Muslim–Muslim ticket

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The 12 Nigerian states with Sharia law

The Muslim–Muslim ticket is a term used to describe the Nigerian political arrangement where both the presidential and vice-presidential candidates of a major party are Muslims. Such political tickets are a distinctive and controversial issue in the politics of Nigeria, a country with a roughly equal population of Muslims and Christians, and a history of ethno-religious conflicts. Muslim–Muslim tickets have been seen by some as threats to the country's religious harmony, and by others as progressive moves that transcend religious sentiments and focuses on competence and merit.

Nigeria is roughly divided between its predominantly Muslim northern regions and largely Christian southern regions. The tensions arising from this division have occasionally led political parties to adopt the Muslim–Muslim ticket as a strategic move in key elections, often causing significant controversy. The outcomes of such elections often had far-reaching consequences for Nigeria, as they were perceived as either consolidating Muslim dominance or fostering inclusivity. The concept of Muslim-Muslim tickets continues to receive scrutiny in political discourse.

## History

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The concept of a Muslim–Muslim ticket has historical roots in Nigerian politics, intertwined with the nation's complex socio-political history and the interplay of religious and regional dynamics. Nigeria's path to nationhood began during the colonial era, marked by the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates in 1914, which brought together regions with distinct religious majorities and set the stage for future political discourse.[1][2]

Following independence in 1960, Nigeria experienced political instability, military coups, and ethnic tensions, culminating in the Nigerian Civil War from 1967 to 1970. The First Republic of Nigeria, from 1963 to 1966, saw the emergence of the Muslim–Muslim ticket as a political strategy, notably during the 1964 election in the Western Region. This period of political turbulence highlighted the enduring influence of religious and regional identities in Nigerian politics.[3][4]

The return to civilian rule in 1979 brought new dynamics to the political landscape, with several elections featuring Muslim–Muslim tickets, sparking debates about national unity and representation. The 1979 presidential election saw the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) fielding Shehu Shagari, a Muslim from the north, with Alex Ekwueme, a Christian from the south, as his running mate, reflecting the ongoing discussions about religious and regional balance in politics.[5]

The 1993 presidential election became a landmark event, with Moshood Abiola, a Muslim from the southwest, and his running mate, Baba Gana Kingibe, also a Muslim, winning the election, which was later annulled, leading to significant political unrest. The 2023 election, with Bola Tinubu and Kashim Shettima, both Muslims, winning amidst controversy, further underscored the persistent debate over religious representation in Nigerian politics.[6][7]

Throughout the years, the Muslim–Muslim ticket has remained a contentious issue, with arguments focusing on the candidates' governance capabilities versus the potential impact on religious harmony and the nation's diverse socio-political fabric.[8][9]

## Controversies and implications

[edit]

The adoption of the Muslim–Muslim ticket in Nigerian politics has consistently stirred controversy and carried significant implications for the nation's socio-political landscape.[10] This contentious practice often revolves around the delicate balance of religious representation, regional dynamics, and political manoeuvring, sparking debates and concerns.[11] One persistent controversy is rooted in religious tensions and perceptions of favouritism. Critics argue that such tickets can deepen religious divides, creating the perception that one religious group is favoured over the other.[12] The Muslim–Muslim ticket often intersects with regional politics and power dynamics.[13] The choice of presidential candidates can be influenced by the need to secure votes in specific regions. For instance, in the 2011 election, President Goodluck Jonathan's selection of Namadi Sambo as his running mate was seen as a strategy to appeal to the northern regions and maintain regional balance.[14]

Political parties in Nigeria strategically deploy the Muslim–Muslim ticket to gain electoral advantages. The controversy arises when this strategy appears to prioritise political calculations over inclusivity. The use of the Muslim–Muslim ticket can influence public perception and trust in the political process. Scepticism often arises when voters question the sincerity of political parties in promoting unity and inclusivity.[15]

> "Therefore we are going to reinforce and reinvigorate the fight not only against; "elements of Boko Haram which are attempting a new series of attacks on soft targets, "kidnappings, farmers versus herdsmen clashes, "in addition to ethnic violence fuelled by political mischief makers. We shall tackle them all."

