Trumpism

American right-wing populist political movement

For the characteristic rhetoric and statements of Donald Trump, see Rhetoric of Donald Trump.

For the political views held by Donald Trump personally, see Political positions of Donald Trump.

Trumpism

From left to right, top to bottom:

* Trump at a 2016 rally in Arizona
* A Trump supporter in 2017 wearing a Make America Great Again hat
* Trump supporters storming the Capitol Building on January 6, 2021[note 1]
* Armed Trump supporters at a Minnesota demonstration in 2020[note 2]
* Donald Trump 2020 presidential campaign rally in Greenville, North Carolina

Leader| Donald Trump
Founded| June 16, 2015; 10 years ago (June 16, 2015)
Ideology|

* Right-wing populism
* Right-wing antiglobalism
* Neo-nationalism
* Protectionism
* Nativism (US)[7]
* Neo-fascism (debated)[a]
* Factions:
* Libertarian conservatism[10]
* National conservatism[11]
* Paleoconservatism[12]
* Ultraconservatism[13]
* Christian right[16]

Political position| Right-wing to far-right
National affiliation| Republican Party
Slogan| Make America Great Again

* Politics of the United States
* Political parties
* Elections

|  |

This article is part of
a series about

Donald Trump

|

* * *

Business and personal

* Age and health
* Business career
* The Trump Organization
* wealth
* tax returns
* cryptocurrency
* Conspiracy theories
* Endorsements
* Eponyms
* Family
* Foundation
* grants
* American football
* Golf
* Honors
* John McCain comments
* Legal affairs
* Media career
* The Apprentice
* Bibliography
* Filmography
* Nicknames
* Public image
* in popular culture
* SNL parodies
* handshakes
* pseudonyms
* Racial views
* Antisemitism
* Residences
* Rhetoric
* Security incidents
* Sexual misconduct allegations
* Trump dance
* Trump–Musk feud

* * *

45th and 47th
President of the United States
Incumbent

* Presidencies
* first
* second
* timeline
* Transitions
* first
* second
* Inaugurations
* first
* second
* Portraits
* Presidential library

* * *

Tenure

* First 100 days
* first term
* second term
* Executive actions
* executive orders
* first term
* second term
* proclamations
* pardons
* first term
* second term
* Trips
* foreign
* '17
* '18
* '19
* '20–'21
* '25
* Namaste Trump
* Middle East visit
* North Korea summits
* Singapore
* Hanoi
* DMZ
* Riyadh summit
* Helsinki summit
* Shutdowns
* January 2018
* 2018–2019
* Opinion polls
* first term
* second term
* Legal affairs as president
* first term
* second term
* Protests
* federal law enforcement deployment
* St. John's Church photo op
* Social media
* Twitter
* False or misleading statements
* Trumpism
* TikTok controversy
* Attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election
* Fake electors plot
* Eastman memos
* Lawsuits
* Texas v. Pennsylvania
* Jeffrey Clark letter

* * *

Policies

* Domestic
* first term
* second term
* Economy
* first term
* tax cuts
* tariffs
* USMCA
* farmer bailouts
* second term
* One Big Beautiful Bill Act
* tariffs
* China
* Canada and Mexico
* Liberation Day
* TACO
* Environment
* Paris Agreement withdrawal
* America's Water Infrastructure Act of 2018
* Foreign policy
* first term
* second term
* America First
* Saudi Arabia arms deal
* Iran
* first term
* Nuclear deal withdrawal
* second term
* Iran negotiations
* Iran–Israel war
* June 2025 strikes
* Iran–Israel war ceasefire
* Israel
* Jerusalem recognition
* Golan Heights recognition
* Palestine peace plan
* Abraham Accords
* Kosovo–Serbia agreements
* Syria strikes
* 2017
* 2018
* Killings
* al-Baghdadi
* Soleimani
* Afghanistan withdrawal
* Taliban deal
* Proposed Venezuela invasion
* American expansionism
* Immigration
* first term
* second term
* travel ban
* border wall
* family separation policy
* migrant detentions
* troop deployments
* national emergency
* Infrastructure
* Social issues
* First Step Act
* cannabis
* Space
* COVID-19 pandemic
* Taskforce
* Communication
* Government response
* stimulus bills
* CARES Act
* Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021
* Operation Warp Speed
* Interference with science agencies
* Targeting of political opponents and civil society

* * *

Appointments (

* first
* second

* Cabinets
* first
* second
* Ambassadors
* first
* second
* Federal judges
* inferior courts
* Supreme Court candidates
* Gorsuch
* Kavanaugh
* Barrett
* Executives
* first
* second
* U.S. Attorneys
* first
* second

