Religion of the Shang dynasty

An ox scapula inscribed with the results of divination.[1]

Type| Polytheistic religion
Theology|

* Ancestor deification
* Animism
* Shamanism

Region| Yellow River valley
Language| Old Chinese
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The state religion of the Shang dynasty (c. 1600 - c. 1046 BC) involved trained practitioners communicating with deified beings, including deceased ancestors and supernatural gods. Means of communication with the spirits consist of written divinations on oracle bones and sacrifice of living beings. The Shang dynasty also had large-scale constructions of tombs,[2] which reflects their belief in the afterlife, along with sacred places. Numerous Shang vessels, as well as oracle bones, have been excavated in the kingdom's capital Yin.[3][4] These archaeological discoveries facilitate understandings of Shang religious beliefs and practices through a large amount of evidence.[5] Headed by the exalted Dì, the deities formed a pantheon.[6]

The Shang kingdom's religion, which played an important role to royal adherents, accounted for a significant portion of court life. Their deities consistently received various honorary ceremonies. For this, Shang astronomers created a sophisticated calendrical system based on a sixty-day revolution.[7] Complying with the calendar, royal adherents of the religion conducted liturgical rituals dedicated to those spirits. Regional estates maintained independent practitioners but worshipped the same deities for common purposes. Those acts of worship, which were formalized over time, were held for divine fortune along with prosperity of the late Shang state.[8]

The Shang religion originated in the Yellow River valley, heartland of the Chinese civilization from about 1600 to 1046 BC.[a] It was the first thoroughly documented Chinese religion, with the first Shang bone texts dating back to c. 1250 BC,[10][11] during the reign of Wu Ding (c. 1250 - c. 1200 BC) and over 1000 years before the end of ancient China in 221 BC.[12][13][14][15] Throughout over two centuries, this dynasty increased its cultural influence and experienced cultural exchanges by means of war. After 1046 BC, the Zhou dynasty, which replaced the Shang,[16][17] gradually assimilated elements of Dì into its governing beliefs.[18][19] Over the following millennia, many elements of the ancient religion were reflected in the later religious system of the Zhou dynasty, as well as the systems of imperial China (221 BC - 1912 AD). Today, Shàngdì remains an important figure in Chinese culture, and the initially religious calendar is still indispensable in traditional events of China and influenced countries.

## Beliefs

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The Shang people's religious concept was already bureaucratic.[20] They believed in a supreme being leading smaller spirits, including natural gods and ancestral deities, and focused on a cosmological concept centered around a celestial northern pole, which housed the most sacred gods in the Shang pantheon.

### Dì

[edit]

Main article: Shangdi

Oracle script of 帝; Dì as the celestial pole.[21]

The highest of the Shang gods was Shàngdì ̣上帝,[22] full form Dì 帝.[23][24][b] In many oracle bone inscriptions, Dì is described as a being who presided over all other spirits, including former humans and nature deities, as if controlling these individuals in a hierarchy.[26][27] Dì did not give messages in preserved scriptures, and his will could only be known through oracle bones.[28] There are various abilities attributed to the high god, mostly described on oracle bones not directly but through pairs of affirmative and negative statements.[27]

Dì exercised authority over the natural world, often by giving commands (lìng 令).[18] This god could influence phenomena related to agricultural activities on which the Shang depended, by commanding the weather and climate, as well as dictating harvests and, occasionally, supplying humans with food if proper "calling out" rituals were conducted.[18][27] Dì also had an impact on military actions, usually by indirectly helping royal forces in conquering hostile states, by protecting the Shang king in royal inspections, or by forecasting divine will for military support by sending natural phenomena such as rains.[18] Furthermore, he was the power that gave approvals (ruò 若) to humans' everyday decisions and actions.[18][29] The Shang also believed that while Dì could aid them in various aspects, he could also harm them by his power.[30] Numerous Shang texts record disastrous events thought to be caused by Dì's will, including droughts, defeat by enemies, or even the king's health deterioration.[18] The Shang offered carried out divinations to ensure Dì was appeased and to avoid calamities; however, Dì was not offered sacrifices as his power transcended human attributes.[31]

Emperor Kù, progenitor of the Shang in traditional accounts.

Dì's identity has been a subject of debate, with various approaches proposed.[32] This system of structured spirits featured Dì as the apex, hence making him corresponding with the "leading" role of Zeus in Ancient Greece and Tiān in Zhou dynasty.[33]

Some scholars link Dì with the existence of the Emperor Ku, who was mentioned in Sima Qian's Shiji as the Shang dynasty's progenitor, and who was addressed 'High Ancestor' in more than four inscriptions.[34][35][36] Many prominent scholars support the view that Dì and Ku actually represent an identical power, making implications for the current understanding of the religion's theology profound. Some historians assert that if the Shang system of gods featured the highest and supreme deity as a primal ancestor of the rulers, then the monarchs themselves would be acceptedly seen as possessing divine powers. In other words, the kings would be perceived as embodying the power of Dì (or Ku), being the "thearchs" by birth.[37]

There is another explanation, derived from studies of Dì in linguistic contexts, that the religion did not possess a "High God" in its pantheon and that Dì was a generic word for the collectivity of all divine powers.[38] Some claim that Dì could not be a part of Shang ancestors despite Dì's presence in ancestral titles, since ancestors could not destroy the capital city the way Dì could. Eno also argued that since Dì was included in some ancestral titles, then if it referred to a High God, the spirits would rival Dì in power, which was unlikely. He proposed another suggestion in which Dì referred to all spirits.[39][40]

### Natural deities

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Further information: Divinity of winds (Shang dynasty)

Bronze script for 'Sun'.

Among spirits of nature worshipped by the Shang, the wind (fēng 風) was often mentioned. Winds were associated with the phoenix Fèng 鳳 as well as the four seasons, and controlled by four wind gods of the cardinal directions (fāng 方) corresponding to four types of wind.[41][42][43][c] These four winds as well as responsible deities together represented Dì's cosmic will and carried his authority to affect agriculture. Rituals were conducted to appease the wind gods for their mercy (níngfēng 寧風), as well as to pray for years of successful harvests (dìfēng 禘風).[47][48][49] Although there were wind gods, there were also harmful winds, along with other spirits having the same power both in the ancestral and natural targets of worship.[50]

Worship of nature powers that directly affected agriculture seemed to be vital to the Shang, whose economy heavily depended on this sector.[51] In particular, the possibly female-gendered Earth Power, named Shè 社 or Tǔ 土, was associated with protection from misfortune.[52] This deity might be in some ways related to the Shang's tribal neighbour Tǔfāng 土方, with which the Shang maintained agricultural relationships.[53] The Shang natural cult also included the mountain power Yuè 岳, rains (yǔ 雨), snow (xuě 雪), diseases (jí 疾), locusts (zhōng 螽), and the River Hé 河.[54][55][56][57] Importantly, spirits assigned to these locations were able to wield destructive powers, manifested through events like floods.

Some oracle bone inscriptions refer to gendered spirits of the cardinal directions, namely the Mother of the West (Xīmǔ 西母) and Mother of the East (Dōngmǔ 東母).[58] These spirits were clearly identified as recipients of sacrifices, of which examples were yellow oxen and dark dogs. Although some identified these two spirits with the Sun and Moon, others claim that they were more likely to be spirits associated with directions and were therefore earthly deities.[59] The worship of such mother-earth spirits might have originated from agricultural cults and representation of fertility goddesses.[59] It is also the case that the Shang worshipped non-gender spirits such as the East, the West and the South.[60]

It has been realized that several spirits of the natural world were treated in a similar manner as were the ancestral deities. Such spirits were Yuè 嶽 and Hé 河, which were the deities of the River and Mountain mentioned above as the two natural gods worshipped regularly. Sacrificial rituals dedicated to these spirits resembled those dedicated to Shang ancestors, and Hé was even occasionally addressed as High Ancestor (gāozǔ 高祖). Such identification makes it difficult to modern scholars to clearly differentiate between the natural and ancestral sections of the Shang cultic pantheon.[61]

### Ancestral powers

[edit]

Main article: Shang ancestral deification

Wu Ding was a devoted adherent of the religion. Graph for Shang Jia.[62]

