago? We don't hate the Jews, we only ask for them to give us our rights.[172]

### Evolution of positions

[edit]

#### 1988–1992 (first charter)

[edit]

In its early days, Hamas functioned as a social-religious charity center. Its members armed themselves for the ongoing resistance against the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories, and in August 1988 published their first charter in which Hamas stated that "Israel" should be "eliminated" through a "clash with the enemies", a "struggle against Zionism" and "conflict with Israel".[173]: preamble, art. 14, 15, 32 They wrote that 'Palestine', that is all of the territory that belonged to the British Mandate for Palestine (that is, from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea),[110] should be "liberated" from "Zionism"[173]: art. 14 and transformed into an Islamic Waqf (Islamic charitable endowment) in which "followers of all religions can coexist in security and safety".[174]: art. 6, 11 [175] Practically speaking, Hamas is and was at war with Israel's army (later also attacking Israeli civilians) since the spring of 1989, initially as part of the First Intifada, a general protest movement that gradually turned more riotous and violent.

#### 1992–2005

[edit]

In December 1992, Israeli authorities deported more than 400 Palestinians, suspected to be members of Hamas to Southern Lebanon.[176] In 1999, the Hamas leadership, in a memorandum to European diplomats, proposed a long-term ceasefire with Israel in return for Israeli withdrawal of military troops and civilian illegal settlements from West Bank and Gaza Strip, release of all Palestinian prisoners, and the right of Palestinian self-determination (see also section Truce proposals).[120] Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, founder of Hamas, who was assassinated by Israel in 2004, at unreported date has offered Israel a ten-year hudna (truce, armistice) in return for establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. Yassin later added, the hudna could be renewed, even for longer periods, but would never signal a recognition of Israel.[49]: 221–246

In 2005, Hamas signed the Palestinian Cairo Declaration, which confirms "the right of the Palestinian people to resistance in order to end the occupation, establish a Palestinian state with full sovereignty with Jerusalem as its capital" (etc.), aiming to reconcile several Palestinian factions but not describing specific steps or strategies towards Israel.[177]

#### 2006–2007: 1967 borders and a truce

[edit]

In March 2006, after winning an absolute majority in the 2006 Palestinian legislative elections, Hamas published its government program in which Hamas claimed sovereignty for the Palestinian territories but did not repeat its claim to all of mandatory Palestine, instead declared their willingness to have contacts with Israel "in all mundane affairs: business, trade, health, and labor".[178] The program further stated: "The question of recognizing Israel is not the jurisdiction of one faction, nor the government, but a decision for the Palestinian people."[179] Since then until today, spokesmen of Hamas seem to disagree about their attitudes towards Israel, and debates are running as to whether the original 1988 Hamas charter has since March 2006 become obsolete and irrelevant or on the contrary still spells out Hamas's genuine and ultimate goals (see: 1988 Hamas charter, § Relevance).

The March 2006 Hamas legislative program was further explained on 6 June 2006 by Hamas' MP Riad Mustafa: "Hamas will never recognize Israel", but if a popular Palestinian referendum would endorse a peace agreement including recognition of Israel, "we would of course accept their verdict".[179]

Also on 6 June 2006, Ismail Haniyeh, senior political leader of Hamas and at that time Prime Minister of the Palestinian National Authority, sent a letter to US President George W. Bush (via University of Maryland's Jerome Segal), stating: "We are so concerned about stability and security in the area that we don't mind having a Palestinian state in the 1967 borders and offering a truce for many years", and asking Bush for a dialogue with the Hamas government. A similar message he sent to Israel's leaders.[123][121] Haniyeh had reportedly proposed a fifty-year armistice.[180] Neither Washington nor Israel replied.[123][121] Nuancing sheikh Ahmed Yassin's statements before 2004 about a hudna (truce) with Israel (see above), Hamas's (former) senior adviser Ahmed Yousef has said (at unknown date) that a "hudna" (truce, armistice) is more than a ceasefire and "obliges parties to use the period to seek a permanent, non-violent resolution to their differences."[119]

On 28 June 2006, Hamas signed the second version of (originally) 'the Palestinians' Prisoners Document' which supports the quest for a Palestinian state "on all territories occupied in 1967".[43][112][113] This document also recognized the PLO as "the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people", and states that "the negotiations" should be conducted by PLO and President of the Palestinian National Authority and eventual agreements must be ratified by either the Palestinian National Council or a general referendum "held in the homeland and the Diaspora". Leila Seurat also notes that this document "implicitly recognized the June 1967 borders, agreed on the construction of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as a capital and accepted limitations to the resistance in the territories occupied in 1967", and was produced following consultations with the entire Political Bureau.[181]

In an August 2006 interview with The New York Times, Ismail Haniyeh, senior political leader of Hamas and then Prime Minister of the Palestinian National Authority, said: "We have no problem with a sovereign Palestinian state over all our lands within the 1967 borders, living in calm."[182] In November 2006, Hamas again proposed a truce for many years to Israel in exchange for a Palestinian state in the 1967 borders.[124]

In February 2007, Hamas signed the Fatah–Hamas Mecca Agreement, stressing "the importance of national unity as basis for (...) confronting the occupation" and "activate and reform the PLO", but without further details about how to confront or deal with Israel.[183] At the time of signing that 2007 agreement, Mousa Abu Marzook, Deputy Chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau, underlined his view of the Hamas position: "I can recognize the presence of Israel as a fait accompli (amr wâqi') or, as the French say, a de facto recognition, but this does not mean that I recognize Israel as a state".[184] More Hamas leaders, through the years, have made similar statements.[45][137]

In June 2007, Hamas ousted the Fatah movement from the Gaza Strip, took control there, and since then Hamas occasionally fired rockets from the Gaza Strip on Israel, purportedly to retaliate Israeli aggression against the people of Gaza.[185]

#### 2008–2016

[edit]

In April 2008, former US President Jimmy Carter met with Khaled Mashal, the recognized Hamas leader since 2004. Mashal said to Carter, Hamas would "accept a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders" and accept the right of Israel "to live as a neighbour" if such a deal would be approved by a referendum among the "Palestinians". Nevertheless, Mashal did not offer a unilateral ceasefire (as Carter had suggested him to do). The US State Department showed utter indifference for Mashal's new stance; Israel's Prime Minister Ehud Olmert even refused to meet with Carter in Jerusalem, not to mention paying attention to the new Hamas stance.[185]

On 19 June 2008, Hamas and Israel agreed to a six-month cease-fire,[186] which Hamas declared finished at 18 December[187] amidst mutual accusations of breaching the agreed conditions.[186]

Meanwhile, in November 2008, in a meeting with 11 European members of parliaments, Hamas senior official Ismail Haniyeh repeated what he had written in June 2006 to U.S. President George W. Bush but with one extra condition: "the Hamas government had agreed to accept a Palestinian state that followed the 1967 borders and to offer Israel a long-term hudna (truce), if Israel recognized the Palestinians' national rights" – a proposal which he said Israel had declined.[125]

In September 2009, Ismail Haniyeh, head of the Hamas government in the Gaza Strip, wrote to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon that Hamas would support any steps leading to a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders: "We would never thwart efforts to create an independent Palestinian state with borders [from] June 4, 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital."[188]

In May 2010, Khaled Mashal, chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau (thus Hamas' highest leader), again stated that a state "Israel" living next to "a Palestinian state on the borders of 1967" would be acceptable for Hamas – but only if a referendum among "the Palestinian people" would endorse this arrangement. In November 2010, Ismail Haniyeh,[e] also proposed a Palestinian state on 1967 borders, though added three further conditions: "resolution of the issue of refugees", "the release of Palestinian prisoners", and "Jerusalem as its capital"; and he made the same reservation as Mashal in May 2010 had made, that a Palestinian referendum needed to endorse this arrangement.[190][191]

On 1 December 2010, Ismail Haniyeh (senior Hamas leader, see above), in a news conference in Gaza, repeated his November 2010 message: "We accept a Palestinian state on the borders of 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital, the release of Palestinian prisoners, and the resolution of the issue of refugees," but only if such arrangement would be endorsed by "a referendum" held among all Palestinians: in Gaza, West Bank, and the diaspora.[192]

In May 2011, Hamas and Fatah signed an agreement in Cairo, agreeing to form a ('national unity') government and appoint the Ministers "in consensus between them", but it contained no remarks about how to confront or deal with Israel.[193] In February 2012, Hamas and Fatah signed the Fatah–Hamas Doha Agreement, agreeing (again) to form an interim national consensus government, which (again) did not materialize.

Still in February 2012, according to the Palestinian authority (either the Fatah branch in West Bank or the Hamas branch in Gaza), Hamas forswore the use of violence against Israel ("ceasefire", an Israeli news website called it), followed by a few weeks without violence between Hamas and Israel.[194][195] But violence between Israel and Palestinian militant groups, in the Gaza Strip and southern Israel, also involving Hamas, would soon resume.

#### 2017–6 Oct 2023 (new charter)

[edit]

See also: 2017 Hamas charter

On 1 May 2017, after much internal discussion, Hamas and its Hamas Political Bureau chief Khaled Mashal published "A Document of General Principles and Policies", also known as the 2017 Hamas charter. In the new charter Hamas accepts a Palestinian state in the 1967 borders, without recognizing Israel.[196][197] When asked, Hamas leaders explained that "The original charter has now become a historical document and part of an earlier stage in our evolution. It will remain in the movement's bookshelf as a record of our past."[citation needed] Khaled Mashal stated that the new document reflected "our position for now."[145] However, Hamas fell short of formally repudiating the original 1988 charter.[198][199] According to some analysts Hamas did not formally revoke the old charter so as to not alienate some of its base members, who it feared might join rival Islamist factions.[199]

Around 2018, a Hamas finance minister has suggested that a "long-term ceasefire as understood by Hamas [hudna] and a two-state settlement are the same".[51] In 2021 Hamas organized and financed a conference among 250 Gaza citizens about the future management of the State of Palestine following the takeover of Israel which was predicted to come soon. According to the conclusions of the conference, the Jewish Israeli fighters would be killed, while the peaceful individuals could be integrated or be allowed to leave. At the same time the highly skilled and educated would be prevented from leaving.[200][201] In 2020 Ismail Haniyeh said in an interview that one of the principles of Hamas was "Palestine from the sea to the river."[202] In 2022, Yahya Sinwar cautioned Israelis that Hamas would one day "march through your walls to uproot your regime."[203]

#### 7 Oct 2023–present

[edit]

Approximate presence of Hamas militiants (blue) on 7–9 October 2023

In the October 7 attacks, Hamas and associates murdered 767 civilians and killed a further 376 security personnel of the state of Israel. Israel retaliated with warfare in the Gaza Strip, aiming at Hamas militants but also harming much civilian infrastructure and directly killing tens of thousands of civilians, as admitted even by Israel (not counting the presumed multiple number of indirect deaths). A number of conflicting statements since then were made by Hamas senior leaders regarding the Hamas policy towards Israel.

On 24 October, Ghazi Hamad—member of the decision-making Hamas Political Bureau[204]—explained the 7 October attack: "Israel is a country that has no place on our land. We must remove that country because it constitutes a security, military and political catastrophe to the Arab and Islamic nation". "We are called a nation of martyrs and we are proud to sacrifice martyrs". Hamad called the creation of the Jewish state "illogical": "(...) We are the victims of the occupation. Therefore, nobody should blame us for the things we do".[205][206]

On 1 November 2023, Ismail Haniyeh, then incumbent highest Hamas leader (but assassinated by Israel 31 July 2024), stated that if Israel agreed to a ceasefire in the Gaza war, if humanitarian corridors would be opened, and aid would be allowed into Gaza, Hamas would be "ready for political negotiations for a two-state solution with Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine". Haniyeh also praised the support of movements in Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon for the Palestinian struggle.[207]

Ruins of Rafah in January 2025 after Israel's Rafah offensive

In January 2024 Khaled Mashal, a former Hamas leader, slighted "The West" and "the two-state solution", saying "The 1967 borders represent 21% of Palestine, which is practically one fifth of its land, so this cannot be accepted", and adding that "our right in Palestine from the sea to the river" cannot be waived.[208] However, he reiterated that Hamas "accepts a state on the 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital, with complete independence and with the right of return without recognising the legitimacy of the Zionist entity."[208]

Hamas Member of Parliament Khalil al-Hayya, also deputy chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau, told the Associated Press in April 2024 that Hamas is willing to agree to a truce of five years or more with Israel and that it would lay down its weapons and convert into a political party if an independent Palestinian state is established along pre-1967 borders.[209] The Associated Press considered this a "significant concession", but presumed that Israel would not even want to consider this scenario following the October 2023 attack.[209]

#### Reactions

[edit]

The vision that Hamas articulated in its original 1988 charter resembles the vision of certain Zionist groups regarding the same territory, as noted by several authors.[191][210][211] This may suggest that Hamas's views were inspired by those Zionist perspectives.[212][213]

Several (other) authors have interpreted the 1988 Hamas charter as a call for "armed struggle against Israel".[110]

In 2009, Taghreed El-khodary and Ethan Bronner, writing in the New York Times, said that Hamas' position is that it doesn't recognize Israel's right to exist, but is willing to accept as a compromise a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders.[214]

Writing for Middle Eastern Studies, Imad Alsoos says that Hamas has both a short and long-term objective: "The short-term objective aims to establish a Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank, while the long-term objective still strives to liberate Mandate Palestine in its entirety.[52]: 837, 839 Establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza (as part of a hudna deal) would be Hamas's interim solution, during which Israel would not be recognized.[52]: 837, 839 [215]

In mid-2006, University of Maryland's Jerome Segal suggested that a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and a truce for many years could be considered Hamas's de facto recognition of Israel.[123]

As of January 2007, Israeli, American and European news media considered Hamas to be the "dominant political force" within the Palestinian territories.[216][217][218]

Journalist Zaki Chehab wrote in 2007 that Hamas's public concessions following the 2006 elections were "window-dressing" and that the organisation would never recognise Israel's right to exist.[219]

As to the question whether Hamas would be capable to enter into a long-term non-aggression treaty with Israel without being disloyal to their understanding of Islamic law and God's word, the Atlantic magazine columnist Jeffrey Goldberg in January 2009 stated: "I tend to think not, though I've noticed over the years a certain plasticity of belief among some Hamas ideologues. Also, this is the Middle East, so anything is possible".[220]

Professor Mohammed Ayoob in his 2020 book, while discussing the 2017 Hamas charter, stated that "acceptance of the 1967 borders can be interpreted as a de facto acceptance of the preconditions for a two-state solution".[221]

