Republic of Balochistan

Unrecognized country in Western Asia

This article is about the self-declared country. For the region encompassing areas of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran, see Balochistan. For the provience in Pakistan, see Balochistan, Pakistan. For other uses, see Balochistan (disambiguation).

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Republic of Balochistan

جمہوری جمہوری بلوچستان (Balochi)

د بلوچستان جمهوري جمهوریت (Pashto)

بلاچستان دا جمہوری جمہوریت (Brahui)

Flag of the Republic of Balochistan

Capital| Quetta (provisional)
30°11′00″N 67°00′00″E﻿ / ﻿30.18333°N 67.00000°E﻿ / 30.18333; 67.00000
Largest city by metropolitan area population| Quetta
Official languages| English, Balochi,Hindi
Other languages| Pashto, Brahui, Urdu
Religion

* 99.09% Islam
* 00.91% Others

Demonym(s)| Baloch, Balochistani
Government| Provisional Government-in-Exile

• President (Provisional)

| Mir Yar Baloch

• Prime minister (Provisional)

| Naela Quadri Baloch
Establishment

• Proclaimed

| 15 August 1947

• Declared

| 08 May 2025
Area

• Total

| 347,190 km2 (134,050 sq mi)
Population

• Census

| 14,894,402

• Density

| 43/km2 (111.4/sq mi)
GDP (PPP)| estimate

• Total

| $84 billion
HDI| 0.460
low
Currency| N/A
(currently using Pakistani rupee (₨) (PKR))
Time zone| UTC+5
Date format|

* dd-mm-yyyy

Calling code| N/A
(currently using Pakistan's +92)

The Republic of Balochistan is a self-proclaimed independent de facto state in South Asia. It shares its boundaries with Iran in the west, Afghanistan in the northwest and with Pakistan in the north and east. It also has a coastline with the Arabian Sea and the Persian Gulf. It was proclaimed on 15 August 1947 alongside the Dominion of India and Pakistan. On 8 May 2025, key Baloch writer and activist Mir Yar Baloch, along with other prominent Baloch leaders and activists, officially declared the independence of the Pakistani province of Balochistan as the Republic of Balochistan. The separation of the Baloch homeland from Pakistan was announced with the Balochistan Freedom Declaration, marking an escalation in the decades-long Baloch nationalist struggle.[1][2]

## History

[edit]

Main article: History of Balochistan

### British Indian Empire

[edit]

This section is an excerpt from History of Balochistan § British Indian Empire.[edit]

The Baluchistan Agency of the British Indian Empire, showing the Chief Commissioner's Province of Baluchistan (the "British Baluchistan") and the princely states: Kalat, the subsidiary states of Kharan and Las Bela, and the District of Makran.

Britain and Iran divided Baluchistan into many parts, with the British creating the Baluchistan Agency in 1877. In the 19th century, nationalists in western Baluchistan revolted against the Persian occupation. At the end of the 19th century, when Sardar Hussein Narui Baloch started an uprising against Persia which was crushed by joint Anglo-Persian mission forces. The struggle between the Persian Qajar dynasty, and the British in eastern Baluchistan, gave western Baluchis a chance to gain control of their territory in Western Baluchistan. At the beginning of the 20th century, Bahram Khan succeeded in gaining control of Baluch- lands. In 1916, the British Indian Empire recognized him as in effective control of western Baluchistan. Mir Dost Muhammad Khan Baluch, Bahram Khan's nephew, succeeded to the throne, and in 1920, he proclaimed himself Shah-e-Baluchistan (Persian for King of Baluchistan) but in 1928, Reza Shah came into power and Persian forces started operations against Baluchi forces with the help of British. The Baluch were defeated and Mir Dost Muhammad Khan Baluch captured. In the same year, Mir Dost Muhammad Khan Baluch was executed in a Tehran prison. Baluchis were not content with the British, and raised their voices against the occupation of Western Baluchistan by Persia at Baluch Conference of Jacobabad.[citation needed]