The Shang dynasty established a complex ancestral cult.[d] They identified six predynastic ancestral spirits which include Shang Jia 上甲, Bao Yi 報乙, Bao Bing 報丙, Bao Ding 報丁, Shi Ren 示壬, Shi Gui 示癸, and a dynastic line starting from Shi Gui's child Da Yi and progressing to the last king Di Xin.[64] These spirits seemed to influence the reigning king, such as causing illness, or even influencing dreams as shown in a bone inscription in which Da Jia was addressed as the cause of the king's nightmare.[65][66] It was to these spirits that the king dedicated rituals for the sake of his own personal issues. However, the ancestors' power was not limited to this alone; rather, the earlier the time frame of the ancestors, the greater their impact on the state. Shang Jia and the five other leaders of the Predynastic Shang were addressed the Six Spirits, the beings who influenced the weather and harvests.[67]

Ancestresses were also revered, especially consorts of main-line kings or mothers of kings.[68] Oracle bone inscriptions mention some of the most important female Shang ancestors, who were grand royal consorts of the kings, and inquiries to whom illustrate beliefs in their spiritual role. They were perceived as being unfriendly and angry on some occasions, and after such divinations they received offerings.[69] However, ancestresses were still not as revered as male ancestors, because of the fact that their jurisdiction was only upon human reproduction, together with Shang rituals being five times more focused on male rather than female spirits.[70] Some notable names in oracle bone divinations were Bi Ji 妣己, Bi Geng 妣庚, Bi Bing 妣丙, and most prominently Fu Hao 婦好 who was referred to by her posthumous names Mu Xin 母辛 ('Mother Xin') and Bi Xin 妣辛 ('Ancestress Xin').[71]

There were several mysterious spirits addressed as ancestors, whose identity has not been fully comprehended. There were 'former lords' (先公; xiāngōng) like Wang Hai 王亥 and Nao 獶, whose names are pictographic characters.[72] There were also similar individuals revered along ancestors, such as Yi Yin, his perceived consort Yi Shi, and Mo Xi.[61][50][73] Deities such as Yi Yin seemed to command rains and assure good harvests.[74] Some later appeared in Chinese classical literature as figures of traditional Chinese history.[75][76]

### Cosmology

[edit]

The Shang believed in the divinity of an area surrounding the Ecliptic Pole, featuring the squared graph 口 mapped by four stars surrounding the pole at the time of the Shang dynasty. In Shang script, 口 denoted the modern stem dīng, possibly through oral expressions, and was related to Shang lineal descent.[77]

#### Taotie faces

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Main article: Taotie

A taotie on 12th century BC Shang ritual vessel. Late Shang bronze lei with turquoise taotie motif.

The taotie 饕餮, which featured regularly on historical Chinese cultural artefacts, was present during the Shang dynasty.[78][e] The Shang taotie motif depicts spirits through representation of animals, a tradition similar to earlier cultures like Yangshao and Liangzhu.[80][81][82] Several interpretation of the specific meaning of taotie to the Shang have been given.[83] While some speculate the taotie motif to have conveyed no meaning to the Shang rather than serving for decorative purposes, most of the evidences point out that this was indeed a centrally religious aspect.[84][85] Scholars claimed that since the taotie appears on Shang ritual vessels and ceremonial axes, it was not carved for decorations.[86] These faces all bear strong resemblances with the polar area concerned in Shang cosmology. Specifically, the Shang taotie features nasal ridges surrounded by dots, a similarity to the ecliptic pole and its adjacent stars. John C. Didier asserted that these similarities indicate that the depicted figures were divine spirits with crucial importance to the Shang people.[87]

#### Shàngdì and Xiàdì

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Further information: Shang-Zhou theology

Graph for "Shàngdì". Tiān with the square.

The Shang dynasty believed that Dì was bipolar, that is, he was divided into two counterparts, of which Shàngdì was the superior representation. Shàngdì, as Dì's component, was a manifestation of ancestors through the polar square.[88] In other words, the counterpart Shàngdì was housed by the squared northern pole.[88] Also in Shang beliefs, indicated by oracle bones, this squared polar area on the sky, containing the god's cosmic divinity, was composed of main-lineage ancestral spirits through the generic name Shàngdì, representing Dì's will to act favourably towards humans.[89] Already in oracle bone script, there are two frequent characters depicting Shàngdì, one features the squared shape at its centre, and the other has two horizontal parallel lines, which in turn was associated with heavenly divinity and thus to the square itself.[90]

> 口未卜賓貞今日侑于口六月
> Crack-making on dīngwèi day (day 44), Bin divining: This day we perform the yòu ritual to 口, sixth month.

Divination regarding 口, which was the same as Shàngdì and Shang Jia.[91]

Conversely, the Shang believed that Shàngdì, as Dì's superior component, possessed a negative counterpart associated with 'earth'.[92] Many character versions depict the earthly counterpart of Shàngdì 上帝, named Xiàdì 下帝, composed of adopted deities and opposing people, and represented Dì's negative actions towards the human realm.[93] For example, one of Shang's long-term opponent, the Tǔfāng ('Earth Territory'), seemed to have been seen as a part of Xiàdì themselves. Therefore, Dì was believed to be both Shàngdì - heaven and positive - and Xiàdì - earth and negative, with the latter still being able to influence earthly matters that bear upon the Shang despite the efforts to make Shàngdì dominate Dì.[88] These matters might include those that were adverse actions, to the degree of disasters upon the Shang.

### Bird totem

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In Shang beliefs, there exists a "bird" belief which is a synthesis of both natural and ancestral elements. The names of several Shang ancestral and semi-ancestral spirits such as Wang Hai and Kui embody a bird symbol that seems to have been held sacred by the Shang people. Some academics claim that this "bird" belief was related to the Shang founding myth in the later traditional history as described by Chinese classical texts; the myth itself tells that the Shang progenitor Xie 偰 was born after his mother stepped on a mysterious dark bird's footprint.[23] Some argue that this bird was a totem, a symbol in Shang perception, and some others attempted to trace the origins of this particular religious image.[94][95]

## Practices

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The Shang dynasty's religion centered on systematic rituals that influenced traditional Chinese rites. Main Shang rituals include divination, liturgical sacrifices, invoking prayers, and funerals. There was also an "archery ritual" as Li Feng terms it, demonstrated in an inscribed bronze turtle rewarded by the Shang king to an individual named Zuòcè Bān 作冊般.[96] Oracle bones also reveal spiritual rituals such as holocaust, ale libation, and the Great Exorcism.[97][98] Often, the Shang people performed with ritual music and dances in religious sanctuaries.

### Divination

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Main articles: Oracle bone and Oracle bone script

Ox scapula recording divinations during the reign of the king Wu Ding.[99][100][101]

Divination was one of the most important aspects of the Shang religion, directed at gods who exercised power over human actions, and being argued to be a means of acquiring answers not from direct but indirect communication with spirits.[102][103] Oracle bones, which consist of ox scapulae, tortoise plastrons, and carapaces, were the main materials for divinatory documents.[104][f] The oldest bone texts were radiocarbon dated to c. 1250 BCE, belonging to Wu Ding's reign.[g] The king and his court wrote about various topics, including warfare, agricultural successes, personal well-being, sacrifices, and weather, using the calendar for arranging days on oracle bones.[105][7][106][h][i] Assigned a very frequent task, ritualist groups conducted their divinations in various situations, such as in temples or while hunting.[108] Writers inscribed inquiries on the bones, then heated the bones and interpreted bone cracks. Inquiries (or "charges") contain particles implying desired preferences, and some contain more detailed information such as verification.[109] On some occasions, the king and his scribes may prognosticate upcoming days thought to be "unanimous".[110][111]

> 丁丑卜，暊貞：其示(?)宗門，告帝甲暨帝丁，受左

> "Divined on dīngchǒu day, Fu tested: When handing over [unstated object] (at) the gate of Ancestral Temple, making announcement to Dì Jiǎ together with Dì Dīng will receive disapproval."