## Religious policy

[edit]

### Gaza Strip

[edit]

Main articles: Islamism in the Gaza Strip, Islamist anti-Hamas groups in the Gaza Strip, Jamila Abdallah Taha al-Shanti, and Palestinian Christians

Hamas' Change and Reform electoral list for the 2006 Palestinian legislative election included a Palestinian Christian candidate, Hosam al-Taweel, running as an independent for the Christian reserved seat in Gaza City.[f][223][224][225] Israeli media were surprised by the team.[222] Hosam al-Taweel won the seat, one of six seats reserved for Palestine's Christian minority, with the highest winning vote of the six elected, due to the endorsement of Hamas and other nationalist groups.[226]

The gender ideology outlined in the Hamas charter, the importance of women in the religious-nationalist project of liberation is asserted as no lesser than that of males. Their role was defined primarily as one of manufacturing males and caring for their upbringing and rearing, though the charter recognized they could fight for liberation without obtaining their husband's permission and in 2002 their participation in jihad was permitted.[227] The doctrinal emphasis on childbearing and rearing as woman's primary duty is not so different from Fatah's view of women in the First Intifada and it also resembles the outlook of Jewish settlers, and over time it has been subjected to change.[228] A few were worried about imposition of Islamic dress codes, but most Christians in the Gaza Strip said these worries were baseless and they were not worried about the Hamas government.[226]

In 1989, during the First Intifada, a few Hamas followers[228] campaigned for polygamy, and insisted women stay at home and be segregated from men. In the course of this campaign, women who chose not to wear the hijab were verbally and physically harassed, with the result that the hijab was being worn 'just to avoid problems on the streets'.[229] The harassment dropped drastically when, after 18 months, the Unified National Leadership of the Uprising (UNLU) condemned it.[230] Polygamy is practised in some Bedouin communities in Israel, and some Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, particularly in the Negev desert (Arabic pronunciation: Naqab) surrounding the Gaza Strip.[231][232][233][234][235]

Since Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007, some of its members have attempted to impose Islamic dress or the hijab head covering on women.[214][236] The government's "Islamic Endowment Ministry" has deployed Virtue Committee members to warn citizens of the dangers of immodest dress, card playing, and dating.[237] There are no government laws imposing dress and other moral standards, and the Hamas education ministry reversed one effort to impose Islamic dress on students.[214] There has also been successful resistance to attempts by local Hamas officials to impose Islamic dress on women.[238] Hamas officials deny having any plans to impose Islamic law, one legislator stating that "What you are seeing are incidents, not policy," and that Islamic law is the desired standard "but we believe in persuasion".[237]

In 2013, UNRWA canceled its annual marathon in Gaza after Hamas prohibited women from participating in the race.[239]

### In the West Bank

[edit]

In 2005, the human rights organization Freemuse released a report titled "Palestine: Taliban-like attempts to censor music", which said that Palestinian musicians feared that harsh religious laws against music and concerts will be imposed since Hamas group scored political gains in the Palestinian Authority local elections of 2005.[240]

The attempt by Hamas to dictate a cultural code of conduct in the 1980s and early 1990s led to a violent fighting between different Palestinian sectors. Hamas members reportedly burned down stores that stocked videos they deemed indecent and destroyed books they described as "heretical".[241]

In 2005, an outdoor music-and-dance performance in Qalqiliya was suddenly banned by the Hamas-led municipality, for the reason that such an event would be "haram", i.e. forbidden by Islam.[242] The municipality also ordered that music no longer be played in the Qalqiliya zoo, and mufti Akrameh Sabri issued a religious edict affirming the municipality decision.[241] In response, the Palestinian national poet Mahmoud Darwish warned that "There are Taliban-type elements in our society, and this is a very dangerous sign."[240][243][244]

The Palestinian columnist Mohammed Abd Al-Hamid, a resident of Ramallah, wrote that this religious coercion could cause the migration of artists, and said "The religious fanatics in Algeria destroyed every cultural symbol, shattered statues and rare works of art and liquidated intellectuals and artists, reporters and authors, ballet dancers and singers—are we going to imitate the Algerian and Afghani examples?"[241]

### Erdoğan's Turkey as a role model

[edit]

Some Hamas members have stated that the model of Islamic government that Hamas seeks to emulate is that of Turkey under the rule of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The foremost members to distance Hamas from the practices of the Taliban and to publicly support the Erdoğan model were Ahmed Yousef and Ghazi Hamad, advisers to Prime Minister Hanieh.[245][246] Yusuf, the Hamas deputy foreign minister, reflected this goal in an interview with a Turkish newspaper, stating that while foreign public opinion equates Hamas with the Taliban or al-Qaeda, the analogy is inaccurate. Yusuf described the Taliban as "opposed to everything", including education and women's rights, while Hamas wants to establish good relations between the religious and secular elements of society and strives for human rights, democracy and an open society.[247] According to professor Yezid Sayigh of King's College in London, how influential this view is within Hamas is uncertain, since both Ahmad Yousef and Ghazi Hamad were dismissed from their posts as advisers to Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Hanieh in October 2007.[245] Both have since been appointed to other prominent positions within the Hamas government. Khaled al-Hroub of the West Bank-based and anti-Hamas[248] Palestinian daily Al Ayyam added that despite claims by Hamas leaders that it wants to repeat the Turkish model of Islam, "what is happening on the ground in reality is a replica of the Taliban model of Islam."[249][250][irrelevant citation]

## Charter and policy documents

[edit]

### 1988 charter

[edit]

Main article: 1988 Hamas charter

See also: Calls for the destruction of Israel

Hamas published its charter in August 1988, wherein it defined itself as a chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood and its desire to establish "an Islamic state throughout Palestine".[251] The foundational document was written by a single individual, an "old guard" member of the Muslim Brotherhood in Gaza isolated from the outside world, and it was made public without going through the usual prior consultation, revision or consensus process, which Hamas leaders regretted in later years.[252] It was then signed on 18 August 1988. It compares Israeli attacks on civilians to that by Nazi Germany.[253] The charter also claims all of historical Palestine[254][255][256][257][258][259][excessive citations] but promises religious coexistence under Islam's rule.[260][261] Article 6 states that the movement's aim is to "raise the banner of Allah over every inch of Palestine, for under the wing of Islam followers of all religions can coexist in security and safety where their lives, possessions and rights are concerned".[174][262] The charter rejects a two-state solution, stating that the conflict cannot be resolved "except through jihad".

Many scholars have pointed out that both the 1988 Hamas's charter and the Likud party platform sought full control of the land, thus denouncing the two-state solution.[138][139][140]

### 2017 charter

[edit]

Main article: 2017 Hamas charter

In May 2017, Hamas published a document titled "A Document of General Principles and Policies". While this policy document was much shorter than the 1988 charter, and Hamas leaders stated that it did not replace the 1988 charter,[198][contradictory] it covers some of the same topics and is referred to as the "2017 charter".[59] It accepted a Palestinian state in the 1967 borders, without recognizing Israel, which is seen by many as being consistent with a two-state solution,[263][51] while others state that Hamas retains the long-term objective of establishing one state in former Mandatory Palestine.[52]: 837, 839 The charter also argued that armed resistance to occupation is supported by international law.[59][264][52]: 837, 839 [265] Hamas has described these changes as adaptation within a specific context, as opposed to abandonment of its principles.[266]

While the 1988 Hamas charter was widely described as antisemitic,[53] Hamas's 2017 charter removed the antisemitic language and said Hamas's struggle was with Zionists, not Jews.[55][56][57][58] Some sources maintain its condemnation of Zionists is antisemitic:[150][57] it describes Zionism as the enemy of all Muslims and a danger to international security, what author J.S. Spoerl in 2020 has disqualified as "hardly (...) a serious repudiation of anti-Semitism".[60] Hroub, though not responding directly, disagrees, writing that the 2017 document shows that Hamas is stressing the nationalist/resistance aspects of its purpose, providing a "clear assertion of the right to a national liberation struggle on the basis of international law."[59]

## Organization

[edit]

### Leadership and structure

[edit]

Main article: List of leaders of Hamas

Map of key Hamas leadership nodes. 2010.

Hamas inherited from its predecessor a tripartite structure that consisted in the provision of social services, of religious training and military operations under a Shura Council. Traditionally it had four distinct functions: (a) a charitable social welfare division (dawah); (b) a military division for procuring weapons and undertaking operations (al-Mujahideen al Filastinun); (c) a security service (Jehaz Aman); and (d) a media branch (A'alam).[267] Hamas has both an internal leadership within the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and an external leadership, split between a Gaza group directed by Mousa Abu Marzook from his exile first in Damascus and then in Egypt, and a Kuwaiti group (Kuwaidia) under Khaled Mashal.[268][needs update] The Kuwaiti group of Palestinian exiles began to receive extensive funding from the Gulf States after its leader Mashal broke with Yasser Arafat's decision to side with Saddam Hussein in the Invasion of Kuwait, with Mashal insisting that Iraq withdraw.[269] On 6 May 2017, Hamas' Shura Council chose Ismail Haniyeh to become the new leader, to replace Mashal.[270]

The exact structure of the organization is unclear as it is shrouded in a veil of secrecy in order to conceal operational activities. Formally, Hamas maintains the wings are separate and independent, but this has been questioned. It has been argued that its wings are both separate and combined for reasons of internal and external political necessity. Communication between the political and military wings of Hamas is made difficult by the thoroughness of Israeli intelligence surveillance and the existence of an extensive base of informants. After the assassination of Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi the political direction of the militant wing was diminished and field commanders were given wider discretional autonomy over operations.[271]

#### Shura Council and Political Bureau

[edit]

Hamas's overarching governing body is the Majlis al-Shura (Shura Council), based on the Quranic concept of consultation and popular assembly (shura), which Hamas leaders argue provides for democracy within an Islamic framework.[272] As the organization grew more complex and Israeli pressure increased, the Shura Council was renamed the General Consultative Council, with members elected from local council groups. The council elects the 15-member Political Bureau (al-Maktab al-Siyasi)[273] that makes decisions for Hamas. Representatives come from Gaza, the West Bank, leaders in exile and Israeli prisons.[274] The Political Bureau was based in Damascus until January 2012, when Hamas's support for the Syrian opposition to Bashar al-Assad during the Syrian civil war led to the office's relocation to Qatar.[274][275]

### Finances and funding

[edit]

See also: Blockade of the Gaza Strip, Zaher Jabarin, Israeli support for Hamas, Taxation in the State of Palestine, and Fatah–Hamas reconciliation process

Hamas, like its predecessor the Muslim Brotherhood, assumed the administration of Gaza's waqf properties, endowments which extend over 10% of all real estate in the Gaza Strip, with 2,000 acres of agricultural land held in religious trusts, together with numerous shops, rentable apartments and public buildings.[276]

In the first five years of the 1st Intifada, the Gaza economy, 50% of which depended on external sources of income, plummeted by 30–50% as Israel closed its labour market and remittances from the Palestinian expatriates in the Gulf countries dried up following the 1991–1992 Gulf War.[277] At the 1993 Philadelphia conference, Hamas leaders' statements indicated that they read George H. W. Bush's outline of a New World Order as embodying a tacit aim to destroy Islam, and that therefore funding should focus on enhancing the Islamic roots of Palestinian society and promoting jihad, which also means zeal for social justice, in the occupied territories.[278] Hamas became particularly fastidious about maintaining separate resourcing for its respective branches of activity—military, political and social services.[279] It has had a holding company in East Jerusalem (Beit al-Mal), a 20% stake in Al Aqsa International Bank which served as its financial arm, the Sunuqrut Global Group and al-Ajouli money-changing firm.[280]

By 2011, Hamas's budget, calculated to be roughly US$70 million, derived even more substantially (85%) from foreign, rather than internal Palestinian, sources.[280] Only two Israeli-Palestinian sources figure in a list seized in 2004, while the other contributors were donor bodies located in Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Britain, Germany, the United States, United Arab Emirates, Italy and France. Much of the money raised comes from sources that direct their assistance to what Hamas describes as its charitable work for Palestinians, but investments in support of its ideological position are also relevant, with Persian Gulf States and Saudi Arabia prominent in the latter. Matthew Levitt claims that Hamas also taps money from corporations, criminal organizations and financial networks that support terror.[281] It is also alleged that it engages in cigarette and drug smuggling, multimedia copyright infringement and credit card fraud.[280] The United States, Israel and the EU have shut down many charities and organs that channel money to Hamas, such as the Holy Land Foundation for Relief.[282] Between 1992 and 2001, this group is said to have provided $6.8 million to Palestinian charities of the $57 million collected. By 2001, it was alleged to have given Hamas $13 million, and was shut down shortly afterwards.[283]

About half of Hamas's funding came from states in the Persian Gulf down to the mid-2000s. Saudi Arabia supplied half of the Hamas budget of $50 million in the early 2000s,[284] but, under US pressure, began to cut its funding by cracking down on Islamic charities and private donor transfers to Hamas in 2004,[285] which by 2006 drastically reduced the flow of money from that area. Iran and Syria, in the aftermath of Hamas's 2006 electoral victory, stepped in to fill the shortfall.[286][287] Saudi funding, negotiated with third parties including Egypt, remained supportive of Hamas as a Sunni group but chose to provide more assistance to the PNA, the electoral loser, when the EU responded to the outcome by suspending its monetary aid.[288] During the 1980s, Iran began to provide 10% of Hamas's funding, which it increased annually until by the 1990s it supplied $30 million.[284] It accounted for $22 million, over a quarter of Hamas's budget, by the late 2000s.[285] According to Matthew Levitt, Iran preferred direct financing to operative groups rather than charities, requiring video proof of attacks.[285][289] Much of the Iran funding is said to be channeled through Hezbollah.[285] After 2006, Iran's willingness to take over the burden of the shortfall created by the drying up of Saudi funding also reflected the geopolitical tensions between the two, since, though Shiite, Iran was supporting a Sunni group traditionally closely linked with the Saudi kingdom.[290] The US imposed sanctions on Iran's Bank Saderat, alleging it had funneled hundreds of millions to Hamas.[291] The US has expressed concerns that Hamas obtains funds through Palestinian and Lebanese sympathizers of Arab descent in the Foz do Iguaçu area of the tri-border region of Latin America, an area long associated with arms trading, drug trafficking, contraband, the manufacture of counterfeit goods, money-laundering and currency fraud. The State Department adds that confirmatory information of a Hamas operational presence there is lacking.[292]