The British Indian Empire gradually became involved in Balochistan during the reign of Mir Mehrab Khan whose reign was characterised by the power struggle he had with the chief, many of whom he had murdered. Mehrab Khan had become dependent on Mulla Muhammad Hasan and Saiyid Muhammad Sharif. And it was these men who had convinced the British that he had encouraged the tribes to oppose the British advance through the Bolan pass. The British justified their 1839 attack of Kalat on this, and had Mehrab Khan killed, his successor — Mir Shah Nawaz Khan was then appointed with Lieutenant Loveday as political officer. However a rebellion of the Sarawan tribes the following year forced Shah Nawaz to abdicate. His successor Mir Muhammad Hasan then took power and afterwards being known as Mir Nasir Khan II.[citation needed]

Under pressure from Colonel Stacey, Mir Nasir Khan II submitted to the British Indian Empire, and Major Outram had him installed at Kalat in 1840.[3]

Colonel Sir Robert Groves Sandeman introduced an innovative system of tribal pacification in Balochistan that was in effect from 1877 to 1947. However the Government of British India generally opposed his methods and refused to allow it to operate in the North West Frontier. Historians have long debated its scope and effectiveness in the peaceful spread of Imperial influence.[4]

Mir Khudadad Khan was tended to as a non-Indian prince against his will at the 1877 Durbar. But at the end of the durbar the Khan was given the honour accorded to Indian princes.[5] This demonstrated that while the state had been treated as a non-Indian state in the beginning of the durbar, the British Government accepted it as an Indian state at the end of the assembly.[6] After this and particularly after the 1877 establishment of the Baluchistan Agency, Kalat was regarded an Indian state.[7]

The British were the dominant power in Kalat, since Khudadad Khan was compelled to abdicate, and the khan's authority was restricted.[8] The political agent in Kalat gave allowances to Sarawan and Jhalawan's tribal chiefs[9] and Kharan and Las Bela had become effectively independent of Kalat. Moreover, Kalat's Prime Minister was an Indian Government deputy who did not answer to the khan.[10]

In 1933 Ahmad Yar Khan became the Kalat's ruler with an insecure place in the Baluch-Brahui confederacy.[8] To obtain complete control of Kalat, he requested the Government of India to restore his authority. While acknowledging the benefits of the British he claimed it was now time for him to take power. The Indian Government agreed but wanted to maintain power over the disbursements to the chiefs, in addition, to sanction over their authorisation and dismissal.[10] This did not allow Ahmad Yar Khan any real authority over the chiefs.[11]

The Khan demanded that his sovereignty be accepted over Kharan and Las Bela, his authority be completely reinvigorated in Kalat and the return of the districts of Nasirabad, Nushki and Quetta. The Indian Government knew to preserve Khan's loyalty some powers had to be given to him. While the government allowed him to control the disbursements to the chiefs,[12] the Khan could not make significant decisions about them unless the AGG agreed. Despite the disadvantages, the Khan obtained a nominal victory by retaking authority in the state.[13]

After this, the Khan claimed that Kalat was a non-Indian state and requested the Government of India to accept his rule over Las Bela, Kharan and the Bugti and Marri tribal regions. The Government of India concluded after a careful investigation that Kalat had always been an Indian state.[13] Since the Government policy was to not allow the breakup of the confederacy it accepted that Las Bela and Kharan were under the formal suzerainty of Kalat;[13] simultaneously recognizing Kharan's status as a separate state.[14] The extent of this "suzerainty" was never explained although the Khan saw it as a triumph.[15]

### Pakistan Movement

[edit]

This section is an excerpt from History of Balochistan § Pakistan Movement.[edit]

Scholar Ian Talbot states that the British Baluchistan was socially and economically underdeveloped compared to other parts of British India with an extremely low literacy rate and a mainly rural population. The province was also politically backward. During British rule Baluchistan Agency which excluded Princely States was under the rule of a Chief Commissioner and did not have the same status as other provinces of British India. Yet it was an important province for the All-India Muslim League which, under Muhammad Ali Jinnah, proposed in 1928 that democratic reforms be introduced to Baluchistan.[16]