Divination during Geng Ding's rule.[112]

Many Shang divinations were concerned with warfare. It was characterized by numerous military expeditions to all directions, for example to Guǐfāng 鬼方.[113] Regional governors, who had their local commoners serving as military conscripts, were required to prepare to assist the royal army in combat,[114] and divinations were made to determine such chiefs suitable for action, mobilization of the army, as well as their responsibilities in battle. Numbers mattered, as the Shang inquired about the sufficient number of soldiers and the number of captives they could obtain. Aside from these, there are certain divinations about outside attacks, although none of them appeared during Yinxu Period V when the Shang had established control over a small, stable area.[115]

Additionally, divinations were carried out to determine suitable days for public works and royal commissions. Such examples were walling cities, which was important to defend the area's urban centers from foreign invasions, and giving orders to civil officers who monitored economic activities ranging from opening new lands to supervising peasants and directing craftsmen.[116]

It has been recognized that there are divinations not made on behalf of the king, and that the aristocracy could have groups of diviners called fēiwáng bǔcí 非王卜辭.[117][118] A relative of Wu Ding, whose oracle bones were discovered in modern-day Huayuanzhuang East, made divinations on affairs happening in his estate.[119][j] This individual's bones numbered up to 537, containing personal divinations and bone receipt records.[120][121] The patron seemed to divine about various topics, of which the most frequent are constructing temples in his estate, relations with Wu Ding and the royal family, internal issues happening in his own land, or warfare-related affairs.[119] Modern counts show that the prince honoured more than 20 royal ancestors in his inscriptions.[122]

### Liturgical sacrifices

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The Shang religion is a typical example of a sacrificial system, in which violence was ritualized, and which was aimed at obtaining divine appeasement.[123][124] The demand for such sacrificial materials spurred technological innovations for late Shang society.[125]

The Hòumǔwù dǐng, a cauldron devoted to Fu Jing.

The sacrifices that were not living beings were mainly bones, stones and bronze. Some of the bone products were shaped into hairpins or arrowheads, and there are instances of ivory found in elite tombs.[126][127] Stone objects such as jade were molded into decorative ritual objects, such as those discovered in the Tomb of Fu Hao.[128][129] Bronzes became prevalent after substantial increases in production around c. 1500 BCE and Wu Ding's ruling time.[130] Offering ceremonies involved bronze vessels with short inscribed characters, such as the dǐng 鼎, the access to which seemed to be an exclusive authority granted to the king and heirs in rituals.[131][132][133] There were also accepted minor materials like ceramics.[134]

Some species of animal, after being hunted, served as offerings, both to the ancestral and supernatural sections of the religion's pantheon.[135] There are four types of animal sacrifice, regarding two criteria.[136] Usually, dogs were sacrificed in a very flexible manner, ranging from being food of ancestors to being their post-mortem attendants.[137][138] It was also common for the Shang to sacrifice domesticated animals. Sheep were intended for a wide range of ancestors, spanning through generations from the progenitor Shang Jia to much nearer ancestors such as Pan Geng 盤庚. Other sacrificed fauna include cattle, goats and pigs.[139] The Shang also sacrificed millet ale and grains alongside animals.[140]

Burial pit in the Tomb of Fu Hao.

The Shang dynasty also practiced human sacrifice, which evidently on a significantly large scale.[140] Human sacrifice was a defining feature of Shang religion, with the degree of practice larger than any other Chinese dynasties. The Shang often sacrifices enemy captives, such as the Qiāng 羌 who were either captured or sent by neighbors as gifts.[141] Except for some prisoners who were spared, the rest, including women, were killed and their remains sacrificed to Shang ancestors.[142] A single sacrifice alone could require hundreds or even thousands killed.[143][144] These victims were subject to different killing methods when offered to different spirits, such as being drowned if the recipient was the River Power, being buried for sacrificing to the Earth Power, being cut into pieces for the wind spirits and being burned to death if it was among the sky powers.[145]

#### Sacrificial terminology

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Reconstruction of a sacrificial pit within the temple zone

Inscriptions contain a rich number of words related to sacrifice. Such lexicon includes xīshēng 犧牲 'animal sacrifice', rénshēng 人牲 'human sacrifice', nǚ 女 'females', qī 妻 'dependent women', and qiè 妾 'servants', all of which referred to subjects of sacrifice.[146] The Shang also sacrificed xiǎochén 小臣, who otherwise served as minor royal officers receiving tax revenues.[147]

Some oracle characters denote terms for general sacrificial methods. Some of these names are dòu 豆 which refers to methods of killing sacrificial humans in bronze vessels, shān 刪 denoting single human sacrifice, or shì 氏 meaning ritualized offering at temples.[148]

#### Liturgical year of sacrifice

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Sacrificial schedules evolved into a liturgical calendar for the first time with the Chu-diviner group inscriptions.[149] A year was sectioned into three periods, filled with five sacrificial rituals: jì 祭, zài 洅, xié 劦, róng 肜, and yì 翌.[150] The first third was to perform jì, zài and xié sacrifices, the second for róng sacrifice, and the last for yì sacrifice. At the beginning of each third, a ceremony honoring all recipients called gōngdiǎn 工典 was held, and in every weekend, priests would make an inscription announcing the sacrifices for the next day.[151][150] Some academics argue that jì was the opening ritual.[150]

A thorough schedule describing late Shang ritual order was inferred from investigation of a series of inscriptions by Huang, a scribe living during the reign of the last three kings.[152] During this period, the Shang's planned sacrifices evolved into a revolution of 36 ten-day weeks (xún 旬), of which 35 were for the five sacrifices, which commenced after opening rituals, and the last one was for preparation of a new offering cycle.[151] Therefore, a full cycle approximated a solar year, and was sometimes used as a term for a year itself. In fact, this terminology was even occasionally employed as a more secular calendar, as in this excerpt from a Late Shang bronze inscription:[153]

> 隹王來征人方隹王十祀又五肜日
> It was when the king returned from marching to regulate the Rénfāng; it was the king's fifteenth ritual cycle, (the time of) the róng-day rituals.

> — Xiao Chen Yu zūn

From recording texts of diviners Chu and Huang (living at different periods), rules of choosing daily recipients have also been projected. Aside from the rule that ancestral spirits would receive offerings on days based on their posthumous names, there were also other ones which regulate rituals throughout the later reigns.[154] Due to the fall of Shang, the last two kings did not receive sacrifices after death.[155]

### Shamanism

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Main article: Wu (shaman)

Inscriptions on Shang oracle bones suggest a complicated religious system which communicated with the spiritual world via 'hosting' (bīn 賓).[156] This type of communication, as some scholars point out, can be interpreted as communication "without direct encounter".[157] Other interpreters of Shang ritual bronzes, such as K.C. Chang, assert that this perception is not satisfactory, and that the Shang dynasty's religion must have embraced shamanism.[158]

Oracle bone script features an ancient form of the wū 巫, who seemed to function as a medium between humans and spirits by prayers and astrology, and who was was worshipped post-mortem together with other Shang spirits.[159][160] Nevertheless, the roles of wū during the Shang dynasty is yet to be fully clarified.[161] It is uncertain whether the Shang wū actually referred to shamans, who get into altered states of consciousness, or to another kind of practitioners who used other means to communicate with the spirits. Evidence suggests that the wū could reasonably come from non-Shang peoples, and sinologist Victor H. Mair supported the view that the wū itself was indirectly connected to that of Western Asia.[162][163] He examined archaeological and linguistic evidences, and concluded that the Shang wū was etymologically and culturally related to the Zoroastrian maguš,[k] denoting priests that communicated with spirits through rituals and manipulative arts rather than shamanic characteristics like trance and mediation. David Keightley also disagreed with the interpretation of the Shang wū as 'shaman'.[164]

### Funerary practices

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Plan of the Xibeigang royal cemetery, showing major tombs (blue) and sacrificial pits (grey).