After 2009, sanctions on Iran made funding difficult, forcing Hamas to rely on religious donations by individuals in the West Bank, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia. Funds amounting to tens of millions of dollars raised in the Gulf states were transferred through the Rafah Border Crossing. These were not sufficient to cover the costs of governing the Strip and running the al Qassam Brigades, and when tensions arose with Iran over support of President Assad in Syria, Iran dropped its financial assistance to the government, restricting its funding to the military wing, which meant a drop from $150 million in 2012 to $60 million the following year. A further drop occurred in 2015 when Hamas expressed its criticisms of Iran's role in the Yemeni Civil War.[293]

In 2017, the PA government imposed its own sanctions against Gaza, including, among other things, cutting off salaries to thousands of PA employees, as well as financial assistance to hundreds of families in the Gaza Strip. The PA initially said it would stop paying for the electricity and fuel that Israel supplies to the Gaza Strip, but after a year partially backtracked.[294] The Israeli government has allowed millions of dollars from Qatar to be funneled on a regular basis through Israel to Hamas, to replace the millions of dollars the PA had stopped transferring to Hamas. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu explained that letting the money go through Israel meant that it could not be used for terrorism, saying: "Now that we are supervising, we know it's going to humanitarian causes."[295]

According to U.S. officials, as of 2023 Hamas has an investment portfolio that is worth anywhere from 500 million to US$1 billion, including assets in Sudan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Algeria and the United Arab Emirates.[296] Hamas has denied such allegations.[297]

In 2024, financial activity in Gaza is mainly carried out via money changers in order to bypass the international financial authorities.[298] Also in 2024, the European Council added six people to its sanctions list for helping fund Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, including a senior official from the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps. Three businesses were also added, including companies in Spain and Sudan that functioned as front companies.[299][300]

### Social services wing

[edit]

Hamas developed its social welfare programme by replicating the model established by Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood. For Hamas, charity and the development of one's community are both prescribed by religion and to be understood as forms of resistance.[301] In Islamic tradition, dawah (lit. transl. "the call to God") obliges the faithful to reach out to others by both proselytising and by charitable works, and typically the latter centre on the mosques which make use of both waqf endowment resources and charitable donations (zakat, one of the five pillars of Islam) to fund grassroots services such as nurseries, schools, orphanages, soup kitchens, women's activities, library services and even sporting clubs within a larger context of preaching and political discussions.[302] In the 1990s, some 85% of its budget was allocated to the provision of social services.[303] Hamas has been called perhaps the most significant social services actor in Palestine. By 2000, Hamas or its affiliated charities ran roughly 40% of the social institutions in the West Bank and Gaza and, with other Islamic charities, by 2005, was supporting 120,000 individuals with monthly financial support in Gaza.[304] Part of the appeal of these institutions is that they fill a vacuum in the administration by the PLO of the Palestinian territories, which had failed to cater to the demand for jobs and broad social services, and is widely viewed as corrupt.[305] As late as 2005, the budget of Hamas, drawing on global charity contributions, was mostly tied up in covering running expenses for its social programmes, which extended from the supply of housing, food and water for the needy to more general functions such as financial aid, medical assistance, educational development and religious instruction. A certain accounting flexibility allowed these funds to cover both charitable causes and military operations, permitting transfer from one to the other.[306]

The dawah infrastructure itself was understood, within the Palestinian context, as providing the soil from which a militant opposition to the occupation would flower.[g] In this regard it differs from the rival Palestinian Islamic Jihad which lacks any social welfare network, and relies on spectacular terrorist attacks to recruit adherents.[308] In 2007, through funding from Iran, Hamas managed to allocate at a cost of $60 million, monthly stipends of $100 for 100,000 workers, and a similar sum for 3,000 fishermen laid idle by Israel's imposition of restrictions on fishing offshore, plus grants totalling $45 million to detainees and their families.[309] Matthew Levitt argues that Hamas grants to people are subject to a rigorous cost-benefit analysis of how beneficiaries will support Hamas, with those linked to terrorist activities receiving more than others.[310] Israel holds the families of suicide bombers accountable and bulldozes their homes, whereas the families of Hamas activists who have been killed or wounded during militant operations are given an initial, one-time grant varying between $500–$5,000, together with a $100 monthly allowance. Rent assistance is also given to families whose homes have been destroyed by Israeli bombing though families unaffiliated with Hamas are said to receive less.[311][312]

Until 2007, these activities extended to the West Bank, but, after a PLO crackdown, now continue exclusively in the Gaza Strip.[313] After the 2013 Egyptian coup d'état deposed the elected Muslim Brotherhood government of Mohamed Morsi in 2013, Hamas found itself in a financial straitjacket and has since endeavoured to throw the burden of responsibility for public works infrastructure in the Gaza Strip back onto the Palestinian National Authority, but without success.[314]

### Media

[edit]

See also: Media coverage of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Public diplomacy of Israel, and Palestinian propaganda

#### Al-Aqsa TV

[edit]

Main article: Al-Aqsa TV

See also: Shehab News Agency

Al-Aqsa TV is a television channel founded by Hamas.[315] The station began broadcasting in the Gaza Strip on 9 January 2006,[316][317] less than three weeks before the Palestinian legislative elections. It has shown television programs, including some children's television, which deliver antisemitic messages.[318] Hamas has stated that the television station is "an independent media institution that often does not express the views of the Palestinian government headed by Ismail Haniyeh or of the Hamas movement", and that Hamas does not hold antisemitic views.[319] The programming includes ideologically tinged children's shows, news talk, and religiously inspired entertainment.[320] According to the Anti-Defamation League, the station promotes terrorist activity and incites hatred of Jews and Israelis.[317] Al-Aqsa TV is headed by the controversial Fathi Ahmad Hammad, chairman of al-Ribat Communications and Artistic Productions—a Hamas-run company that also produces Hamas's radio station, Voice of al-Aqsa, and its biweekly newspaper, The Message.[321] Hamad has made a number of controversial comments, including a speech in which he reportedly stated: 'you have Jews everywhere and we must attack every Jew on the globe by way of slaughtering and killing' [322]

#### Al-Fateh magazine

[edit]

Not to be confused with Hamaas.

Main article: Al-Fateh

Al-Fateh ("the conqueror") was a Hamas children's magazine, published biweekly in London, and posted online.[323][324] It began publication in September 2002, and its 108th issue was released in September 2007. The magazine featured stories, poems, riddles, and puzzles, and stated it is for "the young builders of the future".[325] According to the Anti-Defamation League, al-Fateh promoted violence and antisemitism, with praise for and encouragement to become suicide bombers, and that it "regularly included photos of children it claims have been detained, injured or killed by Israeli police, images of children firing slingshots or throwing rocks at Israelis and children holding automatic weapons and firebombs".[326]

#### Social media

[edit]

Hamas has traditionally presented itself as a voice of suffering of the Palestinian people. According to Time magazine, a new social media strategy was employed in the wake of the 7 October attack: Hamas asserted itself as the dominant resistance force in the Middle East by recording and broadcasting the brutality of their attacks.[327]

According to Dr. Harel Horev, historian and researcher of Palestinian affairs at Tel Aviv University, Hamas has used social media to dehumanize Israelis/Jews. According to his research, Hamas took over the most popular accounts on Palestinian networks in a covert manner that did not reveal its involvement. This control gave it the ability to significantly influence the Palestinian discourse online through content that denies the humanity and right to life of Israelis. These included posters, songs and videos glorifying threats; computer games that encourage the murder of Jews; training videos for carrying out effective and indiscriminate stabbing and shooting attacks; and anti-Semitic cartoons as a central means of dehumanizing the Israeli/Jew in the Palestinian online discourse.[328][329]

### Internal security

[edit]

See also: Ministry of Interior (State of Palestine)

The General Security Service, formally part of the Hamas political party, operates akin to a governmental body within Gaza. Under the direct oversight of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, it conducts extensive surveillance on Palestinians, compiling files on various individuals including journalists and government critics. This secret police force relies on a network of informants and employs tactics such as censorship and surveillance to maintain control. Before the conflict with Israel, the unit reportedly had a monthly budget of $120,000 and consisted of 856 personnel, including more than 160 individuals paid to spread Hamas propaganda and conduct online attacks against opponents.[330]

Other powerful internal security bodies in Gaza include Military Intelligence, which focuses on Israel, and the Internal Security Service, an arm of the Interior Ministry.[330]

#### Civilian crisis management

[edit]

During the COVID-19 pandemic in Palestine Gaza's Ministry of the Interior formed a crisis management team, headed by Hamas police officer Faiq Al-Mabhouh.[331][332][333] Mabhouh played a prominent role in communicating with the public about the changing situation. He appeared in video announcements on Al-Aqsa TV and social media channels, and gave interviews to local media to explain changes in restrictions. The Gaza Strip restrictions took the "flattening the curve" approach.[333] The restrictions imposed were similar to most western countries, and more relaxed than the zero COVID policy implemented by China and their neighbors.[332] The Gaza Strip's starter was to avoid total lockdowns using partial measures like weekend lockdowns and curfews. The weekend lockdowns included mosques being closed for Friday prayers. But during times while the mosques were open, one creative measure initiated by Gaza's Health Ministry was to replace the mosque preachers with doctors who gave health information seminars.[334][332][333]

## Qassam Brigades (military wing)

[edit]

Main article: Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades

Weapons found in a mosque during Operation Cast Lead, according to the IDF.

The Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades is Hamas' military wing.[335][336] While the number of members is known only to the Brigades leadership, Israel estimates the Brigades have a core of several hundred members who receive military style training, including training in Iran and in Syria (before the Syrian Civil War).[337] Additionally, the brigades have an estimated 10,000–17,000 operatives,[304][338] other sources say 15,000–40,000 militants,[339][340][undue weight? - discuss] forming a backup force whenever circumstances call for reinforcements for the Brigade. Recruitment training lasts for two years.[337] The group's ideology outlines its aim as the liberation of Palestine and the restoration of Palestinian rights under the dispensations set forth in the Qur'an, and this translates into three policy priorities:

> To evoke the spirit of Jihad (Resistance) among Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims; to defend Palestinians and their land against the Zionist occupation and its manifestations; to liberate Palestinians and their land that was usurped by the Zionist occupation forces and settlers.[341]

According to its official stipulations, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades' military operations are to be restricted to operating only inside Palestine, engaging with Israeli soldiers,[h] and in exercising the right of self-defense against armed settlers. They are to avoid civilian targets, to respect the enemy's humanity by refraining from mutilation, defacement or excessive killing, and to avoid targeting Westerners either in the occupied zones or beyond.[342]

Exercise of al-Qassam Brigades in Gaza City, 27 January 2013

Down to 2007, the Brigades are estimated to have lost some 800 operatives in conflicts with Israeli forces. The leadership has been consistently undermined by targeted assassinations. Aside from Yahya Ayyash (5 January 1996), it has lost Emad Akel (24 November 1993), Salah Shehade (23 July 2002), Ibrahim al-Makadmeh (8 March 2003), Ismail Abu Shanab (21 August 2003), Ahmed Yassin (22 March 2004), and Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi (17 April 2004).[343][344]

The Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades groups its fighters in 4–5 man cells, which in turn are integrated into companies and battalions. Unlike the political section, which is split between an internal and external structure, the Brigades are under a local Palestinian leadership, and disobedience with the decisions taken by the political leadership have been relatively rare.[345]

Although the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades are an integral part of Hamas, the exact nature of the relationship is hotly debated.[273][346] They appear to operate at times independently of Hamas, exercising a certain autonomy.[347][348][349] Some cells have independent links with the external leadership, enabling them to bypass the hierarchical command chain and political leadership in Gaza.[350] Ilana Kass and Bard O'Neill, likening Hamas's relationship with the Brigades to the political party Sinn Féin's relationship to the military arm of the Irish Republican Army, quote a senior Hamas official as stating: "The Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigade is a separate armed military wing, which has its own leaders who do not take their orders from Hamas and do not tell us of their plans in advance."[351][i]

### Gaza forces, October 2023

[edit]

During the Gaza war, the IDF published its intelligence about the Hamas military in the Strip.[354] They put the strength of the Qassam Brigades there at the start of the war at 30,000 fighters, organised by area in five brigades, consisting in total of 24 battalions and c. 140 companies.[354] Each regional brigade had a number of strongholds and outposts, and included specialised arrays for rocket firing, anti-tank missiles, air defenses, snipers, and engineering.[354]

## Symbols

[edit]

Hamas flags at the 25th anniversary rally in 2012

The flag of Hamas is a green field (a traditionally respected color in Islam) charged in the middle with the writing of the Shahada, an Islamic statement of faith, in white calligraphic script: "There is no god but God" and "Muhammad is the messenger of God".[355][356]

The emblems of their political[357][358] and military wings are distinctly different.[359][360][361] The emblem of Hamas' political wing features Islamic and militaristic motifs. It shows two crossed swords in front of the central building of the Al-Aqsa mosque complex, in Jerusalem. The mosque is framed by two Palestinian flags that feature the two statements that comprise the Shahada.[358][357] Above Al Aqsa is a map of Palestine, matching the borders of Mandatory Palestine. Immediately below the Dome it reads "Palestine" and below that in the green banner: "Islamic Resistance Movement – Hamas".[362] The emblem of their Al-Qassam Brigades militant wing does not include a map or a Palestinian flag, the militant wing emblem is a cartoon drawing of a man holding an M16 rifle and a Quran, with his face mostly covered by a black and white Palestinian keffiyeh.[335][360][361] He is standing in front of a green flag and the golden dome of the Al-Aqsa mosque, but the building is more stylised than it is in the political wing emblem.[359][360][361]

## Violence

[edit]

Hamas has used both political activities and violence in pursuit of its goals. For example, while politically engaged in the 2006 Palestinian Territories parliamentary election campaign, Hamas stated in its election manifesto that it was prepared to use "armed resistance to end the occupation".[363] Hamas has repeatedly justified its violence by arguing "People under occupation have a right to resist that occupation".[364] Hamas also argues its armed resistance only started after decades of Israeli occupation.[364]

From 2000 to 2004, Hamas was responsible for killing nearly 400 Israelis and wounding more than 2,000 in 425 attacks, according to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From 2001 through May 2008, Hamas launched more than 3,000 Qassam rockets and 2,500 mortar attacks into Israel.[365]

### Attacks on civilians

[edit]

Aftermath of 1996 Jaffa Road bus bombings in which 26 people were killed

Hamas have committed massacres targeting Israeli civilians. Hamas's most deadly suicide bombing was an attack on a Netanya hotel on 27 March 2002, in which 30 people were killed and 140 were wounded. The attack has also been referred to as the Passover massacre since it took place on the first night of the Jewish festival of Passover at a Seder.