The people of province began to organise politically in the 1930s. In 1932, Yusuf Ali Khan Magsi held the First All-India Baloch Conference in Jacobabad. His party, the Anjuman-i-Ittehad-i-Baluchen, was succeeded by the Kalat State National Party, which in turn cooperated with the Indian National Congress branch in Baluchistan, known as the Anjuman-i-Watan. In 1939 a local lawyer, Qazi Muhammad Isa, created the Balochistan Muslim League in Pishin at a mosque meeting.[16] The Muslim League, however, would not accept this organisation without a proper constitution. After the Pakistan Resolution, Qazi Isa gained membership of the All-India Muslim League Working Committee. In July 1940, with Liaquat Ali Khan as President, the Baluchistan Provincial Muslim League held its first session, where it highlighted its call for the introduction of political reforms to Baluchistan.[17]

It was only a couple of years later that the mainly inactive Baluchistan Muslim League held its second session. In 1943, the League's activity saw a brief revival with the visit of Jinnah to the province. A crowd, estimated to number at 50,000, attended to give him a "royal" reception. Many Nawabs and tribal leaders attended his address to the Baluchistan League and he was eventually invited as a guest of the Khan of Kalat. As a result of Jinnah's visit, the Muslim Students Federation was formed. Later, the Baluchistan League returned to idleness and internal bickering.[17]

However, after the Simla Conference, the Muslim League intensified its activism.[18] Provincial opinion was mainly in favour of the Pakistan Movement, especially in the townships.[19] Muslim League rallies in Baluchistan were attended by a "much larger" number of people than the Anjuman-i-Watan rallies. Jinnah, in his second visit to Baluchistan in late 1945, again reiterated his call that the province be granted political reforms. The Muslim League held several rallies and counteracted the Congress propaganda. On 29 January 1947, a call for a strike in response to the arrest of the Muslim League leaders received an "almost complete" response in Quetta.[18]

In British-ruled Colonial India, Baluchistan contained a Chief Commissioner's province and princely states (including Kalat, Makran, Las Bela and Kharan) that became a part of Pakistan.[20] The province's Shahi Jirga and the non-official members of the Quetta Municipality, according to the Pakistani narrative, agreed to join Pakistan unanimously on 29 June 1947;[21] however, the Shahi Jirga was stripped of its members from the Kalat State prior to the vote.[22] The then president of the Baluchistan Muslim League, Qazi Muhammad Isa, informed Muhammad Ali Jinnah that "Shahi Jirga in no way represents the popular wishes of the masses" and that members of the Kalat State were "excluded from voting; only representatives from the British part of the province voted and the British part included the leased areas of Quetta, Nasirabad Tehsil, Nushki and Bolan Agency."[22] Following the referendum, the Khan of Kalat, on 22 June 1947, received a letter from members of the Shahi Jirga, as well as sardars from the leased areas of Baluchistan, stating that they, "as a part of the Baloch nation, were a part of the Kalat state too" and that if the question of Baluchistan's accession to Pakistan arise, "they should be deemed part of the Kalat state rather than (British) Balochistan".[22] This has brought into question whether an actual vote took place in the town hall "and that the announcement in favour of accession was secured through sheer manipulation."[22] Political scientist Salman Rafi Sheikh, in locating the origins of the insurgency in Balochistan, says "that Balochistan's accession to Pakistan was, as against the officially projected narrative, not based upon consensus, nor was support for Pakistan overwhelming. What this manipulation indicates is that even before formally becoming a part of Pakistan, Balochistan had fallen a prey to political victimization."[22]

The Congress, knowing that union with India would be unrealistic due to demographic and geographic reasons, propagated the notion that Pakistan would be too economically weak.[19] Jinnah requested that the general population should be allowed to vote instead of the limited electorate of the Shahi Jirga. But the British refused the request.[23]

Ahmed Yar Khan who was the ruler of Kalat both supported the establishment of Pakistan and wanted to become independent.[15] The first test of what the Khan asserted was Jinnah's support came about in the wake of his demand that the Government of India return the leased territories.[24] Neither Mountbatten nor Pakistan favoured this retrocession.[24]