* * *

Presidential campaigns

* 2000
* primaries
* 2016
* election
* primaries
* endorsements
* rallies
* Las Vegas incident
* convention
* debates
* Make America Great Again
* Never Trump movement
* people
* Access Hollywood tape
* wiretapping allegations
* Spygate
* 2020
* election
* primaries
* endorsements
* political
* non-political
* opposition
* rallies
* convention
* debates
* GOP reactions to election fraud claims
* Raffensperger phone call
* 2024
* election
* primaries
* endorsements
* opposition
* eligibility
* Agenda 47
* rallies
* convention
* debates
* assassination attempts
* PA
* perpetrator
* photographs
* FL
* suspect

* * *

Impeachments

* Efforts
* 1st presidency
* 2nd presidency
* resolutions
* First impeachment
* Ukraine scandal
* House inquiry
* Senate trial
* Second impeachment
* Capitol attack
* Senate trial
* Proposed expungements

* * *

Legal proceedings

* 2020 election federal indictment
* Classified documents federal indictment
* Special counsel investigation
* FBI investigation
* FBI search of Mar-a-Lago
* Trump v. United States
* New York felony conviction for falsifying business records
* Stormy Daniels scandal
* New York investigations
* Georgia election indictment
* Georgia election investigation
* mug shot

* * *

* v
* t
* e

This article is part of a series on

Conservatism
in the United States

Schools

* Classical liberal
* Compassionate
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* Fusion
* Liberal
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* Movement
* Nationalist
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* Paleo-
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Principles

* American exceptionalism
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* Gender essentialism
* Judeo-Christian values
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* Moral absolutism
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* Pro-life
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* Tradition

History

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* Trump era
* First term
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* Agenda 47

Intellectuals

* Adams
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Politicians

* Abbott
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* Trump
* Vance
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Jurists

* Alito
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* George
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* Gorsuch
* Harlan II
* Kavanaugh
* Kennedy
* Luttig
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* O'Connor
* Parker
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* Roberts (John)
* Sanford
* Scalia
* Sessions
* Sutherland
* Taft (William)
* Thomas (Clarence)
* Vermeule
* Whittaker

Commentators

* Beck
* Bongino
* Breitbart
* Buchanan (Pat)
* Buckley
* Caldwell
* Carlson
* Cass
* Chodorov
* Coulter
* D'Souza
* Derbyshire
* Dreher
* Elder
* Goldberg
* Grant
* Griffin
* Van den Haag
* Hannity
* Hart
* Herberg
* Hoover (Margaret)
* Ingraham
* Jones
* Kelly
* Knowles
* Krauthammer
* Lahren
* Levin
* Limbaugh
* Mac Donald
* Neuhaus
* Ngo
* North
* Novak
* O'Reilly
* Owens
* Podhoretz
* Pool
* Portnoy
* Possony
* Prager
* Robertson
* Shapiro
* Shlaes
* Sullivan
* Walsh
* Watters
* Weyl
* Will
* Wintrich
* Woods

Activists

* Abramoff
* Agostinelli
* Andreessen
* Atwater
* Bannon
* Bennett
* Bezmenov
* Bozell
* Cohn
* Dans
* Dobson
* Drudge
* Falwell
* Feulner
* Flynn
* Gabriel
* Hegseth
* Horowitz
* Kirk
* Krikorian
* Kristol
* LaHaye
* Lindell
* Lindbergh
* Leo
* McEntee
* Mercer (Rebekah)
* Mercer (Robert)
* Miller
* Murdoch
* Musk
* political views
* O'Keefe
* Park
* Phillips
* Posobiec
* Powell
* Raichik
* Reed
* Regnery
* Roberts (Kevin)
* Rove
* Rufo
* Scaife
* Schlafly (Andrew)
* Schlafly (Phyllis)
* Stone
* Thiel
* Thomas (Ginni)
* Weyrich
* Wiles
* Wood

Literature

* The Federalist Papers (1788)
* Democracy in America (1835–1840)
* Notes on Democracy (1926)
* I'll Take My Stand (1930)
* Our Enemy, the State (1935)
* The Managerial Revolution (1941)
* Ideas Have Consequences (1948)
* God and Man at Yale (1951)
* The Conservative Mind (1953)
* The Conscience of a Conservative (1960)
* A Choice Not an Echo (1964)
* A Conflict of Visions (1987)
* The Closing of the American Mind (1987)
* The Death of the West (2001)
* Hillbilly Elegy (2016)
* The Benedict Option (2017)
* Why Liberalism Failed (2018)
* The Age of Entitlement (2020)