Hamas has defended suicide attacks as a legitimate aspect of its asymmetric warfare against Israel. In 2003, according to Stephen Atkins, Hamas resumed suicide bombings in Israel as a retaliatory measure after the failure of peace talks and an Israeli campaign targeting members of the upper echelon of the Hamas leadership.[j] but they are considered as crimes against humanity under international law.[367][368] In a 2002 report, Human Rights Watch stated that Hamas leaders "should be held accountable" for "war crimes and crimes against humanity" committed by the al-Qassam Brigades.[369][370][371]

In 2008, Hamas leader Khaled Mashal, offered that Hamas would attack only military targets if the IDF would stop causing the deaths of Palestinian civilians.[372] Following a 19 June 2008, ceasefire, the al-Qassam Brigades ended its rocket attacks and arrested Fatah militants in Gaza who had continued sporadic rocket and mortar attacks against Israel. The al-Qassam Brigades resumed the attacks after the 4 November Israeli incursion into Gaza.[87][88]

The 2023 Re'im music festival massacre left 364 people dead with many others wounded or taken hostage

During the October 7 attacks, Hamas infiltrated homes, shot civilians en masse, and took scores of Israeli civilians and soldiers as hostages into Gaza.[373][374] According to Human Rights Watch, the deliberate targeting of civilians, indiscriminate attacks, and taking of civilians as hostages amount to war crimes under international humanitarian law.[375] During its October 2023 offensive against Israel, Hamas massacred 364 people at the Re'im music festival, while abucting others.[376][377] During the same offensive, it also was reported that Hamas had massacred the population of the Kfar Aza kibbutz.[378] About 10 percent of the residents of the Be'eri kibbutz were killed.[379] Hamas militants attacked the Psyduck festival, that took place near kibutz Nir Oz, killing 17 Israeli partygoers.[380] Video footage shows children being deliberately killed during the kibbutz attacks,[381] as well as what appears to be an attempt to decapitate a living person using a garden hoe.[382] Forensic teams who examined bodies of victims said many bodies showed signs of torture as well as sexual and gender-based violence, and testimonies to this effect were also collected by Israeli police.[383][384][385][386] Haaretz later reported that forensic pathologists who examined bodies of the victims taken the Shura Base for identification found "no signs on any of those bodies attesting to sexual relations having taken place or of mutilation of genitalia." Not all bodies could be fully examined given the lack of forensic pathologists, and for some conclusions could not be drawn given their deteriorated state.[387] Israeli forensic pathologists in charge of the process clarified later that all bodies had been examined, and some were disfigured or burned.[388] Some of the testimonies were later proven to be false.[389][390][391] Detailed reports by the UN and The Times concluded that Israel's claims about the scale and formally sanctioned, systematic nature of sexual assaults did not stand up to scrutiny.[392][393][394]

### Rocket attacks on Israel

[edit]

See also: Palestinian rocket attacks on Israel

Palestinian rocket attacks
on Israel

A rocket fired from the Gaza Strip
into Israel, 2008

By year (list)

* 2001
* 2002–2006
* 2007
* 2008

* 2008 ceasefire
* Gaza War
* 2009
* 2010

* 2011
* 2012
* 2013
* 2014
* 2015

* 2016
* 2017
* 2018
* 2019
* 2020

* 2021
* 2022
* 2023
* 2024

Groups responsible

* Fatah
* Hamas
* Islamic Jihad

* PFLP
* DFLP
* PRC

* Ansar al-Sunna
* Force 17

* Army of Islam
* Tawhid wal-Jihad

* Abdullah Azzam Brigades

* Mujahideen Shura Council

Rocket types

* Mortar
* Qassam
* Al-Quds

* Katyusha
* Grad
* Fajr-5

Cities affected

* Ashdod
* Ashkelon
* Beersheba

* Eilat
* Gedera
* Kiryat Gat

* Kiryat Malakhi
* Netivot

* Sderot
* Ofakim
* Yavne

* Tel Aviv
* Jerusalem

Regional Council areas affected

* Hof Ashkelon

* Karmia
* Netiv HaAsara
* Yad Mordechai
* Zikim

* Eshkol

* Nir Oz
* Nirim
* Yesha

* Sha'ar HaNegev

* Kfar Aza
* Nahal Oz
* Nir Am

* Sdot Negev

* Alumim
* Sa'ad

* Merhavim
* Be'er Tuvia
* Yoav

* Bnei Shimon
* Gush Etzion

Settlements affected (evacuated)

* Atzmona
* Dugit
* Elei Sinai

* Gadid
* Ganei Tal
* Katif

* Kfar Darom
* Morag

* Netzarim
* Netzer Hazani

* Neve Dekalim
* Nisanit

* Rafiah Yam
* Slav

Defense and response

* Civil defense in Israel

* Red Color
* Iron Dome
* ZAKA

See also

* Rocket attacks on Eilat

* Projectile attacks from Lebanon

* v
* t
* e

Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups have launched thousands of rockets into Israel since 2001, killing 15 civilians, wounding many more, and posing an ongoing threat to the nearly 800,000 Israeli civilians who live and work in the weapons' range. Hamas officials have said that the rockets were aimed only at military targets, saying that civilian casualties were the "accidental result" of the weapons' poor quality. According to Human Rights Watch, statements by Hamas leaders suggest that the purpose of the rocket attacks was indeed to strike civilians and civilian objects. From January 2009, following Operation Cast Lead, Hamas largely stopped launching rocket attacks on Israel and has on at least two occasions arrested members of other groups who have launched rockets, "showing that it has the ability to impose the law when it wants".[395] In February 2010, Hamas issued a statement regretting any harm that may have befallen Israeli civilians as a result of Palestinian rocket attacks during the Gaza war. It maintained that its rocket attacks had been aimed at Israeli military targets but lacked accuracy and hence sometimes hit civilian areas. Israel responded that Hamas had boasted repeatedly of targeting and murdering civilians in the media.[396]

According to one report, commenting on the 2014 conflict, "nearly all the 2,500–3,000 rockets and mortars Hamas has fired at Israel since the start of the war seem to have been aimed at towns", including an attack on "a kibbutz collective farm close to the Gaza border", in which an Israeli child was killed.[397] Former Israeli Lt. Col. Jonathan D. Halevi stated that "Hamas has expressed pride in aiming long-range rockets at strategic targets in Israel including the nuclear reactor in Dimona, the chemical plants in Haifa, and Ben-Gurion Airport", which "could have caused thousands" of Israeli casualties "if successful".[398]

In July 2008, Barack Obama, then the Democratic presidential candidate, said: "If somebody was sending rockets into my house, where my two daughters sleep at night, I'm going to do everything in my power to stop that, and I would expect Israelis to do the same thing."[399] On 28 December 2008, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said in a statement: "the United States strongly condemns the repeated rocket and mortar attacks against Israel."[400] On 2 March 2009, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton condemned the attacks.[401]

On 7 October 2023, Hamas claimed responsibility for a barrage of missile attacks originating from the Gaza Strip.[402]

### Guerrilla warfare

[edit]

Hamas anti-tank rockets, captured by Israel Defense Forces during Operation Protective Edge

Hamas has made great use of guerrilla tactics in the Gaza Strip and to a lesser degree the West Bank.[403] It has successfully adapted these techniques over the years since its inception. According to a 2006 report by rival Fatah party, Hamas had smuggled between several hundred and 1,300 tons of advanced rockets, along with other weaponry, into Gaza.[403]

Hamas has used IEDs and anti-tank rockets against the IDF in Gaza. The latter include standard RPG-7 warheads and home-made rockets such as the Al-Bana, Al-Batar and Al-Yasin. The IDF has a difficult, if not impossible, time trying to find hidden weapons caches in Palestinian areas—this is due to the high local support base Hamas enjoys.[404]

### Extrajudicial killings of rivals

[edit]

See also: Capital punishment in the Gaza Strip

In addition to killing Israeli civilians and armed forces, Hamas has also murdered suspected Palestinian Israel collaborators and Fatah rivals.[405][406] According to the Associated Press, collaborating with Israel is a crime punishable by death in Gaza.[407] Hundreds of Palestinians were executed by both Hamas and Fatah during the First Intifada.[408] In the wake of the 2006 Israeli conflict with Gaza, Hamas was accused of systematically rounding up, torturing and summarily executing Fatah supporters suspected of supplying information to Israel. Human Rights Watch estimates several hundred Gazans were "maimed" and tortured in the aftermath of the conflict. Seventy-three Gazan men accused of "collaborating" had their arms and legs broken by "unidentified perpetrators", and 18 Palestinians accused of helping Israel were executed by Hamas security officials in the first days of the conflict.[409][410][411] In November 2012, Hamas's Izzedine al-Qassam brigade publicly executed six Gaza residents accused of collaborating with Israel. According to the witnesses, six alleged informers were shot dead one by one in Gaza City, while the corpse of the sixth victim was tied by a cable to the back of a motorcycle and dragged through the streets.[412] In 2013, Human Rights Watch issued a statement condemning Hamas for not investigating and giving a proper trial to the six men. Their statement was released the day before Hamas issued a deadline for "collaborators" to turn themselves in, or they will be pursued "without mercy".[413] During the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict, Hamas executed at least 23 accused collaborators after three of its commanders were assassinated by Israeli forces, with Amnesty International also reporting instances of torture used by Hamas forces.[414][415] An Israeli source denied that any of the commanders had been targeted on the basis of human intelligence.[416]

Frequent[ambiguous] killings of unarmed people have also occurred during Hamas-Fatah clashes.[417][418] NGOs have cited a number of summary executions as particular examples of violations of the rules of warfare, including the case of Muhammad Swairki, 28, a cook for Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas's presidential guard, who was thrown to his death, with his hands and legs tied, from a 15-story apartment building in Gaza City.[419] Hamas security forces reportedly shoot and torture Palestinians who opposed Hamas rule in Gaza.[420] In one case, a Palestinian had criticized Hamas in a conversation on the street with some friends. Later that day, more than a dozen armed men with black masks and red kaffiyeh took the man from his home, and brought him to a solitary area where they shot him three times in the lower legs and ankles. The man told Human Rights Watch that he was not politically active.[409]

On 14 August 2009, Hamas fighters stormed the Mosque of extremist cleric Abdel-Latif Moussa.[421] The cleric was protected by at least 100 fighters from Jund Ansar Allah ("Army of the Helpers of God"), an Islamist group with links to Al-Qaeda. The resulting battle left at least 13 people dead, including Moussa and six Hamas fighters, and 120 people injured.[422]

According to Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas, during 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict, Hamas killed more than 120 Palestinian youths for defying house arrest imposed on them by Hamas, in addition to 30–40 Palestinians killed by Hamas in extrajudicial executions after accusing them of being collaborators with Israel.[423] Referring to the killing of suspected collaborators, a Shin Bet official stated that "not even one" of those executed by Hamas provided any intelligence to Israel, while the Shin Bet officially "confirmed that those executed during Operation Protective Edge had all been held in prison in Gaza in the course of the hostilities".[416]

## Criticism

[edit]

Main article: Criticism of Hamas

See also: Use of human shields by Hamas, Allegations of genocide in the October 7 attacks, and Hamas baby beheading hoax

Aside from its use of political violence in pursuit of its goals, Hamas has been widely criticised for a variety of reasons, including the use of antisemitic hate speech by its representatives, frequent calls for the military destruction of Israel, its reported use of human shields[424] and child combatants as part of its military operations,[425] its restriction of political freedoms within the Gaza Strip,[426] and human rights abuses.[427]

After the start of the 2023 war, the European Parliament passed a motion stating the need for Hamas to be eliminated, with US President Biden having expressed the same sentiment.[428][429] Hamas was accused of having committed genocide against Israelis on 7 October 2023 by 240 legal experts, including jurists and academics.[430]

## Electoral performance

[edit]

### Legislative Council

[edit]

In the 2006 Palestinian legislative election, the party won 44.45% of the vote, becoming the largest party of the Legislative Council.

Election  | Leading candidate  | Votes  | %  | Seats  | +/–  | Position

|
|
|
|
|
|

2006 | Ismail Haniyeh | 440,409  | 44.45  |

74 / 132

| New  | 1st

## Public opinion

[edit]

A poll conducted in 2021 found that 53% of Palestinians believed Hamas was "most deserving of representing and leading the Palestinian people". Only 14% preferred Abbas's Fatah party.[431] At the same time, a majority of Gazans also saw Hamas as corrupt, but were frightened to criticize the group.[432] Polls conducted in September 2023 found that support for Hamas among Palestinians stood at around 27–31%.[433]

Public opinions of Hamas deteriorated after it took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007. Prior to the takeover, 62% of Palestinians had held a favorable view of the group, while a third had negative views. According to a 2014 Pew Research survey just prior to the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict, only about a third had positive opinions, and more than half viewed Hamas negatively. Furthermore, 68% of Israeli Arabs viewed Hamas negatively.[434] In July 2014, 65% of Lebanese viewed Hamas negatively. In Jordan and Egypt, roughly 60% viewed Hamas negatively, and in Turkey, 80% had a negative view of Hamas. In Tunisia, 42% had a negative view of Hamas, while 56% of Bangladeshis and 44% of Indonesians had a negative opinion of Hamas.[434]

Hamas popularity surged after the war in July–August 2014 with polls reporting that 81 percent of Palestinians felt that Hamas had "won" that war.[435][436] A June 2021 opinion poll found that 46% of respondents in Saudi Arabia supported rocket attacks on Israel by Hamas during the 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis.[437] A March/April 2023 poll found that 60% of Jordanians viewed Hamas firing rockets at Israel at least somewhat positively.[438]

Following the October 7 attacks and the Gaza war that followed, Hamas's popularity in Gaza fell while increasing in the West Bank. A May 2024 poll by the Arab World for Research and Development, a West Bank-based independent organization, only a quarter of Gazans supported Hamas, while 76% of Palestinians in the West Bank views Hamas positively. Views on the attack among Gazans plummeted from 50% support to 24% in favor from a poll taken in November 2023 to the May 2024 poll.[439] According to the poll conducted by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy from 14 November to 6 December 2023, 40% of Saudi participants expressed a positive view of Hamas, 95% of Saudis did not believe that Hamas killed civilians during the October 7 attacks, and only 16% of Saudis said Hamas should accept a two-state solution.[440]