According to the Indian Government, Kalat had been an Indian and not independent state. Thus, the 3 June plan required that it choose either accession to India or Pakistan.[13] Kalat argued that it had possessed a sovereign status rather than the status of an Indian state. The topic of discussion moved to Pakistan’s rejection of Kalat’s claims over the leased areas. Pakistan argued that it was the heir to India’s agreements with Indian states, while Kalat argued that the treaty explicitly limited the party to the British Government. Kalat and Pakistan also disputed over whether the agreements over the leased areas were personal to Kalat and the British Government. Mountbatten also claimed that International law dictated that such treaties were inherited upon a transfer of power. He also brought up the option of referring the dispute to an Arbitral Tribunal in case a resolution could not be reached.[19] Moreover, even Ahmed Yar Khan also accepted Pakistan as a legal, constitutional and political successor of the British in negotiation held in September 1947. The British Foreign Office and Political Department had also declared Pakistan to be the heir to the leases.[25]

Ahmad Yar Khan's choice was to either accept that Kalat was an Indian state and regain the leased territories or persist claiming that it was non-Indian and lose the leased areas.[26]

Ahmad Yar Khan had insisted on the non-Indian status so that he could avoid India's political and constitutional evolution. But Pakistan used that same argument to keep control over the leased areas. Talks between Kalat and Pakistan started in September 1947. The negotiations showed that while Pakistan had accepted Kalat's claim of holding a non-Indian status, it still wanted accession on the same lines as the other states.[27] The negotiation also declared Pakistan as legal, constitutional and political successor of British. Through these negotiations, the British Paramountcy was effectively transferred to Pakistan.[25] Why Ahmad Yar Khan would agree to this at that time is unclear but according to Nawabzada Aslam Khan the Khan would accede because "if he did not, his sardars would turn him out, as they were determined to join Pakistan anyhow and were only waiting to be assured of their own rights."[28]

Feeling that Khan did not want to accede explicitly, Jinnah invited him in October to convince him. Ahmad Yar Khan took this as an opportunity to convince Jinnah for a treaty which would allow Pakistan's government equal control over Kalat but without a full accession. Jinnah was unprepared for this and asked for an Instrument of Accession.[29] The Khan asked for more time by citing his state's unique nature and his intent to consult his parliament.[30] Although he was theoretically correct on Kalat's confederal system, by consulting the state's chiefs he paved the path for the Pakistani Government to deal directly with the chiefs.[31]

In acceptance of the decision of the Indian government the Pakistani government regarded Las Bela and Kharan as being a part of the Baluch-Brahui confederacy led by Kalat's ruler.[32] While Kalat and Pakistan held talks, the rulers of Kharan and Las Bela endeavored to get the Pakistani government to recognise their separateness from Kalat. Kharan's chief, knowing the difficulties around Kalat's accession, tried to accede to Pakistan in November. The Jam of Las Bela wrote similarly. But the Pakistani government ignored their enthusiasm while discussions about accession were being held with Kalat.[33]

Kalat's feudatory states, Las Bela and Kharan, and its district of Makran, requested Pakistan to be allowed to accede separately, stating that "if Pakistan was not prepared to accept their offers of accession immediately, they would be compelled to take other steps for their protection against Khan of Kalat."[34][35] Pakistani civil servants recognised their claims of independence from Kalat and allowed them to accede to Pakistan separately on 17 March 1948.[36][37] Using the ambiguity of Kalat's suzerainty over Kharan and Las Bela to allow the separate accessions,[14] the Pakistani government asserted that the nature of the Kalat confederation was such that each chief could choose to secede from it and voluntarily join Pakistan. The British High Commission opined that the Khan would be left without any territory if he delayed. The Commonwealth Relations Office noted "There are a number of Kalat sardars in Karachi offering their accession to Pakistan, and Pakistan Government may repeat procedure followed in case of Mekran and accept these offers, leaving the Khan practically without territory."[38]

