Massacre of 14 July 1953 in Paris

Deadly police conflict in Paris, France

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Massacre of 14 July 1953 in Paris

Poster for the manifestation

Location| Pont Saint-Michel, Paris, France
Coordinates| 48°50′51″N 2°23′45″E﻿ / ﻿48.8474°N 2.3957°E﻿ / 48.8474; 2.3957
Date| 14 July 1953; 70 years ago (1953-07-14)
Deaths| 7
Injured| 60 (48 protesters, 16 police officers)

The massacre of 14 July 1953 in Paris was an event in which the French police intentionally and without warning opened fire, causing 7 deaths (six Algerians and one French). and hospitalizing around 60 protesters and police officers. The incident occurred at the end of a parade organized by the French Communist Party (PCF) and the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) to celebrate the "values of the Republic" on the occasion of the French national holiday. It is part of the "massacres in Paris," including the massacre on 6 February 1934 (15 deaths), the massacre on 17 October 1961 (between 7 and over 200 deaths, according to different estimates), and the massacre at Charonne subway (9 deaths on 8 February 1962).

Between 10,000 and 15,000 people marched in the streets on 14 July 1953, with half of them being part of a significant Algerian procession of 6,000 to 8,000 individuals led by the Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTLD). Up until that point, the parade had been peaceful, but tragedy struck when the last protesters reached Place de la Nation. Within a few minutes, dozens of shots were fired at the MTLD procession.

Following the massacre, demonstrations on May 1st and July 14th were prohibited by the authorities for a period of 14 years, until the parade on 1 May 1968. This significant event also signaled the conclusion of the traditional popular parades held during the fête nationale française in the capital.

This tragedy, amid the repression of Algerian nationalism and serious events in Morocco and Tunisia, occurred a little over a year before the start of the Algerian War on 1 November 1954.

It wasn't until the early 2010s that the first books entirely devoted to this event appeared, and it was not until the commemoration of the 64th anniversary of the demonstration in 2017 that the Paris City Hall made the first official recognition of this massacre by placing a commemorative plaque on a building in Place de l'Île-de-la-Réunion.

## Historical Context[edit]

### Rising Algerian Immigration[edit]

Main article: Algerians in France

Dossier from the magazine Regards on the life of the Maghreb diaspora in the Paris region. It is issue number 339, dated February 15, 1952, and can be found on Gallica.

Algerian immigration experienced a significant increase just after World War II. The North African population in mainland France was estimated at 50,000 in 1946 and 400,000 in 1952, which represents eightfold growth in six years. Predominantly consisting of male workers, this population primarily worked in construction and metallurgy. However, they were accused of being involved in "more shameful trafficking" and blamed for increasing criminality, as certain sections of the press disseminated racist discourses such as, "Their morality is questionable. [...] They lack a sense of responsibility, their carelessness, their fatalism in these mines and steel mills, where death lurks from all sides, can lead to the worst disasters."[1]

Coverage by L'Humanité newspaper of the popular parade on 14 July 1936.

### Participation of MTLD in Popular Parades[edit]

Since 1936, with an interruption under Vichy and German occupation, the French Communist Party (PCF), the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), and various associated movements such as the League of Human Rights[2] have organized a parade in Paris to celebrate the "values of the Republic" on the national holiday. And since 1950, the Algerian independence activists of the Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTLD), led by Messali Hadj, have taken part in the parade[3], despite their differences with the French Communists, who have not yet declared their support for Algerian independence, even though they demonstrated and went on strike in 1949-1950 for the independence of Indochina, at the initiative of the Indochinese Communists. The "Algerian" part of the parades quickly became very prominent, reaching one-third or even half of the May 1st parade in 1953, according to estimates.

Emmanuel Blanchard[N 1] recalls that during the demonstrations of the early 1950s, it was "difficult to distinguish among these protesters the Communist sympathizers from the Messalists."

Messali Hadj had created the MTLD in 1946 to serve as a legal cover for the Algerian People's Party, an independence organization banned in 1939, which had 20,000 militants in Algeria and 5,000 in metropolitan France in 1953. Their demands also concerned mainland France: wage equality, legalization of Muslim holidays, and an annual trip to North Africa.