## Foreign relations

[edit]

See also: Foreign relations of Hamas

Pro-Hamas rally in Damascus, Syria. Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh and Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2012

After winning the Palestinian elections, Hamas leaders made multi-national diplomatic tours abroad. In April 2006, Mahmoud al-Zahar (then foreign minister) visited Saudi Arabia, Syria, Kuwait, Bahrein, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Yemen, Libya, Algeria, Sudan and Egypt.[441] He met the Saudi foreign minister Prince Faysal. In Syria he held talks on the issue of Palestinians stuck on the Syrian-Iraqi border.[clarification needed] He stated that he unofficially met officials from Western Europe in Qatar who did not wish to be named.[441] In May 2006, Hamas foreign minister visited Indonesia, Malaysia, the Sultanate of Brunei, Pakistan, China, Sri Lanka and Iran.[441] The minister also participated in China–Arab States Cooperation Forum.[442] Ismail Haniyeh in 2006 visited Egypt, Syria, Kuwait, Iran, Lebanon, Qatar and Saudi Arabia.[443]

Hamas has always maintained leadership abroad. The movement is deliberately fragmented to ensure that Israel cannot kill its top political and military leaders.[444] Hamas used to be strongly allied with both Iran and Syria. Iran gave Hamas an estimated $13–15 million in 2011 as well as access to long-range missiles. Hamas's political bureau was once located in the Syrian capital of Damascus before the start of the Syrian civil war. Relations between Hamas, Iran, and Syria began to turn cold when Hamas refused to back the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Instead, Hamas backed the Sunni rebels fighting against Assad. As a result, Iran cut funding to Hamas, and Iranian ally Hezbollah ordered Hamas members out of Lebanon.[445] Hamas was then forced out of Syria, and subsequently has tried to mend fences with Iran and Hezbollah.[445] Hamas contacted Jordan and Sudan to see if either would open up its borders to its political bureau, but both countries refused, although they welcomed many Hamas members leaving Syria.[446]

From 2012 to 2013, under the short-lived leadership of Muslim Brotherhood President Mohamed Morsi, Hamas had the support of Egypt. After Morsi was removed from office, his successor Abdul Fattah al-Sisi outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood and destroyed the tunnels Hamas built into Egypt. In 2015, Egypt declared Hamas a terrorist organization But this decision was overturned by Egypt in June of the same year.[447] There was a rapprochement between Hamas and Egypt, when a Hamas delegation visited Cairo on 12 March 2016.[448] Hamas has assisted Egypt in controlling the insurgency in Sinai.[448] Hamas denied Egypt's request to deploy its own militants in the Sinai leading to tensions between the two.[448]

Egypt has occasionally served as mediator between Hamas and Fatah, seeking to unify the two factions. In 2017, Yahya Sinwar visited Cairo for 5 weeks and convinced the Egyptian government to open the Rafah crossing, letting in cement and fuel in exchange for Hamas committing to better relations with Fatah; this subsequently led to the signing of the 2017 Fatah–Hamas Agreement.[449]

The United Arab Emirates has been hostile to Hamas, viewing it as the Palestinian equivalent of the Muslim Brotherhood, a designated terrorist organization in the UAE.[445]

Hamas enjoyed close relations with Saudi Arabia in its early years.[450] Saudi Arabia funded most of its operations from 2000 to 2004, but reduced its support due to US pressure.[63] In 2020, many Hamas members in Saudi Arabia were arrested. In 2022, Saudi Arabia began releasing Hamas members from prison. In April 2023, Ismail Haniyeh visited Riyadh, a sign of improving relations.[450] Haniyeh had long sought to visit Saudi Arabia, and his requests to do so had been long ignored up until then.[451]

Despite its Sunni Islamist ideology, Hamas has been flexible and pragmatic in its foreign policy, moderating and toning down its religious rhetoric when expedient;[452] it has developed strong ties with Iran,[453] and has also established relations with constitutionally secular states such as Syria and Russia.[453][452] Kyrylo Budanov, the chief of Ukraine's Main Directorate of Intelligence, has accused Russia of supporting Hamas by supplying the group with stolen Ukrainian weaponry,[454] and the National Resistance Center of Ukraine alleged that the Russian Wagner Group trained Hamas militants ahead of the 7 October attacks.[455]

According to AP some North Korean arms were "likely" used during the 7 Oct assault on Israel.[456] Ali Barakeh, a Hamas official living in Lebanon, claimed the two are allies.[457][458]

Hamas leaders reportedly re-established relations with Kuwait, Libya and Oman, all of which reportedly have not had warm relations with Fatah.[459] The cool relationship between Fatah and Kuwait owed to Arafat's support for Saddam during the First Gulf War, which lead to the Palestinian exodus from Kuwait (1990–91).[459] This rapproachment is in part due to Hamas's policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of Arab countries.[459] Mahmoud al-Zahar stated that Hamas does not "play the game" of siding with one Arab nation against another, e.g. in the Gulf War.[460] When Yusuf al-Qaradawi, and other Sunni ulema, called for an uprising against Assad's regime in Syria, Mahmoud al-Zahar maintained that taking sides would harm the Palestinian cause.[461][clarification needed]

After the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, Hamas congratulated the Syrian people for achieving their "aspirations for freedom and justice," and expressed hope that the new Syrian government would continue "its historical and pivotal role in supporting the Palestinian people."[462] In February 2025, Hamas condemned Israeli attacks on Syria.[463]

### Terrorist designation

[edit]

Designated Hamas as a terrorist organization

Designated the military wing of Hamas as a terrorist organization

The United States designated Hamas as a terrorist organisation in 1995, as did Canada in November 2002,[464] and the United Kingdom in November 2021.[465] In May 2021, the Organization of American States designated Hamas as a terrorist organisation.[466] The European Union so designated Hamas's military wing in 2001 and, under US pressure,[467] designated Hamas in 2003.[468] Hamas challenged this decision,[469] which was upheld by the European Court of Justice in July 2017.[470] Japan[471] and New Zealand[472] have designated the military wing of Hamas as a terrorist organisation.[473] The organisation is banned in Jordan.[474] In late February 2024, New Zealand re-designated the entire Hamas organisation as a terror entity.[475] In September 2024, Switzerland approved a draft law on to ban the group.[476] In April 2025, Paraguay expanded its designation of Hamas as a terrorist organisation.[477]

In April 2025, Hamas filed a legal case in Britain appealing its designation as a terrorist group. The filing argues that Hamas has never engaged in an armed operation outside of historic Palestine and is not a threat to Western nations. Hamas politician Mousa Abu Marzook submitted a written statement arguing, "Hamas is not a terrorist group. It is a Palestinian Islamic liberation and resistance movement whose goal is to liberate Palestine and confront the Zionist project."[478][479]

Hamas is not regarded as a terrorist organisation by Afghanistan, Algeria, Iran,[480] Russia,[481] Norway,[k] Turkey, China,[483] Egypt, Syria, and Brazil.[484][485][486] "Many other states, including Russia, China, Syria, Turkey and Iran consider the (armed) struggle waged by Hamas to be legitimate."[487]

Tobias Buck, a Financial Times writer, wrote in 2012 that Hamas is "listed as a terrorist organisation by Israel, the US and the EU, but few dare to treat it that way", and that in the Arab and Muslim world it had lost its pariah status, as its emissaries are welcomed by Islamic governments.[488] In the early 2010s, Hamas was considered a terrorist group by some governments and academics, while others regarded Hamas as a complex organisation with terrorism as only one component.[489][490]

### Israeli policy towards Hamas

[edit]

See also: Israeli support for Hamas

Benjamin Netanyahu had been Israel's prime minister for most of the two decades preceding the Gaza war, and was criticized for having championed a policy of empowering Hamas in Gaza.[491][492][493][494] This policy was part of a strategy to sabotage a two-state solution by confining the Palestinian Authority to the West Bank and weakening it, and to demonstrate to the Israeli public and western governments that Israel has no partner for peace.[495][496] This criticism was leveled by several Israeli officials, including former prime minister Ehud Barak, and former head of Shin Bet security services Yuval Diskin.[495] Saudi Arabia and the Palestinian Authority were also critical of Israel under Netanyahu allowing suitcases of Qatari money to be given to Hamas,[495] in exchange for maintaining the ceasefire.[491] The Times of Israel reported after the Hamas attack that Netanyahu's policy to treat the Palestinian Authority as a burden and Hamas as an asset had "blown up in our faces".[491]

### Qatar and Turkey

[edit]

See also: Qatari support for Hamas and Turkish support for Hamas

According to Middle East experts, now Hamas has two firm allies: Qatar and Turkey. Both give Hamas public and financial assistance estimated to be in the hundreds of millions of dollars.[445] Qatar has transferred more than $1.8 billion to Hamas.[497] Shashank Joshi, senior research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute, says that "Qatar also hosts Hamas's political bureau which includes Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal." Meshaal also visits Turkey frequently to meet with Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.[445] Erdogan has dedicated himself to breaking Hamas out of its political and economic seclusion. On US television, Erdogan said in 2012 that "I don't see Hamas as a terror organization. Hamas is a political party."[444]

Qatar has been called Hamas' most important financial backer and foreign ally.[497][498] In 2007, Qatar was, with Turkey, the only country to back Hamas after the group ousted the Palestinian Authority from the Gaza Strip.[445] The relationship between Hamas and Qatar strengthened in 2008 and 2009 when Khaled Meshaal was invited to attend the Doha Summit where he was seated next to the then Qatari Emir Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, who pledged $250 million to repair the damage caused by Israel in the Israeli war on Gaza.[446] These events caused Qatar to become the main player in the "Palestinian issue". Qatar called Gaza's blockade unjust and immoral, which prompted the Hamas government in Gaza, including former Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh, to thank Qatar for their "unconditional" support. Qatar then began regularly handing out political, material, humanitarian and charitable support for Hamas.[446]

Haniyeh (right) with former Turkish Minister of Culture and current Speaker of the Grand National Assembly, Numan Kurtulmuş, 20 November 2012

In 2011, U.S. President Barack Obama personally requested that Qatar, one of the U.S.'s most important Arab allies, provide a base for the Hamas leadership. At the time, the U.S. were seeking to establish communications with Hamas and believed that a Hamas office in Qatar would be easier to access than a Hamas bureau in Iran, the group's main backer.[499][500]

In 2012, Qatar's former Emir, Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, became the first head of state to visit Gaza under Hamas rule. He pledged to raise $400 million for reconstruction.[501] Sources say that advocating for Hamas is politically beneficial to Turkey and Qatar because the Palestinian cause draws popular support amongst their citizens at home.[502]

Speaking in reference to Qatar's support for Hamas, during a 2015 visit to Palestine, Qatari official Mohammad al-Emadi, said Qatar is using the money not to help Hamas but rather the Palestinian people as a whole. He acknowledges that giving to the Palestinian people means using Hamas as the local contact. Emadi said, "You have to support them. You don't like them, don't like them. But they control the country, you know."[503] Some argue that Hamas's relations with Qatar are putting Hamas in an awkward position because Qatar has become part of the regional Arab problem. Hamas says that having contacts with various Arab countries establishes positive relations which will encourage Arab countries to do their duty toward the Palestinians and support their cause by influencing public opinion in the Arab world.[446] In March 2015, Hamas has announced its support of the Saudi Arabian-led military intervention in Yemen against the Shia Houthis and forces loyal to former President Ali Abdullah Saleh.[504] In a controversial deal, Israel's government under Benjamin Netanyahu supported Qatar's payments to Hamas for many years, in the hope that it would turn Hamas into an effective counterweight to the Palestinian Authority and prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state.[505][500]

In May 2018, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan tweeted to the Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu that Hamas is not a terrorist organization but a resistance movement that defends the Palestinian homeland against an occupying power. During that period there were conflicts between Israeli troops and Palestinian protestors in the Gaza Strip, due to the decision of the United States to move their embassy to Jerusalem.[506] Also in 2018 the Israel Security Agency accused SADAT International Defense Consultancy (a Turkish private military company with connections to the Turkish government) of transferring funds to Hamas.[507]

In February 2020, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh met with Turkish President Erdoğan.[508] On 26 July 2023, Haniyeh met with Erdoğan and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. Behind the meeting was Turkey's effort to reconcile Fatah with Hamas.[509] On 7 October 2023, the day of the attack on Israel, Haniyeh was in Istanbul, Turkey.[510] On 21 October 2023, Haniyeh spoke with Erdoğan about the latest developments in the Gaza war and the current situation in Gaza.[511] On 25 October 2023, Erdoğan said that Hamas was not a terrorist organisation but a liberation group fighting to protect Palestinian lands and people.[250]

### United States

[edit]

See also: Palestine–United States relations

In early 2025, the US' Special Envoy for Hostage Affairs, Adam Boehler, talked directly with Hamas in an attempt to secure the release of American hostages. Following these talks, Boehler said that Hamas had proposed a 5 to 10-year ceasefire and a full prisoner exchange, and told Kan News that he "does believe" that Hamas would not only lay down its weapons but also leave power in Gaza. He told Fox News that "Hamas is aiming for a long-term ceasefire. We discussed a cease-fire that includes Hamas disarming, staying out of politics, and ensuring they cannot harm Israel."[512] Secretary of State Marco Rubio told reporters that the talks were a "one-off situation in which our special envoy for hostages, whose job it is to get people released, had an opportunity to talk directly to someone who has control over these people and was given permission and encouraged to do so. He did so."[513] According to Ynet, since he was appointed, Boehler has made several "controversial" proposals, including everything from U.S. commando raids into Gaza "and hinting at the possibility of a long-term cease-fire ("hudna") between Hamas and Israel."[512]

## See also

[edit]

* Palestine portal
* Politics portal

* Hamastan
* Jewish Resistance Movement
* List of political parties in Palestine
* Palestinian war crimes

## Notes

[edit]