Consequently, Kalat came into conflict with Makran, ruled by Nawab Bai Khan Gichki who had opted to join Pakistan. The Khan of Kalat then stopped carrying out his obligation to provide the Makran Levy Corps with food supplies.[39] With starvation imminent, Sir Ambrose Dundas requested Pakistan to provide food supplies, send reinforcements for the Makran Levy Corps and assume administration over Makran. However, the Khan of Kalat decided to accede even before the proposed Pakistani action in Makran was implemented.[40][41][42] The accessions of Las Bela, Kharan and Makran to Pakistan had left Kalat geographically landlocked with no sea access. The pressure intensified when, on 27 March 1948, the All India Radio announced that the Khan of Kalat had offered accession to India. Hearing this radio announcement became the reason for the Khan's decision to accede to Pakistan on that same day.[36][19][43][37][42] The Khan asserted that he had made the decision to sign the instrument of accession because he believed that Pakistan was facing an existential threat.[44]

### Insurgency in Balochistan

[edit]

#### First conflict

[edit]

This section is an excerpt from History of Balochistan § First conflict.[edit]

The signing of the Instrument of Accession by the Khan of Kalat, led his brother, Prince Abdul Karim, to revolt against his brother's decision[45] in July 1948.[46] Prince Abdul Karim took refuge in Afghanistan to wage an unconventional attacks against Pakistan. However, he ultimately surrendered to Pakistan in 1950.[47] The Prince fought a lone battle without support from the rest of Balochistan.[48] Jinnah and his successors allowed Yar Khan to retain his title until the province's dissolution in 1955.

#### Second conflict

[edit]

This section is an excerpt from History of Balochistan § Second conflict.[edit]

Nawab Nauroz Khan, Chief of Jhalawan took up arms in resistance to the One Unit policy, which decreased government representation for tribal leaders, from 1958 to 1959. He and his followers started a guerrilla war against Pakistan, and were arrested, charged with treason, and imprisoned in Hyderabad. Five of his family members, sons and nephews, were subsequently hanged on charges of treason and aiding in the murder of Pakistani troops. Nawab Nauroz Khan later died in captivity.[49]

#### Third conflict

[edit]

This section is an excerpt from History of Balochistan § Third conflict.[edit]

After the second conflict, a Baloch separatist movement gained momentum in the 1960s, following the introduction of a new constitution in 1956 which limited provincial autonomy and enacted the 'One Unit' concept of political organisation in Pakistan. Tension continued to grow amid consistent political disorder and instability at the federal level. The federal government tasked the Pakistan Army with building several new bases in key areas of Balochistan. Sher Muhammad Bijrani Marri led like-minded militants into guerrilla warfare from 1963 to 1969 by creating their own insurgent bases, spread out over 45,000 miles (72,000 km) of land, from the Mengal tribal area in the south to the Marri and Bugti tribal areas in the north. Their goal was to force Pakistan to share revenue generated from the Sui gas fields with the tribal leaders. The insurgents bombed railway tracks and ambushed convoys. The Army retaliated by destroying vast areas of the Marri tribe's land. This insurgency ended in 1969, with the Baloch separatists agreeing to a ceasefire. In 1970 Pakistani President Yahya Khan abolished the "One Unit" policy,[50] which led to the recognition of Balochistan as the fourth province of West Pakistan (present-day Pakistan), including all the Balochistani princely states, the High Commissioners Province, and Gwadar, an 800 km2 coastal area purchased from Oman by the Pakistani government.

#### Fourth conflict 1973–77

[edit]

This section is an excerpt from History of Balochistan § Fourth conflict 1973–77.[edit]

The unrest continued into the 1970s, culminating in a government-ordered military operation in the region in 1973.

In 1973, citing treason, President Bhutto dismissed the provincial governments of Balochistan and NWFP and imposed martial law in those areas,[51] which led to armed insurgency. Mir Hazar Khan Ramkhani formed the Balochistan People's Liberation Front (BPLF), which led large numbers of Marri and Mengal tribesmen into guerrilla warfare against the central government[52] According to some authors, the Pakistani military lost around 3,300 men during the conflict with the Baloch separatists, while between 7,300 and 9,000 Baloch militants and civilians were killed.[53]

Assisted by Iran, Pakistani forces inflicted heavy casualties on the separatists. The insurgency fell into decline after a return to the four-province structure and the abolishment of the Sardari system.