Parties

Active

* American Party
* American Independent Party
* Conservative Party (NY state)
* Constitution Party
* Republican Party

Defunct

* Anti-Masonic Party
* Constitutional Union Party
* Democratic Party (historically, factions)
* Boll weevils
* Bourbon Democrats
* Conservative Democrats
* Dixiecrats
* Reagan Democrats
* Southern Democrats
* Rhode Island Suffrage Party
* Federalist Party
* National Republican Party
* Native American Party
* Whig Party

Think tanks

* Acton Institute
* AdTI
* AEI
* AFP
* CSP
* CfNI
* Claremont Institute
* CEI
* CSPC
* EPPC
* FRI
* Gatestone Institute
* Heartland Institute
* The Heritage Foundation
* Heritage Action
* Mandate for Leadership
* Project Esther
* Project 2025
* Hoover Institution
* Hudson Institute
* ISI
* James Madison Program
* Leadership Institute
* Manhattan Institute
* Mises Institute
* PRI
* PNAC (Defunct)
* Ripon Society
* R Street Institute
* Rockford Institute
* SPN
* Sutherland Institute
* Tax Foundation
* Witherspoon Institute

Media

Newspapers

* Chicago Tribune
* The Epoch Times
* New Hampshire Union Leader
* The Jewish Voice
* The New York Observer
* New York Post
* The Remnant
* The Wall Street Journal (editorial board)
* The Washington Times

Journals

* American Affairs
* The American Conservative
* The American Spectator
* American Thinker
* City Journal
* Claremont Review of Books
* Commentary
* Compact
* Chronicles
* The Dispatch
* First Things
* The Imaginative Conservative
* Jewish World Review
* Modern Age
* National Affairs
* The National Interest
* National Review
* The New American
* The New Atlantis
* The New Criterion
* Policy Review (defunct)
* Public Discourse
* Southern Partisan
* Spectator USA
* Tablet
* Taki's Magazine
* Telos
* Washington Examiner
* The Weekly Standard (defunct)

TV channels

* CBN
* Fox Business
* Fox News
* Newsmax TV
* One America News Network
* Real America's Voice
* VOZ

Websites

* 1819 News
* Babylon Bee
* Breitbart News
* The Bulwark
* Campus Reform
* The Center Square
* Conservative Review
* Daily Caller
* Daily Signal
* Daily Wire
* Discover the Networks
* The Federalist
* FrontPage Magazine
* Front Porch Republic
* Gateway Pundit
* Hot Air
* Human Events
* Independent Journal Review
* InfoWars
* Jihad Watch
* LifeZette
* NewsBusters
* PJ Media
* Rare
* RedState
* The Dispatch
* Townhall
* Twitchy
* Washington Examiner
* The Washington Free Beacon
* The Western Journal
* WorldNetDaily

Other

* Blaze Media
* Encounter Books
* Evie Magazine
* The First
* Imprimis
* The Political Cesspool
* Passage Publishing
* PragerU
* RealClearPolitics
* Red Scare
* Regnery Publishing
* RSBN
* The Rubin Report
* Sinclair Broadcast Group

Other organizations

Congressional caucuses

* Second Amendment Caucus
* RSC
* Liberty Caucus
* Freedom Caucus
* Republican Main Street Partnership
* Republican Governance Group
* Blue Dog Coalition

Economics

* ATR
* Club for Growth
* FreedomWorks (defunct)
* NFIB
* NTU
* Tea Party Patriots
* USCC

Gun rights

* GOA
* NAGR
* NRA

Identity politics

* ACT!
* CWA
* Council of Conservative Citizens
* GAG
* IWF
* LCR
* Moms for Liberty

Nativist

* CIS
* FAIR
* Immigration Restriction League
* NumbersUSA
* Patriot Prayer
* Proud Boys
* Oath Keepers
* Three Percenters

Religion

* ADF
* Court cases
* ACLJ
* AFA
* The American TFP
* Chalcedon Foundation
* CCA
* Christian Voice
* Eagle Forum
* FCR
* The Fellowship
* FFC
* Focus on the Family
* Foundation for Moral Law
* Liberty Counsel
* Moral Majority (defunct)
* NOM
* NRLC
* PTMC
* Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America
* Thomas More Law Center