1. ^ Consists of Khaled Mashal, Khalil al-Hayya, Zaher Jabarin, Muhammad Ismail Darwish, and an unnamed senior member of Hamas.
2. ^ UK: /həˈmæs/ hə-MASS, US: /həˈmɑːs/ ⓘ hə-MAHSS;[27] Arabic: حماس, romanized: Ḥamās, IPA: [ħaˈmaːs] ⓘ[28]
3. ^ commonly Arabic: حركة حماس, romanized: Haraka Hamas, lit. 'Hamas Movement'.
4. ^ A two-thirds majority was required for the motion to pass. 87 voted in favour, 58 against, 32 abstained and 16 did not vote.[68]
5. ^ Haniyeh at the time was the (overall) Prime Minister of the State of Palestine but as such was dismissed[189] by President Abbas in 2007; nevertheless he remained head of the Hamas government in the Gaza Strip.
6. ^ His name has been spelled: Hussam al-Tawil,[222] Hossam Al-Tawil, or Hosam al-Taweel.[223]
7. ^ 'In a 1995 lecture, Sheikh Jamil Hamami, a party to the foundation of Hamas and a senior member of its West Bank leadership, expounded the importance of Hamas' dawa infrastructure as the soil from which militancy would flower.'[307]
8. ^ 'Consistent attacks on army units by Hamas activists are as new as the use of anti-tank missiles against civilian homes by the Israeli military.'[277]
9. ^ Matthew Levitt on the other hand claims that Hamas's welfare institutions act as a mere façade or front for the financing of terrorism, and dismisses the idea of two wings as a 'myth'.[352] He cites Ahmed Yassin stating in 1998: "We can not separate the wing from the body. If we do so, the body will not be able to fly. Hamas is one body."[353]
10. ^ 'This ceasefire ended when Israel started targeting Hamas leaders for assassination in July 2003. Hamas retaliated with a suicide bombing in Israel on 19 August 2003, that killed 20 people, including 6 children. Since then Israelis have mounted an assassination campaign against the senior leadership of Hamas that has killed 13 Hamas members, including Ismail Abu Shanab, one of the most moderate leaders of Hamas. ... After each of these assassinations, Hamas has sent a suicide bomber into Israel in retaliation.'[366]
11. ^ "In 2006, Norway explicitly distanced itself from the EU proscription regime, claiming that it was causing problems for its role as a 'neutral facilitator.'"[482]

## References

[edit]

1. ^ "Hamas to be temporarily led by five-member ruling committee". The Arab Weekly. Retrieved 24 October 2024.
2. ^ "Who will lead Hamas after killing of Yahya Sinwar?". BBC. Retrieved 24 October 2024.
3. ^ a b "Hamas's Gaza City commander, Izz al-Din al-Haddad, to replace Sinwar as Hamas chief". Jerusalem Post. 2 June 2025. Retrieved 5 June 2025.
4. ^ "Hamas founder Muhammad Taha passed away". World Bulletin. 12 November 2014. Archived from the original on 24 October 2020. Retrieved 19 October 2023.
5. ^ Downs, Ray. "Hamas leader dead after 'accidental' gunshot to head". UPI. Archived from the original on 7 December 2023. Retrieved 31 January 2024.
6. ^ Abdelal 2016, p. 122.
7. ^ Dalloul 2017.
8. ^ Abu-Amr 1993, p. 10.
9. ^ Litvak 1998, p. 151.
10. ^ Barzak 2011.
11. ^ AFP 2019.
12. ^ a b c Dalacoura 2012, pp. 66–67.
13. ^ Gelvin 2014, p. 226: "As with Islamic political organizations elsewhere, Hamas offers its followers an ideology that appropriates the universal message of Islam for what is, in effect, a nationalist struggle."
14. ^ [12][13]
15. ^ Stepanova 2008, p. 113.
16. ^ Cheema 2008, p. 465: "Hamas considers Palestine the main front of jihad and viewed the uprising as an Islamic way of fighting the Occupation. The organisation's leaders argued that Islam gave the Palestinian people the power to confront Israel and described the Intifada as the return of the masses to Islam. Since its inception, Hamas has tried to reconcile nationalism and Islam. [...] Hamas claims to speak as a nationalist movement but with an Islamic-nationalist rather than a secular nationalist agenda."
17. ^ Litvak 2004, pp. 156–57: "Hamas is primarily a religious movement whose nationalist worldview is shaped by its religious ideology."
18. ^ [12][15][16][17]
19. ^ Klein, Menachem (2007). "Hamas in Power". Middle East Journal. 61 (3): 442–459\. doi:10.3751/61.3.13. ISSN 0026-3141. JSTOR 4330419.
20. ^ May, Tiffany (8 October 2023). "A Quick Look at Hamas". The New York Times. Retrieved 25 September 2024.
21. ^ Maqdsi, Muhammad. "Charter of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) of Palestine" (PDF). Palestine Studies. University of California Press. Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 February 2024. Retrieved 20 March 2024.
22. ^ [19][20][21]
23. ^ Dunning 2016, p. 270.
24. ^ [12][23]
25. ^ Mishal & Sela 2006.
26. ^
* Halabi, Yakub (2016). Democratic Peace Across the Middle East: Islam and Political Modernisation. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 9780857728821. "The failure of the Palestinian left in consolidating a counterweight to the right-wing Islamic Hamas or to the centrist Fatah, furthermore, left Palestinian voters with no viable alternative to Hamas or Fatah."
* Best, Antony; Hanhimäki, Jussi M; Maiolo, Joseph A; Schulze, Kirsten E (2025). International History of the Twentieth Century and Beyond (4th ed.). Milton Park: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9780367352752. "Indeed, more than anything, the Gaza Wars between 2006 and 2014 reflected that a modus vivendi had been reached between a right-wing Israeli government and a right-wing Hamas..."
* Mabon, Simon; Ardovini, Lucia (2018). Sectarianism inf the Contemporary Middle East. London: Routledge. ISBN 9781315097930. "From a political perspective, Hamas ideologically leans more to a right-wing view in its political sense..."
27. ^ "Hamas, n. meanings, etymology and more". Oxford English Dictionary.
28. ^ Taraki, Lisa (January–February 1989). "The Islamic Resistance Movement in the Palestinian Uprising". Middle East Report. No. 156\. Tacoma, WA: MERIP. pp. 30–32\. doi:10.2307/3012813. ISSN 0899-2851. JSTOR 3012813. OCLC 615545050. Archived from the original on 1 February 2022. Retrieved 1 February 2022.
29. ^ "HAMAS". National Counterterrorism Center. Director of National Intelligence#Office of the Director of National Intelligence. September 2022. Archived from the original on 1 November 2023. Retrieved 4 February 2024.
30. ^ Lopez, Anthony; Ireland, Carol; Ireland, Jane; Lewis, Michael (2020). The Handbook of Collective Violence: Current Developments and Understanding. Taylor & Francis. p. 239\. ISBN 9780429588952. "The most successful radical Sunni Islamist group has been Hamas, which began as a branch of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine in the early 1980s. It used terrorist attacks against civilians – particularly suicide bombings – to help build a larger movement, going so far as to emerge as the recognized government of the Gaza Strip in the Palestine Authority."
31. ^ Kear 2018, p. 22.
32. ^ "What is Hamas? A simple guide to the armed Palestinian group". Al Jazeera. 8 October 2023. Archived from the original on 8 October 2023. Retrieved 26 June 2024.
33. ^ Higgins, Andrew (24 January 2009). "How Israel Helped to Spawn Hamas". The Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 26 September 2009. Retrieved 25 January 2023. "When Israel first encountered Islamists in Gaza in the 1970s and '80s, they seemed focused on studying the Quran, not on confrontation with Israel. The Israeli government officially recognized a precursor to Hamas called Mujama Al-Islamiya, registering the group as a charity. It allowed Mujama members to set up an Islamic university and build mosques, clubs and schools. Crucially, Israel often stood aside when the Islamists and their secular left-wing Palestinian rivals battled, sometimes violently, for influence in both Gaza and the West Bank. 'When I look back at the chain of events I think we made a mistake,' says David Hacham, who worked in Gaza in the late 1980s and early '90s as an Arab-affairs expert in the Israeli military. 'But at the time nobody thought about the possible results.' Israeli officials who served in Gaza disagree on how much their own actions may have contributed to the rise of Hamas. They blame the group's recent ascent on outsiders, primarily Iran. This view is shared by the Israeli government. 'Hamas in Gaza was built by Iran as a foundation for power, and is backed through funding, through training and through the provision of advanced weapons,' Mr. Olmert said last Saturday. Hamas has denied receiving military assistance from Iran."
34. ^ a b Khalidi, Rashid (2020). The Hundred Years' War on Palestine. Metropolitan Books. p. 223\. ISBN 978-1-627-79855-6.
35. ^ Schneider, Tal (8 October 2023). "For years, Netanyahu propped up Hamas. Now it's blown up in our faces". The Times of Israel. Retrieved 31 July 2025.
36. ^ "Hamas wins huge majority". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
37. ^ McGreal, Chris (27 January 2006). "Hamas faces unexpected challenge: how to deal with power". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 5 August 2024.
38. ^ Davis 2017, pp. 67–69.
39. ^ Mukhimer 2012, pp. vii, 58.
40. ^ "The Gaza Strip | The humanitarian impact of 15 years of blockade – June 2022". Archived from the original on 9 April 2024. Retrieved 7 August 2024.
41. ^ Gelvin 2014, p. 226
42. ^ a b Seurat 2019, pp. 17–19: "Indeed, since 2006, Hamas has unceasingly highlighted its acceptance of the 1967 borders, as well as accords signed by the PLO and Israel. This position has been an integral part of reconciliation agreements between Hamas and Fatah since 2005: the Cairo Agreement in 2005, the Prisoners' Document in 2006, the Mecca Agreement in 2007 and finally the Cairo and Doha Agreements in 2011 and 2012."
43. ^ a b *Baconi 2018, pp. 114–116: "["Prisoners' Document"] enshrined many issues that had already been settled, including statehood on the 1967 borders; UN Resolution 194 for the right of return; and the right to resist within the occupied territories...This agreement was in essence a key text that offered a platform for unity between Hamas and Fatah within internationally defined principles animating the Palestinian struggle." *Roy 2013, p. 210: "Khaled Meshal, as chief of Hamas's Political Bureau in Damascus, as well as Hamas prime minister Ismail Haniyeh similarly confirmed the organization's willingness to accept the June 4, 1967, borders and a two-state solution should Israel withdraw from the occupied territories, a reality reaffirmed in the 2006 Palestinian Prisoners' Document, in which most major Palestinian factions had reached a consensus on a two-state solution, that is, a Palestinian state within 1967 borders including East Jerusalem and the refugee right of return."
44. ^ a b c Baconi 2018, pp. 82: "The Cairo Declaration formalized what Hamas's military disposition throughout the Second Intifada had alluded to: that the movement's immediate political goals were informed by the desire to create a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders."
45. ^ a b c d "Hamas accepts Palestinian state with 1967 borders: Khaled Meshaal presents a new document in which Hamas accepts 1967 borders without recognising state of Israel". Al Jazeera. 2 May 2017.
46. ^ Sources that believe that Hamas' 2017 charter accepted the 1967 borders:
* Bjorn Brenner (2022). Gaza Under Hamas. I. B. Tauris. p. 206.
* Mohammed Ayoob. The Many Faces of Political Islam, Second Edition. University of Michigan Press. p. 133.
* Maria Koinova. Diaspora Entrepreneurs and Contested States. Oxford University Press. p. 150.
* Zartman 2020, p. 230
* Asaf Siniver (ed.). Routledge Companion to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.
* Seurat 2019, pp. 61–62
47. ^ "What does Israel's declaration of war mean for Palestinians in Gaza?". Al Jazeera. 9 October 2023.
48. ^ "What will the Israeli-Palestinian conflict look like in 30 years?". The Jerusalem Post. 22 September 2023. "Even Hamas in 2017 said it was ready to accept a Palestinian state with 1967 borders if it is clear this is the consensus of the Palestinians."
49. ^ a b c d Scott Atran, Robert Axelrod (2008). "Reframing Sacred Values" (PDF). Negotiation Journal. 24 (3): 221–246\. doi:10.1111/j.1571-9979.2008.00182.x. Archived (PDF) from the original on 21 January 2024. Retrieved 20 March 2024.
50. ^ *Rane 2009, p. 34: Asher Susser, director of the Dayan Centre at Tel Aviv University, conveyed to me in an interview that "Hamas' 'hudna' is not significantly different from Sharon's 'long-term interim agreement." Similarly, Daniel Levy, a senior Israeli official for the Geneva Initiative (GI), informed me that certain Hamas officials find the GI acceptable, but due to the concerns about their Islamically oriented constituency and their own Islamic identity, they would "have to express the final result in terms of a "hudna," or "indefinite" ceasefire," rather than a formal peace agreement."
* Lybarger 2020, p. 199: Hamas too would signal a willingness to accept a long-term "hudna" (cessation of hostilities, truce) along the armistice lines of 1948 (an effective acceptance of the two-state formula).
* Dunning 2016, pp. 179–180
51. ^ a b c d Baconi 2018, p. 108: "Hamas's finance minister in Gaza stated that 'a long-term ceasefire as understood by Hamas and a two-state settlement are the same. It's just a question of vocabulary.'"
52. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Alsoos, Imad (2021). "From jihad to resistance: the evolution of Hamas's discourse in the framework of mobilization". Middle Eastern Studies. 57 (5): 833–856\. doi:10.1080/00263206.2021.1897006. S2CID 234860010.
53. ^ a b Qossay Hamed (2023). Hamas in Power: The Question of Transformation. IGI Global. p. 161.
54. ^ HAMAS. "Hamas 2017 Document of General Principles & Policies" (PDF). Federation of American Scientists.
55. ^ a b c Seurat 2019, p. 17.
56. ^ a b Amira, Hass (3 May 2017). "Why Hamas' New Charter Is Aimed at Palestinians, Not Israelis". Haaretz. Archived from the original on 23 April 2023. Retrieved 12 November 2024.
57. ^ a b c d Timea Spitka (2023). National and International Civilian Protection Strategies in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Springer International Publishing. pp. 88–89.
58. ^ a b c "Khaled Meshaal: Struggle is against Israel, not Jews". Al-Jazeera. 6 May 2017. Archived from the original on 19 November 2023. Retrieved 19 November 2023.
59. ^ a b c d Hroub, Khaled (2017). "A Newer Hamas? The Revised Charter". Journal of Palestine Studies. 46 (4 (184)): 100–111\. doi:10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.100. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 26378710. "In a similar vein, Hamas's description of itself appears in a section titled "The Movement" that is couched in language quite different from the 1988 charter. Here, Hamas stresses the nationalist and resistance aspects of its purpose far more than the religious and pan-Islamic ones...Framing the struggle in nationalist terms is not only a novel element of the 2017 document but it is repeatedly emphasized and clearly articulated...Hamas makes plain that the "conflict is with the Zionist project, not with the Jews because of their religion...The new document offers a definitive framing of the struggle against Zionism and Israel as having nothing to do with religion...In "The Position toward Occupation and Political Solutions," the document articulates a stance that reflects the movement's internal consensus on the two-state solution, that is, the creation of a Palestinian state along the 1967 lines...The "Resistance and Liberation" portion of the new document is also quite different in its language from the 1988 charter and other past statements. Here, there is a clear assertion of the right to a national liberation struggle on the basis of international law.""
60. ^ a b Spoerl, Joseph S. (2020). "Parallels between Nazi and Islamist Anti-Semitism". Jewish Political Studies Review. 31 (1/2). Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs: 210–244\. ISSN 0792-335X. JSTOR 26870795. Archived from the original on 16 January 2024. Retrieved 27 January 2024. "Strictly speaking, the Hamas Covenant of 1988 focused its anti-Semitic language on Zionists, for example, describing The Protocols of the Elders of Zion as the blueprint for the Zionist project (Article 32) and accusing the Zionists of aiming to "annihilate Islam" (Article 28). The May 2017 "Document" continues in this vein, albeit in somewhat less florid language, asserting that "the Zionist project does not target the Palestinian people alone; it is the enemy of the Arabic and Islamic Ummah posing a grave threat to its security and interests. It is also hostile to the Ummah's aspirations for unity, renaissance, and liberation and has been the major source of its troubles. The Zionist project also poses a danger to international security and peace and to mankind...." (#15). As in the 1988 Covenant, the 2017 "Document" merely takes all the classical tropes of anti-Semitism and focuses them on Zionism, noting that "it is the Zionists who constantly identify Judaism and the Jews with their own colonial project and illegal entity" (#16). In effect, Hamas is saying that it is at war with all Jews except those who are anti-Zionist, thus it is not anti-Semitic. This can hardly be regarded as a serious repudiation of anti-Semitism."
61. ^ a b c Seurat 2022, p. 88.
62. ^ Baconi 2018, p. 181.
63. ^ a b Samuel Ramani (1 September 2015). "Hamas's Pivot to Saudi Arabia". Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
64. ^ Seurat 2022, p. 254.
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68. ^ DW 2018.
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484. ^ Samuel Feldberg,'Israel and Brazil:An Emerging Power and its Quest for Influence in the Middle East,' in Colin Shindler (ed.), The World Powers:Diplomatic Alliances and International Relations Beyond the Middle East, I.B. Tauris, 2014 pp. 187–99
485. ^ Fisher, Max (21 November 2012). "9 questions about Israel-Gaza you were too embarrassed to ask". The Washington Post. Retrieved 6 January 2018.
486. ^ Amossy 2017, p. 273, n4.
487. ^ Brenner 2017, p. 203, n.27.
488. ^ Buck, Tobias (22 November 2012). "Five lessons from the Gaza conflict". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 10 December 2022. Retrieved 6 January 2013.
489. ^ Krista E. Wiegand, Bombs and Ballots: Governance by Islamist Terrorist and Guerrilla Groups, Ashgate Publishing, Revised edition 2013 p. 124. "Officially, Hamas is considered by American and Israeli policymakers and some academics as the epitome of a terrorist group. [...] Due to the gravity and consequences of Hamas's use of terrorism as a tactic, all other aspects of Hamas, including its extensive social services programs and its role as a political party are overshadowed and often ignored by policy makers. Others recognize the complexity of Hamas as an organisation and suggest that Hamas will continue to transform itself into a full political party and eventually disarm and cease all violent tactics. They view Hamas as a complex organisation with terrorism as only one component, which is likely to evolve into a non-violent political party."
490. ^ Luke Peterson, Palestine-Israel in the Print News Media: Contending Discourses, Routledge 2014 p. 99.
491. ^ a b c "For years, Netanyahu propped up Hamas. Now it's blown up in our faces". The Times of Israel. 8 October 2023. Retrieved 28 October 2023.
492. ^ "Israel's Big New Shift in Hamas Policy". Foreign Policy. 15 June 2021. Retrieved 28 October 2023.
493. ^ "Benjamin Netanyahu failed Israel". Vox. 9 October 2023. Retrieved 28 October 2023.
494. ^ "How Benjamin Netanyahu empowered Hamas ... and broke Israel". The Telegraph. 16 October 2023. Retrieved 28 October 2023.
495. ^ a b c "How Netanyahu's Hamas policy came back to haunt him — and Israel". CBS News. 28 October 2023. Retrieved 28 October 2023.
496. ^ The Jerusalem Post, 12 March 2019 "Netanyahu: Money to Hamas Part of Strategy to Keep Palestinians Divided: 'Now that we are supervising, we know it's going to humanitarian causes," the source said, paraphrasing Netanyahu"
497. ^ a b Ehl, David (15 May 2021). "What is Hamas and who supports it?". Deutsche Welle. Archived from the original on 11 October 2023. Retrieved 20 March 2024.
498. ^ "Hamas is feeling the pain of Qatar's crisis, and is looking to Egypt for help". Los Angeles Times. 19 June 2017.
499. ^ England, Andrew (18 April 2024). "Qatar reconsiders mediator role between Hamas and Israel". Financial Times. Retrieved 26 April 2024.
500. ^ a b Koelbl, Susanne (2 November 2023). "NATO Partner and Hamas Host". Der Spiegel. ISSN 2195-1349. Retrieved 21 April 2024.
501. ^ Black, Ian; Sherwood, Harriet (23 October 2012). "Qatari emir's visit to Gaza is a boost for Hamas". The Guardian.
502. ^ Levs, Josh (6 August 2014). "Which Mideast power brokers support Hamas?". CNN.
503. ^ "Why Israel Lets Qatar Give Millions To Hamas". NPR. 18 June 2015.
504. ^ Hamas supports military operation for political legitimacy in Yemen Archived 7 August 2016 at the Wayback Machine. Arab News. 30 March 2015.
505. ^ Elbagir, Nima; Arvanitidis, Barbara; Platt, Alex; Razek, Raja; Ebrahim, Nadeen (11 December 2023). "Qatar sent millions to Gaza for years – with Israel's backing. Here's what we know about the controversial deal". CNN. Retrieved 6 April 2024.
506. ^ "Erdogan: Hamas is not a terrorist organization". Israel National News. 16 May 2018.
507. ^ Dr. Hay Eytan Cohen Yanarocak; Dr. Jonathan Spyer (25 January 2021). "Turkish Militias and Proxies". trendsresearch. Archived from the original on 16 May 2022. Retrieved 17 April 2022.
508. ^ "US Criticizes Turkey for Hosting Hamas Leaders". VOA News. 26 August 2020.
509. ^ "Erdogan hosts PA's Abbas, Hamas head Haniyeh to prepare for détente talks". The Times of Israel. 26 July 2023.
510. ^ "Report: Hamas chiefs were asked to leave Turkey after October 7 attacks". The Times of Israel. 23 October 2023.
511. ^ "Turkey's Erdogan discussed Gaza with Hamas leader – Turkish presidenc". Reuters. 21 October 2023.
512. ^ a b Crissy, Ron (12 March 2025). "He's Jewish, met with Hamas and was Jared Kushner's college roommate: Meet Adam Boehler". Ynetnews. Retrieved 16 March 2025.
513. ^ Roth, Andrew; Burke, Jason (10 March 2025). "US envoy's secret talks with Hamas anger Netanyahu administration". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 10 March 2025. Retrieved 15 March 2025.