The largest place for the afterlife lay in the Royal Cemetery, located in what is now Xibeigang 西北岡, Anyang, serving as the resting place for the elites, and was split into two directional zones probably to serve Wu Ding's own political purposes.[165] The king would be buried in a wooden chamber, surrounded with animals, servants (as much as 400) and bronze products such as vessels and weapons.[166][167] Several tombs also served for the purpose of rites, and were topped by ancestral shrines.[168] The Shang king was the organizer of burials and funerals which came with them, as when Wu Ding held ceremonies for burial of his father Xiao Yi 小乙 and his son Zu Ji 祖己.[165]

The number of tombs in Xibeigang reveals nine kings whose reign at Yin constituted the late Shang period, but only eight tombs were complete.[169] Extensive studies reveal that these tombs were intended to built in a complex manner, which indicates the buried individuals' relations to one another.[170] Studying the cemetery's overall structure, scholars also pointed out that tomb positions harmoniously matched the northern celestial pole, which housed Shang ancestors in the form of Shàngdì.[171]

The Shang site of Subutun features a four-ramped tomb which was the only one of that type discovered outside the Shang capital, and might house either a local rival or a favorite of the Shang king.[172] Another site at Tianhu features Late Shang traditions mixed with indigenous cultures, and might have been the lineage cemetery of a Shang local leader.[173]

### Posthumous naming

[edit]

Further information: Posthumous name

Table of stems inscribed on an ox scapula, from the reigns of the last two kings of the Shang dynasty during the first half of the 11th century BC.[174]

Aside from the supernatural beings, the ancestors of the Shang kings were also revered. Those included both dynastic and pre-dynastic ancestral individuals, who were given posthumous names, based on a structured system of typically utilizing calendrical names for days.[175][176] There were 10 weekdays whose names were used for ancestors: jiǎ 甲, yǐ 乙, bǐng 丙, dīng 丁, wù 戊, jǐ 己, gēng 庚, xīn 辛, rén 壬, and guǐ 癸.[177] There is no comprehensive explanation as to why the calendar was used for naming ancestors.[178]

Scholars have inferred rules that could influence the kings' posthumous names, such as naming after first day of inaugural year, restraint from naming guǐ for dynastic spirits, and avoiding the same name as the previous king.[179] Royal consorts of the Shang kings were given stem names not compliant with rules as for the kings.

Posthumous names of some kings might be related to Shang cosmology, especially name with stems jiǎ, dīng and yǐ, which were probably projections of the celestial square.[180] By being referred to by such stems, the spirits became perceived as powerful gods whose will significantly affected the living realm.[180]

Some prefix indicates the addressed subject's familial relationship with the reigning ruler, and often with a much broader sense than their modern meanings:[181]

1. Relatives who were two or more generations before the incumbent ruler would be referred to as zǔ 祖 ('grandfather', 'great uncle') and bǐ 妣 ('grandmother', 'great aunt').
2. Fù 父 ('father', 'uncle') and mǔ 母 ('mother', 'aunt') were used for spirits of the previous generation.
3. Only the graph for males of the same generation is found, which is xiōng 兄, ('older brother', 'cousin').
4. The Shang referred to spouses of the reigning king as fù 婦.[182]
5. The king's sons and nephews were referred to as zǐ 子. The word is sometimes understood as a surname, while some understand it as a designation of the eldest son who led a family.[183]

### Temples and altars

[edit]

Burial pits of bones at a Shang sanctuary.Mount Song, most likely the Shang dynasty's mountain god Yuè 岳.

The ritual center of the Shang lay on a hill separated by the Huan River, and was refurbished throughout the course of the late Shang state.[184] The condition of the excavated site does not allow a definitive layout to be made.[185] Nevertheless, modern studies agree on some points, that the central area of the center was the major locus of ritual sacrifices, called Yǐ 乙, while the southern one houses small ritual buildings.[186] Inscriptions refer to ritual buildings (zōng 宗) as generally consisted of elevated halls (táng 堂), a courtyard (tíng 庭) and a gate (mén 門).[187] The Shang graph for a temple shows that it possibly contains spirit tablets, although no such tablets have ever been unequivocally attested.[188] Some names that the Shang used to specifically refer to ritual buildings may be related to the celestial square, as those graphs usually embody the squared graph in them.[189]

In the case of the central Yǐ complex, the major ritual locus of the Shang, those parts are all separated from the residential buildings.[190] This complex began with a large entrance with matching towers, which indirectly connected with a central bridge, which in turn led to a reception hall with six stairways.[191] Behind it lay a pair of colonnaded halls with nine rooms, together with a large platform on which the ritual focus, an open-air pyramidal altar with a higher altitude than any other parts, was located.[191] The southern buildings seemed to be smaller projections of the Yǐ design, with a ratio of one to ten.[192] Besides, the Shang also constructed columned halls without walls on top of royal burials, such as the temple of Fu Hao, which was built upon her tomb.[168]

Exclusive access to religious buildings were granted for the royal family and ritualist groups. Pictographs suggest that the king routinely prayed in temples, in a posture of kneeling with his hands holding ritual objects.[193] Inscriptions indicate that the Shang also announced to spirits with written ritual reports in temples.[194][112] Outdoor altars, not housed within roof structures, seemed to be reserved for only two purposes. These include serving as the beng 祊 altar, where the Shang performed sacrifices and worshipped spirits of nature, and serving as the earthen altar for the Earth Power (社).[195] The five cyclical sacrifices were often performed to ancestors at the buildings topping their tombs, which the Shang often referred to.[168]

### Practitioners

[edit]

Main article: Shang dynasty religious practitioners

Shang character for 'dancer'.

The Shang king was seen as the religious apex, actively involving himself in communication with the pantheon's gods by praying, divining and hosting rituals in order to assure that the spirits would give him guidance. The Shang court had priests for assisting the king, divided into specialized groups, despite not being bureaucratic as conventionally described.[196] These groups typically include:[197][198]

1. Diviners (duōbǔ 多卜), supervised by a chief diviner (guānzhàn 官占). They worked with shamans (wū 巫). Many were named on bones.[111]
2. Astronomers (xī 羲, hé 和) and astrologers (shǐ 史), tasked with determining days and months. They also made observations of Mars and many comets, a notable feat.[199]
3. Dancers (wǔ 舞), and music directors (gǔ 瞽). As inscriptions show, they danced holding oxtails. Some academics linked the dance wǔ 舞 to the wū 巫.[200]
4. Liturgists (zhù 祝), who appeared several times in inscriptions.

It seemed that religious professions of the Shang might be acquired through forms of schooling.[201] Texts written by Wu Ding's scribal officials contain the word 學 'to learn' which can come with a ritual name to imply a course of ritual education for people.[202] In addition, there are inscriptions that seem to be used for teaching, described by Guo Moruo as "finely written and orderly, as though engraved by a teacher (xiānshēng 先生) to serve as a model (fànbĕn 範本)".[203] However, some academics rule out that possibility, claiming that those inscriptions were for engraving practice.[204] Other suggestions have been proposed.[205] It is also generally believed that the Shang might have institutionalized training locations for religious teaching.[206]

### Regional practices

[edit]

Further information: Shang dynasty religious practitioners

The Shang state was composed of the capital region, Dàyì Shāng 大邑商 (Yinxu), and extended areas administered by royal family members. Regions outside of the Shang territory were also culturally influenced. Evidence, though not as plentiful as that in Yinxu, suggest the presence of Shang religion in those lands.

Four pieces of oracle bone were discovered in Zhengzhou, a site located 200 kilometers south of Yinxu, and were found to contain short inscriptions possibly made during Wu Ding's reign.[207] A turtle plastron was unearthed in Daxinzhuang, Shandong, containing some divinatory inscriptions which bear similarities to Wu Ding's diviner groups.[208] Hundreds of bones with inscriptions have been unearthed from the site of Zhōuyuán 周原, the homeland of the Zhou dynasty. These were probably produced during the last two reigns of the Shang and the early years of Western Zhou.[209][210] Though, scholars still disagree about the nature of these divinations.[211]

Shang ritual bronzes from outside lands seem to display both Shang and local characteristics, such as those collected from Hanzhong, Shaanxi.[212]

It is believed that common people during this period played a role in religious activities. There are possibilities that the populace might have participated in seasonal festivals and sacrificial offerings, and they might as well have been involved in religious activities carried out by regional lords. At the Shang village of Guandimiao, oracle bones and tombs nearly identical to those of Anyang have been excavated, offering evidence for common rural practice of the Shang religion.[213]

A portion of inscriptions were made by the prince possessing the Huayuanzhuang oracle bones in Róng 戎, a Shang-conquered region and his residence with religious institutions parallel with the royal cult. He ordered an ancestral temple with spirit tablets to be built there, and made sacrifices with both local and imported materials.[214] This prince also authorized several relatives to participate in sacrifices, ale libations, and musical rituals.[215] Some of Wu Ding's divinations refer to Zǐ 子, which was a fāng 方 territory protected by the Shang state, and which was sometimes sanctioned to practice Shang sacrifices.[216]

## Political influence on the Shang state

[edit]

### Kingship and sovereignty

[edit]

Oracle bone script for Kui 夔.