Watchdog groups

* AIM
* Econ Journal Watch
* Franklin News Foundation
* JW
* MRC
* O'Keefe Media Group
* Project Veritas (defunct)

Youth/student groups

* NJC
* TPUSA
* Young Americans for Freedom
* Young America's Foundation
* YAL

Social media

* Gab
* Gettr
* Parler
* The Right Stuff

Miscellaneous

* The 85 Fund
* AHI
* ACU
* AFPAC
* Bradley Foundation
* TCC
* CNP
* CPAC
* Hillsdale College
* IFF
* JBS
* John M. Olin Foundation (defunct)
* Liberty Fund
* LU
* NAS
* Philadelphia Society
* Regent University
* Russell Kirk Center for Cultural Renewal
* TPPF

Other

* AFL
* Atlas Network
* CN
* ConservAmerica
* Donors Trust
* FedSoc
* NCPAC
* PJI
* Turning Point Action
* SACR
* YRNF
* Ziklag

Movements

* Asian and Pacific Islander
* Black
* Christian right
* Reconstructionism
* Classical education movement
* Paideia
* Dark Enlightenment
* Election denial movement
* 2020 election disputes
* Female
* Green
* Groypers
* Hispanic and Latino
* LGBTQ
* Libertarian republicans
* Militia movement
* Monarchism
* Mormon
* White Horse Prophecy
* Theodemocracy
* New Apostolic Reformation
* Parental rights movement
* Fathers' rights
* Patriot movement
* Christian
* Radical right
* Reactionary feminism
* Right-libertarianism
* Paleolibertarianism
* Secessionism
* Neo-Confederates
* in Texas
* Trumpism
* Never Trump

Related

* Barstool conservatism
* Bibliography of US conservatism
* Conservative talk radio
* GOP factions
* List of American conservatives
* NatCon
* Timeline of modern American conservatism

* Conservatism portal
* United States portal

* v
* t
* e

January 6 United
States Capitol attack

Timeline • Planning
Background

2020 presidential election
and other causes

* Previous claims of election fraud by President Trump
* in 2012
* in 2016
* Republican reactions
* Michigan State Capitol storming
* 2020–21 presidential election protests
* 2021 Electoral College vote count
* Attempts to overturn the presidential election
* Trump fake electors plot
* Chesebro memos
* Eastman memos
* Jeffrey Clark letter
* Democratic backsliding in the US
* Social media use by Donald Trump
* Trumpism
* QAnon
* Donald Trump and fascism

Related groups and persons

* Ali Alexander
* Ray Epps
* Nick Fuentes
* Rudy Giuliani
* Jericho March
* Alex Jones
* Sedition Caucus
* Enrique Tarrio
* Donald Trump
* Donald Trump Jr.

Participants

Notable people

* Ashli Babbitt
* Joe Biggs
* Richard Barnett
* Jacob "QAnon Shaman" Chansley
* Derrick Evans
* Tim "Baked Alaska" Gionet
* Simone Gold
* Klete Keller
* Ethan Nordean
* Rick Saccone
* Jon Schaffer
* John Earle Sullivan

Organizations

* Boogaloo movement
* Groypers
* Oath Keepers
* Proud Boys
* Three Percenters

Law enforcement response

* Capitol Police
* Harry Dunn
* Aquilino Gonell
* Eugene Goodman
* Brian Sicknick
* Howard Liebengood
* Steven Sund
* Department of Defense
* Michael C. Stenger
* Paul D. Irving
* Christopher C. Miller
* Ryan D. McCarthy
* Walter E. Piatt
* Charles A. Flynn
* Daniel Hokanson
* William J. Walker
* D.C. National Guard
* DC
* Muriel Bowser
* Robert Contee
* Michael Fanone
* Daniel Hodges
* Jeffrey L. Smith
* Virginia
* Ralph Northam

Aftermath

Biden inauguration

* 2021 inauguration week protests
* Security preparations

Investigations and charges

* Justice Department investigation
* Criminal proceedings
* list
* Fischer v. United States
* January 6 commission
* House Select Committee
* public hearings
* Smith special counsel investigation
* federal prosecution of Donald Trump
* Trump's pardon of defendants

Corporate actions

* List of companies that halted political contributions
* Social media suspensions of Donald Trump
* permanent suspension
* Suspensions of other social media accounts
* shutdown of Parler
* Facebook

Reactions

* Domestic
* Antifa culpability conspiracy theory
* International

Impeachment and 2024 presidential election

* Second impeachment of Donald Trump
* trial
* Presidential eligibility of Donald Trump
* Trump v. Anderson

* v
* t
* e

Trumpism, often used in close conjunction with the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, is the political movement and ideology behind U.S. president Donald Trump and his political base. It comprises ideologies such as right-wing populism, right-wing antiglobalism, national conservatism, neo-nationalism, and features significant illiberal, authoritarian and at times autocratic beliefs.[b] Trumpists and Trumpians are terms that refer to individuals exhibiting its characteristics. There is significant academic debate over the prevalence of neo-fascist[a] elements of Trumpism.