### Sources

[edit]

#### Books

[edit]

* Abdelal, Wael (2016). Hamas and the Media: Politics and strategy. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1317267140.
* Amossy, Ruth (2017). "Understanding political issues through argumentation analysis". In Wodak, Ruth; Forchtner, Bernhard (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Language and Politics. Routledge. pp. 262–75\. ISBN 978-1351728966.
* Atkins, Stephen E. (2004). Encyclopedia of Modern Worldwide Extremists and Extremist Groups. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0313324857.
* Baconi, Tareq (2018). Hamas contained: The rise and pacification of Palestinian resistance. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0804797412.
* Beinart, Peter (2012). The Crisis of Zionism. Melbourne University Press. ISBN 978-0522861761.
* Brenner, Björn (2017). Gaza Under Hamas: From Islamic Democracy to Islamist Governance. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1786731425.
* Brenner, Björn (2022). Gaza Under Hamas: From Islamic Democracy to Islamist Governance. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-0755634392.
* Chehab, Zaki (2007). Inside Hamas: The Untold Story of Militants, Martyrs and Spies. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1845113896.
* Cheema, Sujata Ashwarya (2008). "Hamas and Politics in Palestine:Impact on Peace-Building". In Abhyankar, Rajendra Madhukar (ed.). West Asia and the Region: Defining India's Role. New Delhi: Academic Foundation. ISBN 978-8171886166.
* Clarke, Colin P. (2015). Terrorism, Inc.: The Financing of Terrorism, Insurgency, and Irregular Warfare. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1440831041.
* Dalacoura, Katerina (2012). "Islamist Terrorism and National Liberation: Hamas and Hizbullah". Islamist Terrorism and Democracy in the Middle East. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 66–96\. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511977367.004. ISBN 9780511977367. LCCN 2010047275. S2CID 150958046.
* Davis, Jessica (2017). Women in Modern Terrorism: From Liberation Wars to Global Jihad and the Islamic State. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1442274990.
* Davis, Joyce (2004). Martyrs: Innocence, Vengeance, and Despair in the Middle East. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 100\. ISBN 978-1403966810.
* Davis, Richard (2016). Hamas, Popular Support and War in the Middle East: Insurgency in the Holy Land. Routledge. ISBN 978-1317402589.
* Dunning, Tristan (2016). Hamas, Jihad and Popular Legitimacy: Reinterpreting Resistance in Palestine. Routledge. ISBN 978-1317384946.
* Filiu, Jean-Pierre (Spring 2012). "The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy or Israeli Tool?". Journal of Palestine Studies. 41 (3): 54–70\. doi:10.1525/jps.2012.xli.3.54. JSTOR 10.1525/jps.2012.xli.3.54.
* Gelvin, James L. (2014). "The Palestinian National Movement Comes of Age". The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (3rd ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 226\. ISBN 978-1-107-61354-6.
* Gerner, Deborah J. (2007). "Mobilizing Women for Nationalist Agendas". In Moghadam, Valentine M. (ed.). From Patriarchy to Empowerment: Women's Participation, Movements, and Rights in the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia. Syracuse University Press. pp. 17–39\. ISBN 978-0815631118.
* Gleis, Joshua L.; Berti, Benedetta (2012). Hezbollah and Hamas: A Comparative Study. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 111\. ISBN 978-1421406718.
* Guidère, Mathieu (2012). Historical Dictionary of Islamic Fundamentalism. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0810878211.
* Gunning, Jeroen (2007). "Hamas: Harakat al-Muqamama al-Islamiyya". In Marianne Heiberg; Brendan O'Leary (eds.). Terror, Insurgency, and the State: Ending Protracted Conflicts. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 134–. ISBN 978-0812239744.
* Haspeslagh, Sophie (2016). ""Listing terrorists"; the impact of proscription on third-party efforts to engage armed groups in peace processes- a practitioner's perspective'". In Tellidis, Ioannis; Toros, Harmonie (eds.). Terrorism: Bridging the Gap with Peace and Conflict Studies: Investigating the Crossroad. Routledge. pp. 189–207\. ISBN 978-1317665595.
* Herrick, Julie C. (2011). "Non-State Actors: A Comparative Analysis of Change and Development Within Hamas and Hezbollah". In Korany, Bahgat (ed.). The Changing Middle East: A New Look at Regional Dynamics. Oxford University Press. pp. 167–95\. ISBN 978-9774165139.
* Hueston, Harry Raymond; Pierpaoli, Paul G.; Zahar, Sherifa (2014). "Hamas". In Roberts, Priscilla (ed.). Arab-Israeli Conflict: The Essential Reference Guide. ABC-CLIO. pp. 67–71\. ISBN 978-1610690683.
* Hroub, Khaled (2006). Hamas: A Beginner's Guide. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0745325910.
* Jefferis, Jennifer (2016). Hamas: Terrorism, Governance, and Its Future in Middle East Politics. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1440839030.
* Kabahā, Muṣṭafá (2014). The Palestinian People: Seeking Sovereignty and State. [ Boulder, CO], Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1588268822.
* Kass, Ilana; O'Neill, Bard E. (1997). The Deadly Embrace: The Impact of Israeli and Palestinian Rejectionism on the Peace Process. University Press of America/National Institute for Public Policy. ISBN 978-0761805359.
* Kear, Martin (2018). Hamas and Palestine: The Contested Road to Statehood. Routledge. ISBN 978-0429999406.
* Levitt, Matthew (2006). Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of Jihad. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300122589.
* Levitt, Matthew (2008). Negotiating Under Fire: Preserving Peace Talks in the Face of Terror Attacks. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0742565661.
* Litvak, Meir (2004). "Religious and Nationalist Fanaticism:Hamas". In Hughes, Matthew; Johnson, Gaynor (eds.). Fanaticism and Conflict in the Modern Age. Frank Cass. pp. 156–72\. ISBN 978-1135753641.
* Lybarger, Loren D. (2020). Palestinian Chicago. University of California Press.
* Mishal, Shaul; Sela, Avraham (2006). The Palestinian Hamas: vision, violence, and coexistence. Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231140065.
* Mukhimer, Tariq (2012). Hamas Rule in Gaza: Human Rights Under Constraint. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1137310194.
* Najib, Mohammad; Friedrich, Roland (2007). "Non-Statutory Armed Groups and Security Sector Governance". In Friedrich, Roland; Luethold, Arnold (eds.). Entry-points to Palestinian Security Sector Reform. DCAF. pp. 101–127\. ISBN 978-9292220617.
* O'Malley, Padraig (2015). The Two-State Delusion: Israel and Palestine – A Tale of Two Narratives. Penguin Publishing Group. pp. 126–. ISBN 978-0698192188.
* Phillips, David L. (2011). From Bullets to Ballots: Violent Muslim Movements in Transition. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1412812016.
* Rane, Halim (2009). Reconstructing Jihad Amid Competing International Norms.
* Robinson, Glenn E. (2004). "Hamas as a Social Movement". In Wiktorowicz, Quintan (ed.). Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach. Indiana University Press. pp. 112–39\. ISBN 978-0253216212.
* Roy, Sara (2013). Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza: Engaging the Islamist Social Sector (2 ed.). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691124483.
* Rubenberg, Cheryl (2001). Palestinian Women: Patriarchy and Resistance in the West Bank. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 978-1555879563.
* Seurat, Leila (2019). The Foreign Policy of Hamas. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 9781838607449.
* Seurat, Leila (2022). The foreign policy of Hamas: ideology, decision making and political supremacy. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 9781838607456.
* Shitrit, Lihi Ben (2015). Righteous Transgressions: Women's Activism on the Israeli and Palestinian Religious Right. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1400873845.
* Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917–2020. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190459086.
* Stepanova, Ekaterina (2008). Terrorism in Asymmetrical Conflict: Ideological and Structural Aspects (PDF). SIPRI / Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199533558. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 March 2016. Retrieved 5 May 2015.
* Vittori, Jodi (2011). Terrorist Financing and Resourcing. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0230117716.
* Zartman, Jonathan K. (19 March 2020). Conflict in the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-4408-6502-2.