The Shang kings maintained rule over their land by conferring power upon local leaders under their direct or indirect control.[l] In some cases the leaders were royal relatives who together with the king ruled the Shang state, but in other situations, they were only outside allies, hence making their relations with the Shang state unstable.[m] The Shang kings' ability to control these lords under their sway, arguably, resulted from the spirits whom the kings worshipped.

Scholars have studied Kui 夔, a mysterious deity, and presented a theory suggesting that Kui's cult was the result of incorporating other beliefs.[217] According to this, spirits worshipped by submitted polities were adopted into the Shang pantheon and worshipped with Shang spirits. The king's role helped him consolidate influence over newly annexed polities.[218]

The nature of kingship was also derived from the deified beings. Ancestors such as Shang Jia, and generally the Six Spirits, had great influences over important national affairs and wielded considerable power like universal deities. The Shang kings, as direct descendants of these deities could be considered, and claimed to be, living deities on earth.{{efn|Ancestors bearing names which resemble the Celestial Square were probably spirits of cosmic divinity.[219]

### Masculinity

[edit]

Shang character for Zǐ (son, lord). The squared component at the top indicates that the male child held significant power and spiritual superiority.[220]

> "Crack-making on jiăshēn day, Que divined: Fu Hao will give birth; it will be favorable. The King prognosticated saying: if she gives birth on a gēng day it will be very auspicious. [Verification] After thirty-one days, on day jiăyín, she gave birth. It was not favorable; it was a girl.

Divination by Que, during Wu Ding's reign.[221]

The system furthermore affected the continuation of Shang kingship. Although the Shang tradition allowed female individuals to participate in government, it was still a patriarchal society, in which influences of male ancestors overwhelmed that of their feminine counterparts in scale.[222] The person responsible for functioning as head of the clan and head of religious practice had to be a male, who would carry the royal title Zǐ 子 and pass it to subsequent generations. As such, conception of male children was considered a serious matter by the Shang dynasty, which expensed a considerable of divinations on this aspect. It is observed that ancestral intervention played a role in deciding the children's gender, although oracle bones show that the Shang also considered the birthday to be related to gender formation. This may be demonstrated through the conception of Fu Hao, which was of interest to Wu Ding; during her pregnancy, diviners carried out careful divinations predicting the her baby's birthday, with a verification on the event of giving birth.[223]

## History

[edit]

See also: History of religion in China

### Precursors

[edit]

Further information: Yangshao culture, Longshan culture, and Erlitou culture

The Longshan culture.

Before the dawn of organized states in China, the area was inhabited by various tribal confederations, which in many cases shared a common belief in the spiritual world.[n] These culture practiced its own system of beliefs, usually integrating elements similar to those of shamanism.[225] The spirits were thought to possess divine powers, being able to intervene in and dictate the living matters. That led to the necessity of direct communication with the spirits, through a variety of methods ranging from prayers, grave goods to divination and animal sacrifice.[226] Also in many regions of China, Neolithic cultures had utilized bony materials from animals for pyromantic divination, namely scapulae from cattle, sheep, pigs and deer.[227]

In the Zhou dynasty's historical narrative, the tradition of honoring and venerating deities had already been existent during the Shang's predecessor Xia dynasty (c. 2070 - 1600 BCE).[228][o] The Book of Documents also mentions the Shang high god Shàngdì receiving annual sacrifices by Emperor Shun, even before the Xia dynasty.[233] Although these periods are often considered mythical, their corresponding site of Erlitou (c. 2100 - 1500 BCE) offers evidence of bronze-using religious activities that were later adopted and developed by the Shang dynasty, such as temples, divination and sacrifice.

### Shang dynasty

[edit]

Further information: Shang dynasty

Shang bronze masks made during the 16th - 14th century BC.

The Shang dynasty's religion inherited the characteristics of its predecessors. Its beliefs, rituals of sacrifices and funerals bore resemblances with those of prehistoric beliefs. Early Shang kings created bureaucratic positions for religious practice, which were later diversified. These practices did not seem to be confined to the capital city despite limited evidence, as in the case of the inscribed bone in Daxinzhuang that have multiple divination texts.[234] However, little evidence indicates pre-late Shang religious writing.[235]

During the late Shang period (1250 - 1046 BCE), the religion achieved its mature status. Many kings of the late Shang were deeply religious and actively involved themselves in those matters. Some monarchs made sacrificial reforms, such as Wu Ding, whose reforms were documented in the Shangshu (Book of Documents), and Zu Jia, who was indicated by oracle bones to have initiated reforms.[236][237] The reforms of Zu Jia was a thorough ritual schedule that Edward Shaughnessy described as "rigidly conservative" and a "reflection on the great constriction of the Shang kingdom".[238] In the twentieth century, sinologists also noticed a deviation from old diviner styles accepted by the end of the Shang that was a product of the reforms.[239]

By the later periods of the era, the nature of Shang religious activities had changed. The High God Dì and nature spirits frequently appeared in divinations during Wu Ding's reign, but rarely mentioned during the last reigns when ancestors became dominant.[240][241] These later divinations tended to be optimistic and not likely to request actions from ancestors, which probably shows that the Shang changed their beliefs about ancestral powers and the ability of the living to influence these spirits.[242] At the same time, worship of ancestors became more systematized, and a new sacrificial system may have been employed.[243][241]

The late Shang state showed cultural interactions with other cultures in China proper. In most cases, religious influences of the Shang dynasty left an impact on its vassal states. For example, the state of Dapeng also practiced human sacrifice and included the Earth Power Shè 社 (or Tǔ 土) in the Shang pantheon into their list of worshipped deities.[244][245] From the 1200s BCE onward, religious influence of the Shang reached its largest vassal state Zhou. The polity embraced Shang theology into its beliefs, and the Shang also likely included Zhou dead ancestors into the collective Dì godhead as well.[246]

### Continuation during the Zhou dynasty

[edit]

Further information: Religion of the Predynastic and Western Zhou

In 1046 BCE, the Shang dynasty under the regime of Di Xin collapsed and was replaced by the victorious Zhou dynasty, which used the practices of Shang religion to explain his fall. Western Zhou literature denounces the last kings not only for licentiousness and drunkenness but also for their purported ignorance of ancestor worship.[247][248][p] However, the Zhou simultaneously adopted many Shang traditions to ensure legitimacy.[250]

#### Calendar

[edit]

Further information: Sexagenary cycle

The Shang liturgical calendar was adopted by the Zhou,[q] although it is uncertain whether the Zhou court reset the day counting after the dynasty's establishment.[252][253] The Shang name for the count of years, sì 祀, was replaced by the Zhou term nián 年 which originally meant "harvest" but whose meaning was altered.[254] The calendar was greatly revised through the regime's eight centuries of existence, and the diversification of its use took place during the Warring States period when cultural distinctions became more apparent.[255] Regardless of those changes, the sexagenary cycle central to the calendar remained the exclusive means of day counting throughout the entire period.[254] The Zhou monarchs invented different terminologies and separated methods for their own ancestors' veneration.[252] A new system for posthumous naming dead relatives was devised, based on the virtues of rulers; still, some people during the early Zhou used the old tradition, including exceptional Zhou kings.[252]

#### Worshipped deities

[edit]

Further information: Chinese folk religion and Chinese gods and immortals

The head of the Shang pantheon, Dì, became assimilated and identified with Heaven (Tiān 天) of the Zhou dynasty, while still keeping its separate identity in early Zhou times. Through time, the original figure and the Shang-attributed powers of Dì was forgotten, since Heaven was more philosophically complicated and was associated with more terminology as well as legendary tales. But overall, Tiān still recalled Dì's meaning as a driving force of the kings' reigns: the Mandate of Heaven, invented by the Zhou dynasty, was the key concept which enabled the Zhou rulers to claim legitimacy over the human realm.[256] Dì was identified with the Jade Emperor by practitioners of Taoism; also possibly, Shang natural spirits became molded into the Jade Emperor's subordinates. During imperial Chinese dynasties, the tradition of "Sacrifice to Heaven" became popular, and Shàngdì was made the main recipient of the event's sacrifices. In 221 BCE, when Qin Shi Huang created the title Emperor for himself, he combined Dì with the character Huáng 皇 ('august') to obtain the term.[257]

The early Western Zhou kept the Shang tradition of inscribing, on oracle bones, inquiries to Shang ancestral deities, such as Di Yi 帝乙, as their former status was a state recognizing Shang suzerainty, and as a result of Di Yi's connection to the Zhou royal family as King Wen of Zhou's brother-in-law.[258]

Annual Sacrifice to Heaven in honour of the Highest Deity the Heavenly Ruler (皇天上帝 Huángtiān Shàngdì) is held at the Temple of Heaven in Beijing. State pomp and a variety of Confucian religious groups have contributed in the reviving of worship of the Highest Deity in the 2000s.