Trumpism has authoritarian leanings and is associated with the belief that the President is above the rule of law.[c] It has been referred to as an American political variant of the far-right[17][13][18] and the national-populist and neo-nationalist sentiment seen in multiple nations starting in the mid–late 2010s.[19] Trump's political base has been compared to a cult of personality.[d] Trump supporters became the largest faction of the United States Republican Party, with the remainder often characterized as "the elite", "the establishment", or "Republican in name only" (RINO) in contrast. In response to the rise of Trump, there has arisen a Never Trump movement.

## Themes

[edit]

See also: Rhetoric of Donald Trump

Trumpism emerged during Trump's 2016 presidential campaign. Trump's rhetoric has its roots in a populist political method that suggests nationalistic answers to political, economic, and social problems.[20][21][22] They are more specifically described as right-wing populist.[23][24] Policies include immigration restrictionism, trade protectionism, isolationism, and opposition to entitlement reform.[25]

Former National Security Advisor and close Trump advisor John Bolton disputes that Trumpism exists in any meaningful sense, adding that "[t]he man does not have a philosophy. And people can try and draw lines between the dots of his decisions. They will fail."[26] Writing for the Routledge Handbook of Global Populism (2019), Olivier Jutel notes, "What Donald Trump reveals is that the various iterations of right-wing American populism have less to do with a programmatic social conservatism or libertarian economics than with enjoyment."[27]

Trump has been described as a demagogue, and there exists significant scholarly study on the use of demagogy and related themes within Trumpism.[28] Trump explicitly and routinely disparages racial, religious, and ethnic minorities,[29] and scholars consistently find that racial animus regarding blacks, immigrants, and Muslims are the best predictors of support for Trump.[30] Trumpist rhetoric heavily features anti-immigrant,[31] xenophobic,[32] and nativist[33] attacks against minority groups.[34][35] Other identified aspects include conspiracist,[36][37] isolationist,[33][38] Christian nationalist,[39] evangelical Christian,[40] protectionist,[41][42] anti-feminist,[43][page needed][44] and anti-LGBT[45] beliefs.

### Grievance

[edit]

Sociologist Michael Kimmel states that Trump's populism is "an emotion. And the emotion is righteous indignation that the government is screwing 'us.'"[46] Kimmel posits that Trump manifests "aggrieved entitlement",[47] a "sense that those benefits to which you believed yourself entitled have been snatched away from you by unseen forces larger and more powerful. You feel yourself to be the heir to a great promise, the American Dream, which has turned into an impossible fantasy ..."[48]

### Vagueness

[edit]

Communications scholar Zizi Papacharissi explains the utility of being ideologically vague and using terms and slogans that can mean anything the supporter wants them to mean. "When these publics thrive in affective engagement it's because they've found an affective hook that's built around an open signifier that they get to use and reuse and re-employ ... MAGA; that's an open signifier ... it allows them all to assign different meanings to it. So MAGA works for connecting publics that are different, because it is open enough to permit people to ascribe their own meaning to it."[49][note 3]

Exit polling data suggests the campaign was successful at mobilizing the "white disenfranchised",[50] the lower- to working-class European-Americans who are experiencing growing social inequality and who often have stated opposition to the American political establishment.[51][52]

Some prominent conservatives formed a Never Trump movement, seen as a rebellion of conservative elites against the base.[53][54][55][56]

### Right-wing authoritarian populism

[edit]

Former Chief Strategist for the first Trump Administration Steve Bannon supported many national populist political movements including creating a network of far-right groups in Europe.