Muhammadu Buhari, Sahara Reporters, 2017[16]

At its core, the controversy surrounding the Muslim–Muslim ticket revolves around its potential to challenge Nigeria's national unity. The nation's diversity is its strength, but the persistent use of such tickets can strain the delicate fabric of unity.[17] Legal disputes over Muslim–Muslim tickets, such as those following the 2007 presidential election, underscore the contentious nature of such tickets in Nigeria's electoral politics.[18][19]

The media plays a crucial role in shaping public discourse around the Muslim–Muslim ticket. In the aftermath of the 2015 election, Nigerian newspapers featured diverse opinions on the implications of the ticket for the nation's political landscape.[15] Civil society organisations have been actively engaged in advocating for transparency and inclusivity in Nigerian politics. They have organised forums and campaigns to promote national unity and discourage divisive electoral strategies.[20] The Civil Society Coalition for Inclusive Governance, for instance, has called for greater inclusivity in the electoral process.[21][22]

The Muslim–Muslim ticket has garnered international scrutiny, with entities like the European Union highlighting the need for elections in Nigeria to be credible and inclusive to maintain the country's stability and global standing.[23][24] The recurring debates over the Muslim–Muslim ticket have led to calls for electoral reforms in Nigeria. Advocates argue that reforms should address issues of candidate selection, party politics, and campaign regulations to promote inclusivity.[25] The National Electoral Reform Committee (NERC) has actively explored such reforms.[26]

Young activists and civic organisations have increasingly played a role in addressing the controversies associated with the Muslim–Muslim ticket. Youth-led initiatives have sought to promote a more inclusive and united Nigeria through advocacy and awareness campaigns.[27] The Nigerian judiciary has been instrumental in adjudicating electoral disputes arising from the adoption of Muslim–Muslim tickets.[28] Court decisions have sometimes shaped the trajectory of Nigerian politics, emphasising the importance of an independent and fair judiciary.[29]

## See also

[edit]

* Issues in the 2023 Nigerian presidential election#Religious identity
* 2023 Nigerian presidential election
* 1993 Nigerian presidential election

## References

[edit]

### Notes

[edit]

1. ^ Umeanolue 2020, pp. 139–157.
2. ^ "Nigeria Amalgamation Document 1914". Daily Trust. 30 August 2020. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
3. ^ "Coup, counter-coup and the Biafran War – DW – 07/29/2016". dw.com. 29 July 2016. Archived from the original on 28 November 2023. Retrieved 4 March 2024.
4. ^ "From the Archives: The forgotten political crisis of 1964 and the coup of 1966". Vanguard News. 17 October 2013. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
5. ^ Okogba, Emmanuel (6 February 2018). "How Shagari picked Ekwueme as VP (1)". Vanguard News. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
6. ^ "History of June 12 in Nigeria, how MKO Abiola become symbol of democracy and why e dey important to di Yoruba pipo – BBC News Pidgin". BBC News Pidgin. 11 June 2021. Archived from the original on 19 July 2024. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
7. ^ "NIGERIAN PROTESTS ERUPT IN VIOLENCE". The New York Times. 6 July 1993. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
8. ^ Ugo, Chima (17 January 2023). "2023: CNPP wants APC, PDP presidential candidates to withdraw from race". Prime 9ja Online. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
9. ^ Obadare, Ebenezer (23 June 2022). "APC Runs Into Headwinds as Christian Opposition to Muslim-Muslim Ticket Gains Traction in Nigeria". Council on Foreign Relations. Archived from the original on 24 August 2024. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
10. ^ Akoni, Olasunkanmi (7 December 2022). "Tinubu". Vanguard News. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
11. ^ Onapajo 2016, pp. 112–135.
12. ^ Isiaq, Adebiyi & Bakare 2018, pp. 117–139.
13. ^ "Ethnicity, Religion, and Polarization in Nigeria". Wilson Center. 31 August 2022. Archived from the original on 5 January 2024. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
14. ^ "Nigeria2015: Jonathan picks Vice President Namadi Sambo as running mate". premiumtimesng.com (in German). Archived from the original on 5 January 2024. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
15. ^ a b Cambridge University Press 2019, pp. 392–409.
16. ^ "Transcript Of President Buhari's Speech: Nigeria's Unity Settled". Sahara Reporters. 21 August 2017. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
17. ^ "Nigeria elections 2015: interim statement by Commonwealth Observer Group". Commonwealth. 30 March 2015. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
18. ^ Etim, Etim (4 April 2022). "Muslim-Muslim ticket will unravel Buhari's legacy, hurt APC". TheCable. Archived from the original on 5 January 2024. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
19. ^ "Nigeria: Presidential Election Marred by Fraud, Violence". Human Rights Watch. 25 April 2007. Archived from the original on 5 January 2024. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
20. ^ Scholte 2012, pp. 185–206.
21. ^ "Coalition kicks against defunding adult literacy". Daily Trust. 26 August 2023. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
22. ^ "Coalition kicks against defunding adult, mass literacy education". The Nation Newspaper. 26 August 2023. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
23. ^ "NIGERIA 2019" (PDF). EODS.eu. Archived (PDF) from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
24. ^ "The European Union Election Observation Mission presents its final report". EEAS. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
25. ^ Igwe, Ignatius (5 October 2023). "Muslim Muslim Ticket Not Best For Nigeria, Atiku Insists". Channels Television. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
26. ^ Olokor, Friday (29 July 2022). "Don't vote Muslim-Muslim ticket". Punch Newspapers. Archived from the original on 17 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
27. ^ Ugo, Chima (2 December 2022). "Walid Jibrin: APC wants to disunite Nigerians with Muslim/Muslim ticket". Prime 9ja Online. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
28. ^ Ejekwonyilo, Ameh (30 January 2023). "2023: UN chief tasks Nigerian judiciary on impartial adjudication of electoral cases". Premium Times Nigeria. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
29. ^ Iwobi 2004, pp. 111–164.