While the Vietnamese fighting the Indochina War participated in demonstrations organized by the PCF and CGT, which also involved dockworkers in Oran or Casablanca, some Algerians in France were the only ones to resort to independent processions for their political demands. This activism was severely repressed, like the opposition to the Indochina War, through bans on demonstrations, police checks, and raids. Participating in these independent processions became a challenge for the MTLD, even though they disagreed with the organizers. They decided to participate, with their own demands, in the demonstrations on two symbolic dates in France: May 1st and July 14th.

### Three years of repression of Algerian activism[edit]

May 1st, 1951 Manifestation. France-Soir dated May 3rd, 1951 on Gallica.

In September 1950, 3,000 Algerians protested outside the printing house of the National Press Enterprises located on Rue Réaumur, against the non-publication of the newspaper L'Algérie Libre. The prefecture of police announced the arrest of 1,127 protesters. In December, around thirty Algerians attacked the Belleville police station following the arrest of two individuals.

In April 1951, a demonstration by the MTLD was banned, and law enforcement forces caused several injuries while arresting 150 Algerians. The event was covered by journalist Madeleine Riffaud, who had been closely following the issue of immigrants in La Vie Ouvrière (CGT) alongside her partner at the time, Roger Pannequin. Both were former heroes of the Resistance and involved with the MOI (Main-d'Œuvre Immigrée) in the PCF (French Communist Party). Riffaud became associated with the MTLD led by Messali Hadj, and she attended meetings in Saint-Denis and near Place de la République. She took an interest in the condition of Algerian workers in France and embarked on a major investigation on the subject.

On May 1st, significant Algerian processions were observed in Douai, Lens, Lille, Valenciennes, and, of course, Paris, where the MTLD marched for the second time in separate ranks but still within the general demonstration. Banners displayed the slogan "L'Algérie aux Algériens" ("Algeria for Algerians"). Madeleine Riffaud, who was gaining a significant reputation, wrote a report titled "Un 1er Mai historique" ("A Historic 1st of May").

Algerian flags were raised, leading to the intervention of law enforcement, resulting in 68 injuries and the arrest of hundreds of people. A police raid, a commonly used term at the time, was conducted on Algerian workers at Salle Wagram.

Portrait of Messali Hadj for the newspaper La Voix du Peuple.

In December, the MTLD planned to hold a meeting with representatives from Arab countries at the United Nations. The police carried out 5,900 arrests around the Vélodrome d'Hiver, near metro stations, and in the suburbs. Algerians were held and questioned for several hours in the former Beaujon hospital and Parc Monceau.

On 1 May 1952, the participation of Algerian workers was more significant. Law enforcement intervened again to confiscate banners calling for Algerian independence. The police even used firearms in Douai. On May 23rd, 300,000 Algerians went on strike to protest the police repression that occurred on May 14th in Orléansville, Algeria, where the police fired on the crowd with machine guns, resulting in two deaths and numerous injuries. In the evening, Messali Hadj was arrested and deported to mainland France, where he was placed under house arrest. Three Algerians were killed in Charleville, Le Havre, and Montbéliard, hundreds of people were injured, and dozens of arrests were made. On May 28th, Algerian communist Hocine Bélaïd was killed near Place de Stalingrad during a demonstration against the visit of American General Matthew Ridgway, who was accused of using bacteriological weapons in the Korean War. In December, a new prohibited MTLD meeting at the Vélodrome d'Hiver led to 3,000 arrests in the Grenelle district.

On 1 May, 10,000 Algerians participated in demonstrations in Douai, Lille, Paris, Valenciennes, and other cities. Police intervened in Anzin and Valenciennes to prevent protesters from raising the Algerian flag. Police charges resulted in around a hundred injuries and 200 arrests.

It is within this period marked by repression that the popular parade of July 14th takes place.

## Course of the demonstration[edit]

The military parade takes place in the morning on the Champs-Élysées, while the popular parade is organized in the afternoon under the guidance of the Peace Movement.

The Mouvement de la Paix, officially established in 1949, aims to unite peace supporters worldwide. In France, it receives support from the Communist Party.

According to the Paris Police Prefecture, the procession consists of 10,000 to 15,000 demonstrators, classifying the 14 July 1953 demonstration as a smaller-scale event.

The protesters follow a traditional route from Bastille to Nation through the rue du Faubourg Saint-Antoine.