Trumpism has been described as right-wing authoritarian populist,[57] and is broadly seen among scholars as posing an existential threat to American democracy.[58] His presidency sparked renewed focus and research on restraining presidential power and the threats of a criminal presidency that had died down since the Nixon administration.[59] Trump advocated for an extreme position of unitary executive theory, arguing that Article II gave him the right to "do whatever I want".[60] The theory is a maximalist interpretation of presidential power formulated during the Reagan administration and pushed by the Federalist Society to undo post-Nixon reforms. Future presidents ran with "unitary-adjacent ideas" and aspects of theory held bipartisan support as part of the growing powers of the presidency.[61] In February 2025, Trump wrote and pinned a comment on Truth Social and X: "He who saves his Country does not violate any Law", which the White House later reposted on X that day. The phrase itself is a variation of one attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte, and was noted to be in line with his administration's aggressive push for expanding presidential power under the theory.[62][63]

Yale sociologist Philip S. Gorski warned against the threat of Trumpism, writing that

> "the election of Donald Trump constitutes perhaps the greatest threat to American democracy since the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. There is a real and growing danger that representative government will be slowly but effectively supplanted by a populist form of authoritarian rule in the years to come. Media intimidation, mass propaganda, voter suppression, court packing, and even armed paramilitaries—many of the necessary and sufficient conditions for an authoritarian devolution are gradually falling into place."[64]

Some academics regard such authoritarian backlash as a feature of liberal democracies.[65] Disputing the view that the surge of support for Trumpism and Brexit is a new phenomenon, political scientist Karen Stenner and social psychologist Jonathan Haidt state that

> the far-right populist wave ... did not in fact come out of nowhere. It is not a sudden madness, or virus, or tide, or even just a copycat phenomenon—the emboldening of bigots and despots by others' electoral successes. Rather, it is something that sits just beneath the surface of any human society—including in the advanced liberal democracies at the heart of the Western world—and can be activated by core elements of liberal democracy itself.

Stenner and Haidt regard authoritarian waves as a feature of liberal democracies noting that the findings of their 2016 study of Trump and Brexit supporters was not unexpected, as they wrote:

> ... normative threat tends either to leave non-authoritarians utterly unmoved by the things that catalyze authoritarians or to propel them toward being (what one might conceive as) their 'best selves.' In previous investigations, this has seen non-authoritarians move toward positions of greater tolerance and respect for diversity under the very conditions that seem to propel authoritarians toward increasing intolerance.[65]

Author and authoritarianism critic Masha Gessen contrasted the "democratic" strategy of the Republican establishment making policy arguments appealing to the public, with the "autocratic" strategy of appealing to an "audience of one" in Donald Trump.[66] Gessen noted the fear of Republicans that Trump would endorse a primary election opponent or otherwise use his political power to undermine any fellow party members that he felt had betrayed him.

The 2020 Republican Party platform simply endorsed "the President's America-first agenda", prompting comparisons to contemporary leader-focused party platforms in Russia and China.[67] In January 2025, a CNN-SSRS poll found that 53% of Republicans viewed loyalty to Trump as central to their political identity and very important to what being a Republican is, beating values such as "a less powerful federal government (46%), supporting congressional Republicans (42%) or opposing Democratic policies (32%)".[68]

### Gender and masculinity

[edit]

See also: Social policy of Donald Trump § Women's rights, and Social policy of Donald Trump § LGBTQ rights

Opposition to aspects of transgender rights is a theme of Trumpism.[69]

Google Trends search term for "Toxic masculinity" began a substantial increase in 2016, at the time of the campaign for the U.S. presidential election.[70]

After the December 2020 introduction of COVID vaccines, a partisan gap in death rates developed, indicating the effects of vaccine skepticism.[71] As of March 2024, more than 30 percent of Republicans had not received a COVID vaccine, compared with less than 10 percent of Democrats.[71] Aversion to wearing masks has been associated with Trumpism's celebration of masculinity.[72][73]

According to Philip Gorski, in Trumpian nostalgia "decline is brought about by docility and femininity and the return to greatness requires little more than a reassertion of dominance and masculinity. In this way, 'virtue' is reduced to its root etymology of manly bravado."[64] Michael Kimmel describes male Trump supporters who despaired "over whether or not anything could enable them to find a place with some dignity in this new, multicultural, and more egalitarian world. ... These men were angry, but they all looked back nostalgically to a time when their sense of masculine entitlement went unchallenged. They wanted to reclaim their country, restore their rightful place in it, and retrieve their manhood in the process."[74]

Social psychologists Theresa Vescio and Nathaniel Schermerhorn note that "In his 2016 presidential campaign, Trump embodied HM [hegemonic masculinity] while waxing nostalgic for a racially homogenous past that maintained an unequal gender order. Trump performed HM by repeatedly referencing his status as a successful businessman ("blue-collar businessman") and alluding to how tough he would be as president. ... Trump was openly hostile to gender-atypical women, objectified gender-typical women, and mocked the masculinity of male peers and opponents." In their studies involving 2,007 people, they found that endorsement of hegemonic masculinity better predicted support for Trump than other factors, such as support for antiestablishment, antielitist, nativist, racist, sexist, homophobic or xenophobic perspectives.[75]