#### Journal articles

[edit]

* Abu-Amr, Ziad (Summer 1993). "Hamas: A Historical and Political Background". Journal of Palestine Studies. 22 (4): 5–19\. doi:10.2307/2538077. JSTOR 2538077.
* Gunning, Jeroen (March 2004). "Peace with Hamas? The Transforming Potential of Political Participation". International Affairs. 80 (2). Royal Institute of International Affairs: 233–55\. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00381.x. JSTOR 3569240.
* Herzog, Michael (March–April 2006). "Can Hamas Be Tamed?". Foreign Affairs. 85 (2): 83–94\. doi:10.2307/20031913. JSTOR 20031913.
* Hroub, Khaled (Summer 2006b). "A 'New Hamas' through Its New Documents". Journal of Palestine Studies. 35 (4): 6–27\. doi:10.1525/jps.2006.35.4.6. JSTOR 10.1525/jps.2006.35.4.6.
* Litvak, Meir (January 1998). "The Islamization of the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: The Case of Hamas". Middle Eastern Studies. 34 (1): 148–63\. doi:10.1080/00263209808701214. JSTOR 4283922.
* Roy, Sara (Summer 1993). "Gaza: New Dynamics of Civic Disintegration". Journal of Palestine Studies. 22 (4): 20–31\. doi:10.2307/2538078. JSTOR 2538078.

#### Other

[edit]

* "Hamas West Bank leader given six-month detention without trial". Arab News. Agence France-Presse. 8 April 2019.
* Assi, Seraj (16 December 2018). "Hamas Owes Its 'Palestine From the River to the Sea' Slogan to Zionism". Haaretz.
* Barzak, Ibrahim (11 June 2011). "Muhammad Hassan Shama, little-known Hamas founder". The Boston Globe.
* "UN General Assembly rejects US resolution to condemn Hamas". Deutsche Welle. 7 December 2018.
* Dalloul, Motasem A (14 December 2017). "Interview with Dr Ibrahim Al-Yazouri, a founder of Hamas". Middle East Monitor.
* Winer, Stuart (15 October 2023). "Hamas actions are war crimes, could constitute genocide – international law experts". Times of Israel.
* Winer, Stuart (18 October 2023). "Legal Experts: Hamas committed War Crimes, Genocide". genocidewatch. Retrieved 7 December 2023.

## Further reading

[edit]

* Tom Stevenson, "Illusions of Containment" (review of Beverly Milton-Edwards and Stephen Farrell, Hamas: The Quest for Power, Polity, 2024, ISBN 978 1 5095 6493 4, 331 pp.), London Review of Books, vol. 47, no. 2 (6 February 2025), pp. 7–10.

## External links

[edit]

Hamas at Wikipedia's sister projects

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* Hamas leaders CFR
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* Hamas Shifts From Rockets to Public Relations The New York Times, 23 July 2009
* 22 years on the start of Hamas Al-Qassam Brigades' Information Office
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Hamas

History|

| General|

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Operations|

* 1989: Killing of Avi Sasportas and Ilan Saadon
* 1992: Abduction and killing of Nissim Toledano
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* 1994: Afula bus suicide bombing
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* Dizengoff Street bus bombing
* Afula axe attack
* 1995: Ramat Gan bus bombing
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* 1996: Jaffa Road bus bombings
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* 1997: Café Apropo bombing
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* 2001: Azor attack
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* 2002: Atzmona attack
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* 2003: Haifa bus 37 suicide bombing
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* 2005: Karni border crossing attack
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* 2008: Breach of the Egypt–Gaza border
* Dimona suicide bombing
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* 2010: August 2010 West Bank shooting attack
* 2011: School bus attack
* 2012: "Operation Stones of Baked Clay"
* 2014: "Operation Devouring Storm"
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* "Operation Al-Aqsa Flood"
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Weapons|

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Social services|

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Protests|

* 2011–2012 Palestinian protests
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Related articles|

* Baby beheading hoax
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Category:Hamas

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Third-party groups|

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Individuals

| Israelis|

* Moshe Arens
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Palestinians|

* Abu Abbas
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| Background|

| 1920–1948|

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|

| 1948–1970|

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* 1968 Battle of Karameh

|

Palestinian
insurgency

| 1968–1982|

* 1970 Avivim school bus bombing
* 1972 Sabena Flight 571 / Munich massacre / "Bayonet" (1973 Lillehammer affair)
* 1974 Kiryat Shmona massacre / Ma'alot massacre
* 1975 Savoy Hotel attack
* 1976 Entebbe raid
* 1978 Coastal road massacre / South Lebanon conflict
* 1980 Misgav Am hostage crisis

|

| 1973–1987|

* 1973 Yom Kippur War
* 1975 Zion Square bombing
* 1982 Lebanon War
* Siege of Beirut
* 1983 1983 West Bank fainting epidemic
* 1984 Bus 300 affair
* 1985 Achille Lauro hijacking / "Wooden Leg"
* 1987 Night of the Gliders

|

First Intifada|

| 1987–1991|

* 1988 Tunis raid
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* list
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|

Second Intifada|

| 2000–2005|

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* list
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* 2003 Ain es Saheb airstrike
* 2004 "Rainbow" / Beit Hanoun raid / "Days of Penitence"

|

Palestinian dissident
campaigns

| 2006–present|

* 2006 "Bringing Home the Goods"
* 2008 Jerusalem yeshiva attack / Jerusalem bulldozer attack
* 2009 Al-Aqsa clashes
* 2010 Palestinian militancy campaign
* 2015–2016 violence
* 2017 Temple Mount crisis
* 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis
* 2022 Al-Aqsa clashes

|

Gaza–Israel
conflict

| 2006–present|

* 2006 Gaza beach explosion / Gaza cross-border raid / "Summer Rains" / "Autumn Clouds" / Beit Hanoun shelling
* 2008 Egypt–Gaza border breach / "Hot Winter"
* 2008–2009 Gaza War
* 2010 Gaza flotilla raid
* 2012 "Returning Echo" / "Pillar of Defense"
* 2014 "Protective Edge"
* 2015 Freedom Flotilla III
* 2018 Gaza border protests / November clashes
* 2019 May clashes / "Black Belt"
* 2021 "Guardian of the Walls"
* 2022 "Breaking Dawn"
* 2023 "Shield and Arrow" / Gaza war

|

Diplomacy/law

| Timeline|

| 1948–1991|

* 1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight
* depopulated towns and villages
* 1949 Lausanne Conference
* 1967–present Israeli settlement
* settler violence
* international law

|

1990s|

* 1981–1982 Fahd Plan
* 1991 Madrid Conference
* 1993–1995 Oslo Accords
* 1994 Paris Protocol
* 1994 Gaza–Jericho Agreement
* 1994–present US security assistance to the PA
* 1997 Hebron Agreement
* 1998 Wye River Memorandum
* 1999 Sharm El Sheikh Memorandum

2000s|

* 2000 Camp David Summit / Clinton Parameters
* 2001 Taba Summit
* 2002 Quartet established
* 2003 Road Map
* 2005 Israeli disengagement from Gaza
* 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access
* 2006 Valley of Peace initiative
* 2007 Annapolis Conference
* 2009 Aftonbladet Israel controversy

2010s|

* 2010–11 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks
* 2011 Palestine Papers
* 2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks
* 2023–present Gaza genocide

United Nations|

| General|

* Israel and the UN
* Palestine and the UN
* UNRWA

|

Resolutions|

* List concerning Israel
* List concerning Palestine
* 1947 UNGA Resolution 181
* 1948 UNGA Resolution 194
* 1967 UNSC Resolution 242
* 1980 UNSC Resolution 478
* 2006 UNSC Resolution 1701
* 2012 UNGA Resolution 67/19
* 2023 UNSC Resolution 2720

Investigations|

* 2009 Goldstone Report
* 2015 UNHRC Report

ICJ cases|

* 2004 Wall construction
* 2023–present South African allegation of genocide
* 2024 Nicaragua v. Germany
* 2023–2024 Israeli occupation
* 2024–2025 UNRWA ban

ICC|

* Palestine investigation
* arrest warrants

Analysis

* Anti-Palestinianism
* Comparisons between Israel and Nazi Germany
* Criticism
* Criticism of Hamas
* Criticism of Israel
* Israeli criticism of the occupation
* Media coverage
* Racism in Israel
* Racism in Palestine
* Timeline of anti-Zionism
* There was no such thing as Palestinians

* v
* t
* e

Islamism

| Outline|

* Islamism
* Qutbism
* Khomeinism
* Salafism
* Salafi jihadism
* Shia Islamism

|

Concepts|

* Emirate
* Islamic governance
* Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists
* Islamic democracy
* Islamic feminism
* Islamic socialism
* Islamic state
* Islamic republic
* Islamistan
* Islamization
* of knowledge
* Pan-Islamism
* Post-Islamism
* Sharia
* Shura
* Turkish model
* Two-nation theory
* Ummah

Movements|

| Socio-political|

* Deobandi
* Hizb ut-Tahrir
* in Britain
* in Central Asia
* Islamic Defenders Front
* Jamaat-e-Islami
* Millî Görüş
* Muslim Brotherhood
* in Egypt
* in Syria
* Ansar–Khatmiyya rivalry
* Ansar
* Khatmiyya

|

Political parties|

* Freedom and Justice Party
* Green Algeria Alliance
* Ennahda
* Felicity Party
* Free Cause Party
* Hadas
* Hezbollah
* Islamic Salvation Front
* Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami
* Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan
* Jamiat-e Islami
* Justice and Construction Party
* Justice and Development Party (Morocco)
* Justice and Development Party (Turkey)
* National Congress
* National Iraqi Alliance
* New Welfare Party
* Malaysian Islamic Party
* Prosperous Justice Party
* Al Wefaq
* Welfare Party
* Fatah Alliance
* State of Law Coalition
* Islamic Action Front
* United Arab List

Related|

* Ansar Allah
* Taliban
* Islamic modernism

Political leaders

* Muhammad Abduh
* Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī
* Qazi Hussain Ahmad
* Hibatullah Akhundzada
* Muhammad Asad
* Hassan al-Banna
* Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
* Necmettin Erbakan
* Muammar Gaddafi
* Rached Ghannouchi
* Safwat Hegazi
* Muhammad Iqbal
* Alija Izetbegović
* Ali Khamenei
* Ruhollah Khomeini
* Abul A'la Maududi
* Abul Hasan Ali Hasani Nadwi
* Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani
* Mullah Omar
* Yusuf al-Qaradawi
* Sayyid Qutb
* Tariq Ramadan
* Ata Abu Rashta
* Rashid Rida
* Navvab Safavi
* Ali Shariati
* Haji Shariatullah
* Hassan al-Turabi
* Malcolm X
* Ahmed Yassin
* Zia-ul-Haq
* Rizieq Shihab

Salafi movement

| Movements|

| Scholastic|

* Ahl-i Hadith
* Madkhalism
* Sahwa movement
* Wahhabism

|

Political|

* Al Asalah
* Authenticity Party
* Al-Islah
* Al-Nour Party
* Islamist Bloc
* People Party
* Young Kashgar Party

Major figures|

* Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab
* Al-Albani
* Ibn Baz
* Muqbil bin Hadi al-Wadi'i
* Safar al-Hawali
* Rabee al-Madkhali
* Muhammad Al-Munajjid
* Zakir Naik
* Salman al-Ouda
* Ali al-Tamimi
* Al-Uthaymin

Related|

* International propagation of Salafism
* Islamic religious police
* Petro-Islam
* Salafi–Sufi relations

Militant Islamism/Jihadism

| Ideology|

* Qutbism
* Salafi jihadism

|

Movements|

* Militant Islamism based in
* MENA region
* Egyptian Islamic Jihad
* Fatah al-Islam
* Hamas
* Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant
* South Asia
* Taliban
* Lashkar-e-Taiba
* Southeast Asia
* Abu Sayyaf
* Sub-Saharan Africa
* Boko Haram
* al-Shabaab
* al-Qaeda
* in the Arabian Peninsula
* in Iraq
* in North Africa

Major figures|

* Hibatullah Akhundzada
* Anwar al-Awlaki
* Abdullah Yusuf Azzam
* Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi
* Osama bin Laden
* Akhtar Mansour
* Mullah Omar
* Juhayman al-Otaybi
* Omar Abdel-Rahman
* Ayman al-Zawahiri

Related|

* Islam and violence
* Islamic extremism
* Islamic terrorism
* Jihad
* Mujahideen
* Slavery
* Talibanization

Other topics

| Texts|

* Reconstruction (Iqbal, 1930s)
* Forty Hadith (Khomeini, 1940)
* Principles (Asad, 1961)
* Milestones (Qutb, 1964)
* Islamic Government (Khomeini, 1970)
* Islamic Declaration (Izetbegović, 1969-1970)
* The Green Book (Gaddafi, 1975)

|

Historical
events|

* Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization
* Iranian revolution
* Grand Mosque seizure
* Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
* Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam
* Popular Arab and Islamic Congress
* Algerian Civil War
* Faith Campaign
* September 11 attacks
* War on terror
* Arab Spring
* Arab Winter

Influences|

* Anti-imperialism
* Anti-Zionism
* Contemporary Islamic philosophy
* Islamic response to modernity
* Islamic revival

by region|

* Balkans
* Gaza Strip
* Sudan
* United Kingdom

Related topics|

* Criticism
* Political aspects of Islam
* Political Islam

* Islam in South Asia
* North Africa

Authority control databases

International|

* ISNI
* VIAF
* FAST
* WorldCat

National|

* Germany
* United States
* France
* BnF data
* Japan
* Australia
* Czech Republic
* Spain
* Norway
* Latvia
* Poland
* Israel
* Catalonia

Academics|

* CiNii

Other|

* IdRef
* Yale LUX

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