#### Other practices

[edit]

Further information: I Ching, Book of Rites, and Rites of Zhou

There is evidence that religious activities of the state of Chu during the Eastern Zhou were related to the Shang religion, due to similarities between their artistic motifs. Mass human sacrifices practiced by Shang was critically reduced, though still employed.[259] Oracle bones gradually ceased to be inscribed once the Zhou dynasty began, and the regime compiled a new way of divination and prediction, the I Ching 易經, written between the 10th and 9th century BC.[260] The populace in later dynasties practiced different funeral and sacrificial traditions, mainly due to the influence of Confucianism, Taoism, and other currents; however, there were still some parallels between the two dynasties regarding sacrifices.[95] The role of women in religion notably changed after Shang.

### Legacy

[edit]

Main articles: Chinese ritual bronzes, Ritual and music system, and Sexagenary cycle

The Chinese calendar for 2014. Each day has a sexagenary sign.

The Shang high god Dì remained to the present day through his heavenly component Shàngdì, who is still worshipped in countries of the Sinosphere. The word Shàngdì is sometimes used to denote the Christian God, and the Jade Emperor.[r][261]

Traditional festivals in China, Vietnam and other influenced countries make use of the sexagenary cycle.[262] The lunar calendar's organization of days names the years, months,[263][s] days and even hours after the 10 Heavenly Stems and 12 Earthly Branches. There are various folk tales attributed to this calendrical system, many of which appeared much later.

The Shang rituals left behind a great literate heritage which contributes to modern understandings about its religion, shown extensively through oracle bone writings.[5] Besides, bronze vessels produced by the Shang dynasty constitute greatly to the cultural heritage of ancient Chinese civilization. Additionally, they also include bronze inscriptions, one of the first two written forms of Chinese, providing insights into epigraphic studies of the language.

## Mentions in later accounts

[edit]

According to Ruth H. Chang, the Duke of Zhou 周公, after assuming regency, started to assimilate the Shang dynasty's religion into Zhou ideologies, in a campaign to culturally unite the Zhou and Shang peoples under one royal rule. Chang proposed that since the Shang had believed in the divine supports for their kings, they would have accepted the notion of Zhou's Heaven.[264]

Although later Chinese beliefs were influenced by the Shang religion, many features such as the calendar and the worship of spirits were attributed to earlier periods than the Shang which was thought as a continuation of those traditions. Dynasties such as the Zhou and Han attempted to understand Shang religion by poetry and anecdotes.

### Zhou dynasty

[edit]

During the Western Zhou period, the perception of Dì and Shàngdì, as presented, was mixed with that of Tiān. Already in the very earliest years of Zhou, Dì had been seen as accompanied by Zhou ancestors. During king Wu's reign (1046 - 1043 BCE), Zhou officers inscribed on a tureen about King Wen of Zhou 周文王 assisting Dì on high.[t][265][266] Dì and Tiān were used interchangeably in the same inscriptional contexts. For example, King Li of Zhou (reigned 857 - 842 BCE), [267] commented on the power of Shàngdì:

> The king said: I am but a small child, yet unstintingly day and night, I act in harmony with the former kings to be worthy of august Tian .... [I] make this sacrificial food vessel, this precious kuei-vessel, to succor those august paradigms, my brilliant ancestors. May it draw down the spirits of those exemplary men of old, who now render service at the court of Di and carry forth the magnificent mandate of august Di...

> — King Li of Zhou's writings on the Fū guǐ 㝬簋 tureen (9th century BC).[268]

Some important Chinese classical texts composed during the Zhou dynasty critically presents the Zhou's interpretation of various Shang religious practices. For example, the Book of Documents points out the importance of ancestral reverence to the Shang rulers, in that ancestral spirits exercised great authority over the living, as it describes Pan Geng perspicaciously believing in the powers of the Shang high ancestor Tang to send down calamities on unworthy men. Additionally, this text highlights Shang divination by shells and bones, by referring to alleged events such as Pan Geng emphasizing on his officers who did not 'presumptuously oppose the decision of the tortoise shell'.[269] However, the Zhou writers also seemed to focus on criticizing the lavish lifestyle and ignorance of the late Shang kings, and Western Zhou works do not mention Shang human sacrifices as well as female Shang deities, both playing significant roles during the Shang.[270][271]

Some Zhou people also mentioned the lack of available Shang religious texts, which caused inadequate understanding of their rituals. Confucius, in particular, asserted that the documents preserved by the Shang dynasty's royal members in Song were not enough for him for an extensive comprehension of the ancient ceremonial codes.[272]

### Han dynasty

[edit]

Historian Sima Qian.

Han dynasty historian Sima Qian, writing 1,000 years after the Shang dynasty's collapse, delved into its religion. He claimed that the Shang people were marked by their utmost devotion to divination and sacrifices, and had decayed from the mark of piety into a state of superstition, which Burton Watson considered substantiated claims that resonate with evidence collected from modern archaeology.[273] He also described Shang alleged shamans like Wuxian, as well as ministers Fu Yue and Yi Zhi, who were possibly men with shamanic capabilities.[274] Sima Qian went on to describe the sacrificial rituals of the Shang dynasty, commenting on virtuous kings who emphasized on worshipping high ancestors, and detailing the negative impacts of offending the gods committed by Wu Yi and Di Xin.[275] Sima's posthumous names in terms of both stem and prefix for late Shang kings largely match those given by the Shang inscriptions.[276] However, his descriptions of the Shang religion is not without flaw, as it was colored with characteristics of the Han dynasty during which Sima lived.[277]

By the time of the Han dynasty, the perception of Dì had been significantly altered. While the character retained its meaning as 'High Deity', it was used mainly as a prefix or suffix to add to another word for deifying its meaning. Some examples from Han dynasty texts containing such combinations are Huangdi and Yandi. Nevertheless, the Han dynasty also worshipped a cosmologically associated god titled Shàngdì, whose divinity was similar to that believed by the Shang. In particular, the Han-era Huainanzi, a compilation of debates led by imperial prince Liu An, describes Dì as stretching out "over the four weft-cords of Heaven..." and lying on a polar referential star like in Shang dynasty, the star Kochab (Beta Ursa Minoris).[278] Han texts identify Dì with Tàiyī 太一, the "Great One", who was believed to be worshipped by the early Zhou.[279]

## Notes

[edit]