### Works cited

[edit]

* Umeanolue, Ikenna L. (15 October 2020). "Religious influences on politics in Nigeria: Implications for national development". OGIRISI: A New Journal of African Studies. 15 (1). African Journals Online (AJOL): 139–157\. doi:10.4314/og.v15i1.9s. ISSN 1597-474X. S2CID 228936153.
* Isiaq, Atanda Abdulwaheed; Adebiyi, Oluwashina Moruf; Bakare, Adebola Rafiu (1 June 2018). "Ethnicity and Election Outcomes in Nigeria: Interrogating the 2015 Presidential Election". Journal of African Elections. Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa (EISA): 117–139\. doi:10.20940/jae/2018/v17i1a6. ISSN 1609-4700. S2CID 158813521.
* "Contemporary Politics and Identity". The Yoruba from Prehistory to the Present. Cambridge University Press. 4 July 2019. pp. 392–409\. doi:10.1017/9781107587656.018. ISBN 978-1-107-58765-6. S2CID 240634325.
* Scholte, Jan Aart (2012). "A More Inclusive Global Governance? The IMF and Civil Society in Africa". Global Governance. 18 (2). Lynne Rienner Publishers: 185–206\. doi:10.1163/19426720-01802004. ISSN 1075-2846. JSTOR 23269949. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
* McLoughlin, Gerald; Bouchat, Clarence J. (2013). NIGERIAN UNITY: IN THE BALANCE (Technical report). JSTOR resrep11545. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
* Iwobi, Andrew Ubaka (2004). "Tiptoeing through a Constitutional Minefield: The Great Sharia Controversy in Nigeria". Journal of African Law. 48 (2). Cambridge University Press: 111–164\. doi:10.1017/S0021855304482023. ISSN 0021-8553. JSTOR 27607917. S2CID 145241493. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
* Onapajo, Hakeem (1 October 2016). "Politics and the Pulpit: The Rise and Decline of Religion in Nigeria's 2015 Presidential Elections". Journal of African Elections. 15 (2): 112–135\. doi:10.20940/JAE/2016/v15i2a6.

## Further reading

[edit]

* Omotola, J. Shola (23 October 2023). "Elections and Democratic Transition in Nigeria Under the Fourth Republic". African Affairs. 109 (437). [Royal African Society, Oxford University Press]: 535–553\. doi:10.1093/afraf/adq040. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 40928362. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
* Othman, Shehu (1984). "Classes, Crises and Coup: The Demise of Shagari's Regime". African Affairs. 83 (333). [Royal African Society, Oxford University Press]: 441–461\. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097643. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 722918. Archived from the original on 27 April 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
* Ojo, Emmanuel Oladipo (2014). "NIGERIA, 1914–2014: FROM CREATION TO CREMATION?". Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. 23. Historical Society of Nigeria: 67–91\. ISSN 0018-2540. JSTOR 24768942. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
* Uwazurike, Chudi (23 October 1997). "The Search for Stability in Post Civil War Nigeria: On the Prospects of the Rotational Presidency Idea". Dialectical Anthropology. 22 (3/4). Springer: 265–302\. doi:10.1023/A:1006862424140. ISSN 0304-4092. JSTOR 29790461. S2CID 142924094. Archived from the original on 6 October 2023. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
* Nwagwu, Ejikeme Jombo; Uwaechia, Onyinyeomachukwu Gift; Udegbunam, Kingsley Chigozie; Nnamani, Rebecca (8 April 2022). "Vote Buying During 2015 And 2019 General Elections: Manifestation and Implications on Democratic Development in Nigeria". Cogent Social Sciences. 8 (1). Informa UK Limited. doi:10.1080/23311886.2021.1995237. ISSN 2331-1886. S2CID 248055556.
* Koehn, Peter (1981). "Prelude to Civilian Rule: The Nigerian Elections of 1979". Africa Today. 28 (1). Indiana University Press: 17–45\. ISSN 1527-1978. JSTOR 4185980. Archived from the original on 3 March 2024. Retrieved 3 March 2024.
* Malomo, Emmanuel (2022). Politics of Religion in Nigeria since 1999 (PDF). Conference on Islam in Nigeria (COIN). Vol. 11\. Islamic Welfare Foundation. pp. 208–215\. ISBN 978-978-997-333-0. Archived (PDF) from the original on 4 March 2024. Retrieved 4 March 2024.

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