#### Fifth conflict 2004–to date

[edit]

This section is an excerpt from History of Balochistan § Fifth conflict 2004–to date.[edit]

In 2004 an insurgent attack on Gwadar port resulting in the deaths of three Chinese engineers and four wounded drew China into the conflict.[54] In 2005, the Baluch political leaders Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti and Mir Balach Marri presented a 15-point agenda to the Pakistan government. Their stated demands included greater control of the province's resources and a moratorium on the construction of military bases.[55] On 15 December 2005 the inspector general of the Frontier Corps, Major General Shujaat Zamir Dar, and his deputy Brigadier Salim Nawaz (the current IGFC) were wounded after shots were fired at their helicopter in Balochistan Province. The provincial interior secretary later said that, after visiting Kohlu, "both of them were wounded in the leg but both are in stable condition."[56]

In August 2006, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, 79 years old, was killed in fighting with the Pakistan Army, in which at least 60 Pakistani soldiers and 7 officers were also killed. Pakistan's government had charged him with responsibility of a series of deadly bomb blasts and a rocket attack on President Pervez Musharraf.[57]

A 2006 cable from the American Embassy in Islamabad leaked by Wikileaks noted that "there seems to be little support in the province, beyond the Bugti tribe, for the current insurgency."[58]

In April 2009, Baloch National Movement president Ghulam Mohammed Baloch and two other nationalist leaders (Lala Munir and Sher Muhammad) were seized from a small legal office and were allegedly "handcuffed, blindfolded and hustled into a waiting pickup truck which is in still [sic] use of intelligence forces in front of their lawyer and neighboring shopkeepers." The gunmen were allegedly speaking in Persian (a national language of neighbouring Afghanistan and Iran). Five days later, on 8 April, their bullet-riddled bodies were found in a commercial area. The BLA claimed Pakistani forces were behind the killings, though international experts have deemed it odd that the Pakistani forces would be careless enough to allow the bodies to be found so easily and "light Balochistan on fire" (Herald) if they were truly responsible.[59] The discovery of the bodies sparked rioting and weeks of strikes, demonstrations, and civil resistance in cities and towns around Balochistan.[60]

Reason for joining the separatist groups vary as some join them because of allure of power and excitement, a desire to honor their centuries-old tribal codes, gaining recognition for their region's distinct ethnicity or because of belief in hardline communism. Some even join the separatist group because their tribal leader told them to.[61]

On 12 August 2009, Khan of Kalat Mir Suleiman Dawood declared himself ruler of Balochistan and formally announced a Council for Independent Balochistan. The council's claimed domain includes Sistan and Baluchestan Province, as well as Pakistani Balochistan, but does not include Afghan Baloch regions. The council claimed the allegiance of "all separatist leaders including Nawabzada Brahumdagh Bugti." Suleiman Dawood stated that the UK had a "moral responsibility to raise the issue of Balochistan's illegal occupation at international level."[62]

Human right groups have accused Baloch separatist groups of being involved in grave human right violations. Separatist groups such as Baloch liberation army have been involved in attack on schools, teachers and students in the province.[63] Baloch separatist have also accused their groups of being involved in wide spread crime and rapes against the Baloch women. One of the Baloch separatist claim that what started as an idealistic political fight for his people's rights has turned into gangs extorting, kidnapping and even raping locals.[61]

A survey in 2009 by PEW found that 58% of respondents in Balochistan chose ″Pakistani″ as their primary mode of identification, 32% chose their ethnicity and 10% chose both equally.[64] A Gallup survey conducted in 2012 revealed that the majority of Baloch (67%) do not support independence from Pakistan. Only 33 percent of Baloch were in favour of independence. However, 67 percent of the people of Balochistan supported greater provincial autonomy.[65]