1. ^ The periodization 1600 to 1046 BCE is given by the Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project.[9] However, many other possible suggestions have been proposed. Most of them place the Shang dynasty's beginning date around 1550 BCE, while deviating the end date for a few years.
2. ^ Zhu Fenghan has challenged the notion that Dì was the Shang supreme god, arguing that this deity was in fact a cosmic spirit newly invented by the Shang.[25]
3. ^ The non-divinatory inscription Heji 14294 gives the names of the four wind gods and winds they command.[44] As shown, the eastern wind god was Xī 析, commanding xié 劦 wind; the western wind god was Yí 彝, commanding wéi 韋 wind; the southern one was Wēi 𡵂, commanding yí 夷 wind; the northern one was Fú 伏, commanding yì 伇 wind.[45][41] Cai Zhemao, in discussing these wind names, argued that they had nomenclatural reasons.[46]
4. ^ It has been argued that the Shang ancestral cult was intended for the ancestors to lead other spirits to act favourably towards the human realm, that is, to "domesticate the spirits and thereby render them controllable".[63]
5. ^ Wang Tao noted that the name taotie was a mere adoption of a later Zhou term for the pattern. He warned that the meaning of the taotie as 'greedy glutton' as now understood was inaccurate.[79]
6. ^ Other materials for pyromancy have also been found. Oracle bones were probably obtained through tributary polities of the Shang kingdom, since the material was not native to its region.
7. ^ Twenty-six oracle bones from the era of Wu Ding have been dated to 1254 - 1197 BCE, with the oldest dated to 1254 - 1221 BCE.[13]
8. ^ Most divinations about weather, agriculture or wars were made by the court of Wu Ding.
9. ^ Many divinations were bǔ xún 卜旬 'divining for the week ahead', in which diviners would predict events for the next ten-day week after the said divination.[107]
10. ^ The Prince of Huayuanzhuang was a son of Wu Ding, indicated in seven different oracle bones, though it is uncertain whether he was born by Fu Hao. Ten other inscriptions also confirm that the Prince's grandmother, or mother of Wu Ding, was consort Gēng of Xiao Yi.
11. ^ Old Chinese reads "wu" as myag (Bernhard Karlgren),mjuo < *mjwaɣ (Zhou Fagao), *mjag (Li Fanggui), mju < *ma (Axel Schuessler).
12. ^ The Shang state was made up of territories administered by the royal family, which the king often referred to as 'our lands'.
13. ^ Regional governors shared benefits with the king by being bestowed rewards, in exchange of investing effort in helping him.
14. ^ Some prehistoric Chinese cultures produced artifacts that bear the "AZ" motif, the ancestor of the Shang's taotie.[224]
15. ^ The second monarch of the Xia dynasty, 啟; Qǐ or 開; Kǎi:,[229] was described as a shamanic intermediary connecting with the supreme deity Shàngdì (上帝).[230][231][232]
16. ^ The Shang incsriptions, however, reveal that the last Shang king was not as religiously ignorant as traditionally described.[249]
17. ^ It is able to demonstrate the geographically distributed nature of the day-name tradition towards the end of the 2nd millennium BC. An example is a cemetery at Gaojiapu, in Shaanxi.[251]
18. ^ Matteo Ricci first coined the term Shàngdì to denote God in Chinese.
19. ^ There are two systems for recording months in this way.
20. ^ Original bronze inscription c. 1046 BCE: 乙亥，王又（有）大丰（豐），王凡三方，王祀于天室，降，天亡又（佑）王，衣祀于王，不（丕）显考文王，事喜上帝，文王德才(在)上，不（丕）显王乍省，不（丕）□(？)王乍庸。不（丕）克气衣王祀，丁丑，王乡（饗），大宜，王降，乍勋爵后□，隹朕又蔑，每（敏）杨王休于尊簋。 Translation by Robert Eno (2012): On the day yi-hai the King conducted a great ceremony. The King set off by boat, sailing in three directions. The king performed a sacrifice at the shrine of Heaven and then descended. Tian Wang aided the King, who then performed a grand sacrifice to the King’s great and brilliant father, King Wen, who pleases with service Di, Lord on High. King Wen looks down from above. With the great and brilliant King surveying above, the great and upright King carried on below and brought to a grand close the sacrifice to his father. On the day ding-chou the King held a banquet with a great meal of meats. The King bestowed upon me, Wang, a vessel of rank... and I was praised. Earnestly do I raise up the grace of the King to my exalted Elder.

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87. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 73–78.
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89. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 214–216, Vol. II.
90. ^ Didier (2009), p. 100, Vol. II.
91. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 187, 213–219, Vol. II.
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95. ^ a b Wang (2000b).
96. ^ Li (2013).
97. ^ Wang (2007), pp. 309–310.
98. ^ Keightley (1998), p. 799.
99. ^ Hu (2009).
100. ^ Liu (2005), p. 123.
101. ^ Ma (2010).
102. ^ Back (2017), p. 2.
103. ^ Keightley (2004).
104. ^ Keightley (1978a), p. 9.
105. ^ Creel (2008).
106. ^ Keightley (1978a), pp. 33–35.
107. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 22.
108. ^ Djamouri (2017), p. 9.
109. ^ Alleton (2012), pp. 177–180.
110. ^ Eno (2010a), pp. 2–3.
111. ^ a b Xu (2002), p. 30.
112. ^ a b Schwartz (2020), p. 55.
113. ^ Keightley (1999), p. 269.
114. ^ Sawyer & Sawyer (1994).
115. ^ Keightley (2012), p. 191.
116. ^ Eno (2010b), p. 9.
117. ^ Wang (2007), p. 317.
118. ^ Schwartz (2020), pp. 3–4.
119. ^ a b Schwartz (2020), p. 6.
120. ^ Schwartz (2020), pp. 9–10.
121. ^ Smith (2008), pp. 262–273.
122. ^ Schwartz (2020), p. 23, n.56.
123. ^ Campbell (2020), p. 6.
124. ^ Chang (2000), p. 1, n.11.
125. ^ Wheatley (1971), p. 73.
126. ^ Shelach-Lavi (2015), p. 216.
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130. ^ Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006).
131. ^ Qiu (2000).
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138. ^ Eno (2010a), p. 7.
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142. ^ Schwermann & Wang (2015), pp. 51–52.
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146. ^ Schwermann & Wang (2015), pp. 50–51, 58–60.
147. ^ Schwermann & Wang (2015), p. 52.
148. ^ Zhao (2011), p. 317-318.
149. ^ Wang (2007), p. 342.
150. ^ a b c Nivison (1999), p. 27.
151. ^ a b Smith (2011a), p. 21.
152. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 20.
153. ^ Keightley (1998), p. 811.
154. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 19.
155. ^ Keightley (1978a), p. 187.
156. ^ Keightley (1998), pp. 802, 807.
157. ^ Eno (2010a), p. 12.
158. ^ Keightley (1999), p. 262.
159. ^ Didier (2009), p. 150, Vol. II.
160. ^ Schwermann & Wang (2015), pp. 65–67.
161. ^ Boileau (2002), pp. 354–356.
162. ^ Mair (1990), pp. 27–47.
163. ^ Schwermann & Wang (2015), p. 81.
164. ^ Keightley (1998), p. 813.
165. ^ a b Mizoguchi & Uchida (2018), pp. 718–722.
166. ^ Rawson et al. (2020), pp. 135–168.
167. ^ Keightley (1999), p. 267.
168. ^ a b c Childs-Johnson (2020), p. 337.
169. ^ Thorp (2006), p. 146.
170. ^ Mizoguchi & Uchida (2018), pp. 716–722.
171. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 86–95, Vol. II.
172. ^ Campbell (2014), pp. 143–144.
173. ^ Li (2018), p. 273.
174. ^ Takashima (2015), pp. 2–4.
175. ^ Smith (2011a), pp. 2, 14.
176. ^ Keightley (1999), p. 245.
177. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 2.
178. ^ Smith (2011a), pp. 14–18.
179. ^ Nivison (1999), p. 14.
180. ^ a b Didier (2009), pp. 226–232, Vol. II.
181. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 8.
182. ^ Keightley (2012), pp. 294–295.
183. ^ Schwartz (2020), p. 25.
184. ^ Childs-Johnson (2020), p. 318.
185. ^ Childs-Johnson, p. 327. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFChilds-Johnson (help)
186. ^ Childs-Johnson (2020), pp. 325–338.
187. ^ Thorp (2006), p. 185.
188. ^ Keightley (1999), pp. 257–258.
189. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 166–220, Vol. II.
190. ^ Childs-Johnson (2020), p. 330.
191. ^ a b Childs-Johnson (2020), pp. 330–331.
192. ^ Childs-Johnson (2020), p. 335.
193. ^ Childs-Johnson (1995), pp. 82–86.
194. ^ Didier (2009), p. 222, Vol. II.
195. ^ Childs-Johnson (2020), pp. 334–335.
196. ^ Childs-Johnson (2019), p. 1.
197. ^ Eno (1990a), p. 209, n.6.
198. ^ Theobald, Ulrich (2018). "Shang Period Government, Administration, Law".
199. ^ Kerr (2013), p. 3.
200. ^ Keightley (1998), p. 765.
201. ^ Smith (2011), pp. 173–175, 180–199.
202. ^ Smith (2011), pp. 178–180.
203. ^ Smith (2011), p. 181.
204. ^ Smith (2011), p. 182.
205. ^ Smith (2011), p. 183.
206. ^ Smith (2011), p. 178.
207. ^ Takashima (2012), pp. 143–160.
208. ^ Takashima (2012), pp. 160–171.
209. ^ Thorp (2006), pp. 244–248.
210. ^ Takashima (2012), p. 141.
211. ^ Takashima (2015), pp. 158–165.
212. ^ Mei, Chen & Cao (2009), p. 1881.
213. ^ Li, Campbell & Hou (2018), pp. 1511–1529.
214. ^ Schwartz (2020), p. 47-48.
215. ^ Schwartz (2020), p. 64.
216. ^ Childs-Johnson (2003), pp. 619–630.
217. ^ Eno (2010b), p. 2.
218. ^ Eno (1990a), p. 209.
219. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 226–232.
220. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 190–191, Vol. II.
221. ^ Wang (2003), p. 3.
222. ^ Schwermann & Wang (2015), p. 51.
223. ^ Eno (2010b), p. 12.
224. ^ Didier (2009), p. 45, Vol. II.
225. ^ Keightley (1998), pp. 774–793.
226. ^ Keightley (1998), p. 789.
227. ^ Keightley (1978a), pp. 3, 6, n.16.
228. ^ Sit (2021), p. 68.
229. ^ Shanhaijing, "Classics of the Great Wastelands: West" 50 quote: "按：夏后開即啟，避漢景帝諱云。" rough translation: "Sidenote: Xia Sovereign Kai is Qi; [so called] to avoid voicing out the name of Emperor Jing of Han."
230. ^ Shanhaijing, "Classics of the Regions Beyond the Seas: West" 4: "大樂之野，夏后啟於此儛九代；乘兩龍，雲蓋三層。左手操翳，右手操環，佩玉璜。在大運山北。一曰大遺之野。
231. ^ Shanhaijing, "Classics of the Great Wastelands: West" 45 "西南海之外，赤水之南，流沙之西，有人珥兩青蛇，乘兩龍，名曰夏后開。開上三嬪于天，得九辯與九歌以下。此天穆之野，高二千仞，開焉得始歌九招。".
232. ^ Strassberg (2002), pp. 50, 168–169, 219.
233. ^ Book of Documents, Book II: Canon of Shun
234. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 6.
235. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 12.
236. ^ 高宗肜日 [Day of the Supplementary Sacrifice of Gaozong]. Shangshu 尚書 [Venerated Documents / Book of Documents / Classic of History] (in Chinese and English). Archived from the original on 2014-04-12. Retrieved 2022-07-17 - via Chinese Text Project.
237. ^ Fernandez-Armesto (2007), p. 84.
238. ^ Shaughnessy (1989), p. 6.
239. ^ Keightley (1998), p. 820.
240. ^ Keightley (1999), p. 261.
241. ^ a b Eno (2008), p. 83.
242. ^ Keightley (1999), pp. 243–245.
243. ^ Wang (2007), p. 364.
244. ^ Higham (2004), p. 276.
245. ^ Kominami (2009), p. 210.
246. ^ Didier (2009), p. 9, Vol. III.
247. ^ Bagley (1999), p. 194. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFBagley1999 (help)
248. ^ Book of Documents, "Book of Zhou - Speech at Mu". quote: Now for Shou, the king of Shang, it is indeed the words of his wife that he follows. He blindly discards the sacrifices he should present and fails to respond [to the blessings he has received from the spirits]. He blindly discards his paternal and maternal uncles who are still alive and fails to employ them [...] bring villainy and treachery upon the City of Shang."
249. ^ Chang (2000), p. 14.
250. ^ Keightley (1999), pp. 290–291.
251. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 11.
252. ^ a b c Smith (2011a), p. 26.
253. ^ Keightley (1977), pp. 267–272.
254. ^ a b Smith (2011a), p. 25.
255. ^ Smith (2011a), p. 27.
256. ^ Chang (2000), pp. 14–15.
257. ^ Wilkinson (2000).
258. ^ Didier (2009), p. 219, Vol. III.
259. ^ Guo (1982), pp. 29–34.
260. ^ Nylan (2008).
261. ^ Stark (2007).
262. ^ For example, the annual Lunar New Year's Eve Chunwan gala has continued to announce the sexagenary term of the upcoming year.
263. ^ 建す. Kōjien. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.
264. ^ Chang (2000), pp. 12–13.
265. ^ Gao (1996), p. 373.
266. ^ Eno (2012), p. 6.
267. ^ Li (2006). sfnp error: no target: CITEREFLi2006 (help)
268. ^ Eno (1990a), pp. 24–25.
269. ^ Legge (1865).
270. ^ Bagley (1999a), p. 194.
271. ^ Keightley (1978b), p. 432. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1978b (help)
272. ^ Sima Qian. "House of Confucius". Records of the Grand Historian.
273. ^ Watson (1958), p. 13.
274. ^ Chang (2000), p. 2.
275. ^ Giles (2005).
276. ^ Keightley (1978a), pp. 97, 204–209.
277. ^ Nienhauser (1994), pp. xix–xx.
278. ^ Chang (2000), p. 20.
279. ^ Didier (2009), pp. 219–248, Vol. III.