### Communist procession[edit]

The leading procession of the demonstration sets off around 3 p.m. Veterans march at the forefront, followed by General and Senator Ernest Petit, officers and non-commissioned officers, the Peace Movement, the Progressive Union, the People's Aid, the Union of Republican Youth of France, the Union of Communist Students, the Popular Music Federation with the Popular Chorus of Paris, the Union of French Women, CGT (General Confederation of Labor), Radio-Liberté, the Committee for the Defense of Democratic Liberties in Black Africa, British Democrats, and organizations from the Paris suburbs. The MTLD (Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties) and the Paris Federation of the French Communist Party bring up the rear.

The main slogans of this procession are the defense of liberties (the procession carries a banner at its head saying "Union for the Defense of Republican Liberties"), the release of those imprisoned in Fresnes ("Free Henri Martin!"), and peace in Indochina.

### Messalist Procession[edit]

The decision to march on July 14th was made on July 2nd at the headquarters of the MTLD (Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties). According to lawyer Amar Bentoumi, who would become the first Minister of Justice in Algeria in 1962, and historian Daho Djerbal, the Messalist demonstration was organized by Mohamed Boudiaf and Didouche Mourad, two of the six future founders of the National Liberation Front (FLN). The MTLD mobilized its forces for this demonstration by distributing 50,000 copies of the following leaflet:

> On July 14th, all democrats commemorate the storming of the Bastille. July 14th has a significance, that of a blow struck against the repressive forces in 1789. That is why the MTLD calls on you to join the democratic demonstration at the Bastille on July 14th to uphold liberties in Algeria, demand the return of Messali Hadj to Algeria, the release of all Algerian political prisoners, and the cessation of prosecutions against Algerian nationals

MTLD

The authorities were not idle either. On the eve of the demonstration, they made arrests in the Latin Quarter, including the arrest of the president of Algerian students. Leaflets were also distributed advising against attending the demonstration. Nevertheless, the supporters of the MTLD turned out in large numbers on 14 July 1954. The "Muslims of Algeria" numbered between 6,000 and 8,000, about a third of the demonstration, marching behind a large portrait of Messali Hadj, in close ranks, and most of them wearing their Sunday best. This second procession was composed of 6 sections, each consisting of about fifty ranks. Each rank comprised around ten demonstrators. The security service occupied 10 ranks at the front and rear of the procession. A total of 270 people secured the sides.

Messali Hadj's daughter, Djanina Messali-Benkelfat, who led the procession, described the parade to Daniel Kupferstein:

> There was a sense of dignity and a will to be recognized in a just struggle... The young people were magnificent. Everyone was wearing a tie, even those in the security service, with armbands in the colors of Algeria, green with the flag in the middle, the crescent, and the star. It is the flag of Algeria. It should be known that this flag was made in 1935 - and it was my mother, Mrs. Messali, who made it at 6, rue du Repos (Paris XXe). It was the flag of the North African Star, then of the Algerian People's Party (PPA) and the PPA-MTLD, and later the flag of the FLN

> — Djanina Messali-Benkelfat

This procession, described as spectacular by intelligence services, set off at 4 p.m., while the head of the communist procession arrived at Place de la Nation. The end of the Algerian procession left Bastille around 4:30 p.m.

The MTLD's executive committee issued three main slogans for this demonstration:

* Respect for democratic liberties in Algeria ("Down with police racism," denunciation of "police provocations in North Africa", "Put an end to the colonialist repression of the Union of French Democrats and North African patriots.").
* Return of Messali Hadj to Algeria and release of all political prisoners ("Enough sanctions against Algerian political prisoners!" "Free Messali Hadj! Free Bourguiba!").
* Cease the prosecutions against Algerian nationalist leaders.

Within the procession, there were also economic and social demands ("Equal pay for equal work," "Social benefits for all, extension of social security in Algeria"). The intelligence services noted the absence of nationalist or separatist demands and banners, but the crowd still chanted anti-colonial slogans ("We want independence!" "Down with colonialism").

### Official Tribune[edit]

A tribune is set up in Place de la Nation to accommodate around a hundred personalities who are part of the organizing committee or representatives of organizations in the street: Emmanuel d'Astier de la Vigerie, Admiral Moullec, Abbé Pierre, Jacques Leman, Marcel Cachin, Waldeck Rochet, Florimond Bonte, Georges Cogniot, General Ernest Petit, Léon Mauvais, Pastor Bosc, Charles Palant (MRAP), and academics Georges Astre, Georges Gaillard, Madeleine Rebérioux, and M.A. Roussel.

### Law enforcement[edit]

The prefect of police at the time is Jean Baylot, and Maurice Papon is the secretary general of the Paris Police Prefecture.