Kimmel was surprised at the sexual turn the 2016 election took and thinks that Trump is for many men a fantasy figure, an uber-male free to indulge every desire. "Many of these guys feel that the current order of things has emasculated them, by which I mean it has taken away their ability to support a family and have great life. Here's a guy who says: 'I can build anything I want. I can do anything I want. I can have the women I want.' They're going, 'This guy is awesome!'"[76]

Trump supporters in Manchester, New Hampshire attending a rally, August 15, 2019

Neville Hoad, an expert on gender issues in South Africa, sees this as a common theme with another strongman leader, Jacob Zuma, comparing his "Zulu Big Man version of toxic masculinity versus a dog whistle white supremacist version; the putative real estate billionaire turned reality television star". Both men express a "masculinist fantasy of freedom", similar to Jacques Lacan's mythic leader of the primal horde whose power to satisfy every pleasure or whim has not been castrated. By activating such fantasies, toxic masculine behaviors from opulent displays of greed (the dream palaces of Mar-a-Lago and Nkandla), violent rhetoric, "grab them by the pussy" "locker room" "jokes" to misogynist insults, philandering, and even sexual predatory behavior including allegations of groping and raping become political assets not liabilities.[77][better source needed]

Gender role scholar Colleen Clemens describes toxic masculinity as "a narrow and repressive description of manhood, designating manhood as defined by violence, sex, status and aggression ... where strength is everything while emotions are a weakness; where sex and brutality are yardsticks by which men are measured, while supposedly 'feminine' traits—which can range from emotional vulnerability to simply not being hypersexual—are the means by which your status as "man" can be taken away."[78] Writing in the Journal of Human Rights, Kimberly Theidon notes the COVID-19 pandemic's irony of Trumpian toxic masculinity: "Being a tough guy means wearing the mask of masculinity: Being a tough guy means refusing to don a mask that might preserve one's life and the lives of others."[73]

Tough guy bravado appeared on the internet prior to attack on Congress on January 6, 2021, with one poster writing, "Be ready to fight. Congress needs to hear glass breaking, doors being kicked in ... . Get violent. Stop calling this a march, or rally, or a protest. Go there ready for war. We get our President or we die."[79] Of the rioters arrested for the attack on the U.S. Capitol, 88% were men, and 67% were 35 years or older.[80][note 4]

### Christian Trumpism

[edit]

For the Trump's personal history with religion, see Donald Trump and religion.

This section is an excerpt from Christian support of Donald Trump.[edit]

During the 2020 George Floyd protests, Trump held a photo-op at St. John's Episcopal Church, which had been defaced the night before. Law enforcement controversially cleared a path, using riot control tactics, for Trump to walk from the White House to the church. For more information, see Donald Trump photo op at St. John's Church. |  |

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Donald Trump has strong support among white evangelical Christians, particularly among those who do not attend church regularly.[82] Trump also maintains strong support with Christian nationalists,[83] and his rallies take on the symbols, rhetoric and agenda of Christian nationalism.[84] Trump described his 2024 presidential campaign as a "righteous crusade" against "atheists,  globalists and the Marxists".[85]

Some Christian Trump supporters view him as divinely ordained and "chosen by God", and some compare him to Jesus, with opposition to him seen as spiritual warfare.[86][87] Trump shared and played a video entitled "God Made Trump" at several of his rallies explicitly comparing him to a messianic figure in religious terms.[88] Trump is frequently described among some of his Christian supporters as an Old Testament hero, with Cyrus the Great or David frequently mentioned. The New York Times describes his supporters seeing him as one of several "morally flawed figures handpicked by God to lead profound missions aimed at achieving overdue justice or resisting existential evil".[14] This framing has been described as "vessel theology" which allows for support of Trump and excuses his prior sexual misconduct and adultery.[89] Trump has strong support with members of the dominionist New Apostolic Reformation, and many Trump administration officials are aligned with the group.[90][91]

## Methods of persuasion

[edit]

Further information: Big lie, Personal branding, and Truthiness

Children wearing "Make America Great Again" hats at the 2017 inauguration, a theme earlier established by Reagan to elicit a sense of restoration of hope