## Background

[edit]

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See also: Insurgency in Balochistan, Baloch nationalism, and Balochistan Liberation Army

The Balochistan region of southwest Pakistan has experienced several separatist movements seeking independence on the basis of political marginalization, cultural suppression, and economic exploitation by the Pakistani government. Balochistan along the course of history has maintained its independence untill late 1950s when it was annexed by Pakistani Army through force. Since then Pakistani Government and Army has brutally crushed the Baloch Identity. Moreover Balochi language has suffered due to Urdu imposition by Pakistani Government. Over the years, militant groups like the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) have engaged in armed insurgency, while exiled leaders and activists have pursued diplomatic and media campaigns.

## Declaration of independence

[edit]

On 21 February 2025, representatives of the Free Balochistan Movement urged the United Nations to take action in Balochistan, establish the United Nations Mission in Balochistan (UNMIB), and force the Pakistani occupation forces to retreat.[66] The most recent declaration for the independence of Balochistan was made by the Baloch separatist writer and leader Mir Yar Baloch. According to reports from India Today, Mir Yar Baloch declared and claimed Balochistan's independence from Pakistan at midnight on 8 May 2025, urged the United Nations to recognize Balochistan as an independent nation-state, and announced his declaration for the freedom of Balochistan through his social media handle on X. He has also sought global support, including from UN peacekeeping forces, amid rising conflict in the region, and called on the international community in his declaration to formally recognize Balochistan as a nation.[67][68][69] He has urged the Government of India to allow the opening of a Baloch embassy in New Delhi.[69][70]

## Description

[edit]

The Baloch people have started taking down Pakistani flags and replacing those with hoisting their own Balochistani flags in the region of the Balochistan. They have attacked and killed several Pakistani army personnel in the region for the freedom of Balochistan from Pakistan. The Balochistan Liberation Army is playing key role in the attacks on Pakistan Army personnel and towards the independence of Balochistan from Pakistan.[71][72] It is an armed separatist group based in the Balochistan region of Pakistan. The Balochistan Liberation Army seeks independence of Balochistan for the Baloch people from the present nation of Pakistan.[73] On 10-11 May 2025, the Balochistan Liberation Army has attacked at 39 places of Balochistan to take control on the region and towards the autonomy of the proposed new nation of Balochistan. They targeted several Pakistani military convoys, police stations, highways and infrastructures. They have dropped down the flags of Pakistan at these places and hoisted the flag of Balochistan in the replacement.[74] They claimed to have captured police stations in the region. They are also conducting blockades on key roads in the region.[73]

The Baloch writer cum leader Mir Yar Baloch has called the proposed nation of Balochistan as "Democratic Republic of Balochistan".[67] He has asked "Pakistan's occupational army to vacate the territories , air space and sea of Balochistan and leave all the weapons, and property in Balochistan."

He has urged to the United Nations for a release of billions of funds for currency, and passport printing of the Independent state of Balochistan.[67] In the announcement, the separists leaders are preparing to establish a transitional government for the proposed new nation of Balochistan. They have also promised for representation of Baloch women in the future government of Independent Balochistan. After the formation of the transitional government, the control of Balochistan would be handed over to the new transitional interim government of the independent Balochistan state. In the cabinet of the proposed new transitional interim government, the representation of Baloch women would be provided to fulfill the commitment of the proposed nation.[75] The Baloch leader have also assured that Hindus would be safe in the region, while addressing a public gatherings and appealing for supports from the international community. A prominent lady Baloch activist cum leader Mahrang Baloch said "Our fight is for the restoration of real peace, where no Pakistani will ask a Hindu to recite Kalma nor will dare to kill him in front of his wife and children."[76][77]