In a circular dated July 11th, the Paris Police Prefecture orders strictness towards Algerian nationalists: "No banner or sign with an inscription (in French or a foreign language) that would be insulting to the government or its representatives, as well as to a foreign government or its representatives, shall be carried by the demonstrators. No seditious cries or songs shall be uttered."

2,200 police officers and mobile gendarmes were mobilized for the occasion, while the authorities were expecting 10,000 demonstrators. They were positioned in Place de la Bastille and the adjacent streets of Place de la Nation. 800 men were kept in reserve in case the situation escalated. Three centers were prepared to arrest 1,150 people. Additionally, 12 Arabic-speaking interpreters were present, indicating that the authorities anticipated a significant Algerian mobilization and numerous arrests within this second procession. The reading of the RG (General Intelligence) files reveals that the law enforcement had reports of preparatory meetings of the MTLD held at the headquarters on Rue Xavier Privas in the days preceding the demonstration.

### Attack by Paratroopers at Bastille[edit]

The demonstration proceeds well, except for some clashes with French soldiers. A group of paratroopers returning from Indochina on leave in Paris disrupts the demonstration by attacking the protesters multiple times. The peace officer Gaston Thiénard reports the presence of Jacques Sidos among the troublemakers. Sidos, a supporter of Marshal Pétain, founded the neo-fascist movement Jeune Nation in 1949.

At the corner of Place de la Bastille and Rue du Faubourg-Saint-Antoine, paratroopers on leave attack the demonstrators but are beaten up and leave with 6 injured. Other attacks are carried out by the same paratroopers, each time being escorted out of the route by the police, who make no arrests. The archives of the Paris Police Prefecture mention 6 lightly injured paratroopers transported to Bégin Hospital and about twenty paratroopers taken back to their barracks at Porte de Versailles.

In a leaflet, the French Communist Party (PCF) of Val de Grâce criticizes the fact that the police "protected groups of provocateurs who had unsuccessfully attempted to disrupt the processions at several points."

## Bloody end to the demonstration[edit]

Apart from these incidents, the communist and trade union march traditionally organized after the official parade on the Champs-Élysées has been described as family-friendly and peaceful so far. No clashes between the protesters and law enforcement have been reported. Nonetheless, the police open fire on the procession of Algerian nationalists upon its arrival at the Place de la Nation.`

On the evening of July 14th, the Paris Police Prefecture issues a statement justifying the police shootings in the name of self-defense for law enforcement officers.

### Official version[edit]

> he procession, which marched from Bastille to Nation, consisted of 10,000 demonstrators this year. Nearly half of them were North Africans, who formed the final part of the parade. Upon reaching the columns of the Throne, the dispersal of the European elements took place without incident. On the contrary, the North Africans decided to continue their demonstration along the course of Vincennes. The on-duty commissioner, alone and wearing a kepi, invited the leaders of the demonstrators' groups to respect the order of dispersal.

> It was then that around 2,000 North Africans, seizing any projectiles within their reach (cobblestones, iron bars, tables, and chairs), and some armed with knives, brutally attacked the small number of present officers. Three parked police vehicles were overturned and set on fire in various locations. Suddenly surrounded and in a state of legitimate defense, a few officers had to use their weapons.

> Among the security forces, there were 82 injured, including 19 seriously wounded who were hospitalized. On the side of the demonstrators, 44 injuries were reported, and 7 deaths occurred. The riot, which began at 5:15 PM, was quickly brought under control, and calm was completely restored by 6 PM.

## Events[edit]

Right-wing media outlets are echoing this version. Reports from the commissioners mention the presence of weapons (bottles, iron bars, pieces of wood, knives) among the Algerian procession. Several commissioners even mention gunfire within the ranks of the protesters. In his report addressed to the prefect, the director of the municipal police services concludes that the Algerians carried out a premeditated operation. Testimonies from law enforcement officers published in the press or found in police archives indicate that the Algerians violently attacked the police forces while attempting to continue the demonstration along the course of Vincennes.

However, decades later, the versions are changing and contradicting the official version. Daniel Kupferstein was able to gather two testimonies from police officers. The Algerian protesters did not carry weapons, and these testimonies confirm that the police officers charged at the protesters. This leads Daniel Kupferstein to speak of a state lie. Historian Danielle Tartakowsky refers to a "self-censorship rewriting" because the minutes written by these commissioners stationed at the demonstration describe a situation completely different from the accounts written later by the commissioners.