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## Further reading

[edit]

* Huang, Zhanyue (1990). Zhongguo gudai de rensheng renxun. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe.
* Keightley, David N. (1978). "The religious commitment: Shang theology and the genesis of Chinese political culture". History of Religion. 17 (3–4): 211–225. doi:10.1086/462791..
* Ken-ichi, Takashima (1980). "The early archaic chinese word "yu" in the Shang oracle-bone inscriptions : word-family, etymology, grammar, semantics and sacrifice". Cahiers de linguistique-Asie orientale (1)..
* Michael, Thomas (2015). "Shamanism Theory and the Early Chinese "Wu"". Journal of the American Academy of Religion. 83 (3): 649–696. doi:10.1093/jaarel/lfv034.

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Oceania|

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South America|

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China articles

History|

| Overviews|

* History
* Timeline
* Historiography
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* Language
* Economic
* before 1912
* 1912–1949
* 1949–present
* Ethnic groups
* Foreign relations
* Dynasties
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|

Prehistoric|

* Paleolithic
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* Yellow River
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* Liao

Ancient|

* Xia
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* Spring and Autumn
* Warring States

Imperial|

* Qin
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* Three Kingdoms
* Wei
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* Jin (266–420)
* Sixteen Kingdoms
* Northern and Southern dynasties
* Sui
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* Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms
* Liao
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* Yuan
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* Century of humiliation
* Taiping Rebellion

Modern|

* 1911 Revolution
* Republic of China
* Chinese Civil War
* Chinese Communist Revolution
* People's Republic of China
* Cultural Revolution
* Tiananmen Square
* Economic reform
* COVID-19
* persecution of Uyghurs

Geography|

* Borders
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| Regions|

* East
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Terrain|

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Water|

* Canals
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Environment|

* Climate change
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Subdivisions|

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Politics|

| Law|

* Judicial system
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Government|

* Civil service
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* One country, two systems

Military|

* Outline of military history
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* Militia
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Economy|

* Agriculture
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* Economic history
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* Foreign aid received
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* Historical GDP
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* Poverty
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Infrastructure|

* Architecture
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* Telecommunications
* Internet
* Water supply and sanitation

Transport|

* Automotive industry
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* Shipping industry
* Space program

Society|

* Abortion
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* Education
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Culture|

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* Variety art
* Major Historical and Cultural Sites
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| Fours of China|

* Four Treasures of the Study
* Four Great Inventions
* Four Gentlemen
* Flowers of the Four Seasons
* Four Beauties
* Four Classic Novels
* Four arts
* Four Symbols
* Four Holy Beasts
* Four Pillars of Destiny
* Four Paragons of the Early Tang
* Four Masters of the Ming dynasty
* Four Masters of the Yuan dynasty
* Four Wangs
* Gang of Four
* Four Olds
* Four Pests campaign

|

Demographics|

* Emigration
* Ethnic groups
* Eunuchs
* Internal migration
* Languages
* Life expectancy
* Statistics
* Population history
* "Post-80s"
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* Urbanization
* Women

Religion|

* Buddhism
* Chinese Buddhism
* Tibetan Buddhism
* Confucianism
* Folk religion
* Christianity
* Catholic Church in China
* Protestantism
* Freedom of religion
* History of religion
* Irreligion
* Islam
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Symbols|

* Anthem
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