Similarly, the president Tara Chand of the Baloch American Congress (BAC) has urged the Indian prime minister Narendra Modi for a strategic approach to the independence of Balochistan, just like Indira Gandhi played a key role in separating Bangladesh from Pakistan.[78][79] The Baloch descendants living in India have urged the United Nations for recognising the Independent Balochistan. The Baloch Welfare Association in India has issued a letter addressing UN secretary-general António Guterres demanding to support the Baloch nation's legitimate right. The association has also appealed to the Indian prime minister Narendra Modi to play a significant role in the recognition of Free Balochistan as an independent state. In the letter to the UN secretary-general, the association has expressed that for more than seven decades, the people of Balochistan have been subjected to persistent atrocities by the Pakistani government, including enforced disappearances, military operations, exploitation of resources and systematic cultural suppression, saying these acts amount to crimes against humanity and threaten the very existence of the Baloch identity.[80]

The Balochistan Liberation Army in a statement has expressed "Our armed struggle on the motherland Balochistan is proof that the Baloch nation is defeating the seventh nuclear state of the world on its own soil without any external military or financial support. We have rendered the enemy helpless on mountain fronts, urban fronts and every other front. If we get political, diplomatic and defence support from the world – especially from India – the Baloch nation can eliminate this terrorist state and lay the foundation of a peaceful, prosperous and independent Balochistan. A Balochistan that will not only permanently stop the export of terrorism to the subcontinent but will also start a new chapter of peace and prosperity in the region."[81] The spokesperson Jeeyand Baloch of the Balochistan Liberation Army has appealed to the international community including India for political, diplomatic, and defence support through a press release, so that it could pave the way of a peaceful, prosperous and independent Balochistan.[82]

## Escalating conflict

[edit]

Following the announcement, the BLA claimed control of the city of Mangochar in Kalat District, Pakistan and launched coordinated attacks across the region.[83] These military actions appeared to synchronize with the independence declaration, suggesting a coordinated effort to establish de facto territorial control.[citation needed]

## International reactions

[edit]

While the declaration has gained traction in Baloch diaspora circles and international media, no country or major international organization has formally recognized the Republic of Balochistan. The development has, however, triggered commentary in Indian and European media outlets on regional stability and self-determination.[84]

## List of heads of state of Balochistan

[edit]

Main article: List of heads of state of Balochistan

## See also

[edit]

* List of heads of State of Balochistan
* Languages of Balochistan
* Balochistan (Region)
* Baloch People
* Balochistan National Movement
* List of Presidents of Balochistan
* List of Prime ministers of Balochistan
* Governor General of Balochistan
* Governor of Balochistan, Pakistan
* History of Balochistan
* List of districts in Balochistan
* Foreign relations of Balochistan
* Balochistan Liberation Army
* Baloch nationalism
* Human rights in Balochistan
* Lists of active separatist movements
* List of states with limited recognition
* Self-determination
* Balochistan Freedom Declaration
* Chief Minister of Balochistan, Pakistan
* Government of Balochistan, Pakistan
* Khanate of Kalat
* Baluchistan (Chief Commissioner's Province)
* Makran (princely state)
* Las Bela (princely state)
* Kharan (princely state)
* Kalat State National Party
* List of princely states of British India

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[edit]

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### Bibliography

[edit]

* Bangash, Yaqoob Khan (2015), "Constitutional integration of the princely states of Pakistan", in Roger D. Long; Ian Talbot; Gurharpal Singh; Yunas Samad (eds.), State and Nation-Building in Pakistan: Beyond Islam and Security, Routledge, ISBN 978-1-317-44820-4
* Talbot, Ian (1988), Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937-1947, Oxford University Press, pp. 117–119, ISBN 978-0-19-577387-3
* Bangash, Yaqoob Khan (2015), A Princely Affair: The Accession and Integration of the Princely States of Pakistan, 1947-1955, Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780199066490
* Siddiqi, Farhan Hanif (2012). The Politics of Ethnicity in Pakistan: The Baloch, Sindhi and Mohajir Ethnic Movements. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-33697-3.
* Axmann, Martin (2008), Back to the Future: The Khanate of Kalat and the Genesis of Baloch Nationalism, 1915-1955, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-547645-3
* Khanam, Attiya (January–June 2016). "An Historical Overview of the Accession of Princely States" (PDF). Journal of Historical Studies. 2 (1): 97–98.

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