The demonstration was very closely watched by the authorities; "offensive" signs, flags, and banners had been banned by the prefecture of police, along with "seditious" songs and chants.[4] The march was to follow a traditional course, travelling from Place de la République to Place de la Nation. However, when it reached the Rue du Faubourg-Saint-Antoine, some off-duty paratroopers in uniform attacked the demonstrators; the paratroopers were beaten back by the demonstrators, and six were wounded.[4] The paratroopers continued their aggression against the demonstrators; the police removed them each time, but made no arrests.[5]

The demonstrators clashed with police at Place de la Nation, where most of the protesters dispersed. The parade planned by the MTLD continued somewhat farther[6] in spite of heavy rain,[5] as some marchers went toward Avenue du Trône to drop their signs and flags in an MTLD truck.

There, and without warning, the police opened fire on them on their own initiative without direction from their command.[6] This escalated the violence; the Algerian demonstrators used barricades to attack the police and burned at least two police cars between 5:00 PM and 5:30 PM. Seven people were killed: six French workers from Algeria, and one worker from metropolitan France, who was a member of the General Confederation of Labour.[7] Besides the deaths, over 50 demonstrators were injured, at least 40 by gunshots. About fifty police officers were injured: between three and five by stabbing, and the remainder by makeshift weapons.[4]

## Aftermath[edit]

The Parisian authorities immediately tried to paint the demonstration as a clandestinely organised riot.[4] To avoid public discussion, the government charged one police administrator with rebellion and violence on July 15, a charge which would not have required an investigation into the police shootings. Despite this, that September, the scope of the judicial inquiry was expanded when family members of the victims moved an adhesion procedure. Even in spite of this, few French Algerian witnesses were heard at the trial. The trial ended when the judge stayed the proceedings by issuing a non-lieu on October 22, 1957, later confirmed on appeal on January 23, 1958.[4]

The French press was indignant about the shootings, but some newspapers also denounced both the communists and the separatists for assaulting the police. The communists held a large meeting on July 21, the same day the Algerian victims' funerals were held, but did not take up the MTLD's demands for Algerian independence.

## See also[edit]

* Paris Massacre of 1961

## References[edit]

### References[edit]

1. ^ Yves Bénot (2005). Massacres coloniaux: 1944-1950 : la IVe République et la mise au pas des colonies françaises. La Découverte. p. 170-171. ISBN 978-2-7071-4633-5.
2. ^ Kupferstein, Daniel (2017-05-11). Les balles du 14 juillet 1953 : Le massacre policier oublié de nationalistes algériens à Paris (in French). La Découverte. ISBN 978-2-7071-9678-1. Retrieved 2023-07-15.
3. ^ Kupferstein, Daniel (2017-05-11). Les balles du 14 juillet 1953 : Le massacre policier oublié de nationalistes algériens à Paris (in French). La Découverte. ISBN 978-2-7071-9678-1. Retrieved 2023-07-15.
4. ^ a b c d e Emmanuel Blanchard (2011). "14 juillet 1953 : une répression coloniale, place de la Nation". La Police parisienne et les Algériens (1944-1962). Nouveau Monde. pp. 129–143. ISBN 978-2-84736-627-3.
5. ^ a b Courban, Maxime (2013). "Un massacre oublié - Les Archives départementales de la Seine-Saint-Denis". Archives départementales de la Seine-Saint-Denis. Archived from the original on 29 January 2018. Retrieved 3 January 2019.
6. ^ a b Blanchard, Emmanuel (2011-10-15). La police parisienne et les Algériens (1944-1962) (Speech). Nanterre ne veut pas oublier. La Maison de la Musique de Nanterre. Retrieved 3 January 2019.
7. ^ Vergnol, Maud (13 July 2017). "Mémoire. Les balles du 14 juillet 1953". L'Humanité (in French). Retrieved 3 January 2019.

### Notes[edit]

1. ^ Emmanuel Blanchard is a French historian, political scientist, and lecturer. He is also a researcher at the Center for Sociological Research on Law and Criminal Institutions (CESDIP). Among his works is the book "La Police parisienne et les Algériens, 1944-1962," published in 2011.

## Further reading[edit]

* Horne, Alistair. (1977). A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954-1962. Viking Press.
* McDougall, James. (2017). A History of Algeria. Cambridge University Press.
* McDougall, James. (2006). History and the culture of nationalism in Algeria. Cambridge University Press.

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