Sociologist Arlie Hochschild writes that Trump's "speeches—evoking dominance, bravado, clarity, national pride, and personal uplift—inspire an emotional transformation" in followers, deeply resonating with their "emotional self-interest". Hochschild states that Trump is an "emotions candidate", appealing to the emotional self-interests of voters. To Hochschild, this explains the paradox raised by Thomas Frank's book What's the Matter with Kansas?, an anomaly which motivated her five-year immersive research into the emotional dynamics of the Tea Party movement which she believes has mutated into Trumpism.[92][93]

Her book Strangers in Their Own Land was named one of the "6 books to understand Trump's Win" by The New York Times.[94] Hochschild claims that voters were not persuaded by rhetoric to vote against their self-interest through appeals to the "bad angels" of their nature:[note 5] "their greed, selfishness, racial intolerance, homophobia, and desire to get out of paying taxes that go to the unfortunate." She grants that the appeal to bad angels is made by Trump, but states that it "obscures another—to the right wing's good angels—their patience in waiting in line in scary economic times, their capacity for loyalty, sacrifice, and endurance", qualities she describes as a part of a motivating narrative she calls their "deep story", a social contract narrative that appears to be widely shared in other countries as well.[95] She thinks Trump's approach towards his audience creates group cohesiveness by exploiting a crowd phenomenon Emile Durkheim called "collective effervescence", "a state of emotional excitation felt by those who join with others they take to be fellow members of a moral or biological tribe ... to affirm their unity and, united, they feel secure and respected."[96] [note 6]

Trumpian rhetoric employs absolutist framings and threat narratives[98] rejecting the political establishment.[99] The absolutist rhetoric emphasizes non-negotiable boundaries and moral outrage at their supposed violation.[100][note 7]

### Money-Kyrle pattern

[edit]

A particular pattern is common for authoritarian movements. First, elicit a sense of depression, humiliation and victimhood. Second, separate the world into two opposing groups: a demonized set of others versus those who have the power and will to overcome them.[103] This involves identifying the enemy supposedly causing the current state of affairs and then promoting conspiracy theories and fearmongering to inflame fear and anger. After cycling these first two patterns through the populace, the final message aims to produce a cathartic release of pent-up ochlocracy and mob energy, with a promise that salvation is at hand because the leader will deliver the nation back to its former glory.[104] This three-part pattern was identified in 1932 by Roger Money-Kyrle who wrote Psychology of Propaganda.[105] Reporting on Trumpist rallies has documented expressions of the Money-Kyrle pattern and associated stagecraft.[106][107]

### Trump rallies

[edit]

Trump at a Make America Great Again rally in Arizona, 2018

Critical theory scholar Douglas Kellner compares the elaborate staging of Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph of the Will with that used in Trump rallies using the example of the preparation of photo op sequences and aggressive hyping of huge attendance expected for Trump's 2015 primary event in Mobile, Alabama, when the media coverage repeatedly cuts between the Trump jet circling the stadium, the rising excitement of rapturous admirers below, the motorcade and the final triumphal entrance of the individual Kellner claims is being presented as the "political savior to help them out with their problems and address their grievances".[108]

Connolly thinks the performance draws energy from the crowd's anger as it channels it, drawing it into a collage of anxieties, frustrations and resentments about malaise themes, such as deindustrialization, offshoring, racial tensions, political correctness, a more humble position for the United States in global security, economics and so on. Connolly observes that animated gestures, pantomiming, facial expressions, strutting and finger pointing are incorporated as part of the theater, transforming the anxiety into anger directed at particular targets, concluding that "each element in a Trump performance flows and folds into the others until an aggressive resonance machine is formed that is more intense than its parts."[109] Some compare the symbiotic dynamics of crowd pleasing to that of the professional wrestling style of events which Trump was involved with since the 1980s.[110][111]

Some academics point out that the narrative common in the popular press describing the psychology of such crowds is a repetition of a 19th-century theory by Gustave Le Bon when organized crowds were seen by political elites as potential threats to the social order. In his book The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1895), Le Bon described a sort of collective contagion uniting a crowd into a near religious frenzy, reducing members to barbaric, if not subhuman levels of consciousness with mindless goals.[112] Since such a description depersonalizes supporters, this type of Le Bon analysis is criticized because the would-be defenders of liberal democracy simultaneously are dodging responsibility for investigating grievances while also unwittingly accepting the same us vs. them framing of illiberalism.[113][114] Connolly acknowledges the risks but considers it more risky to ignore that Trumpian persuasion is successful due to deliberate use of techniques evoking more mild forms of affective contagion.[115]

Trump relies on theatrical devices to market his messages, including animated gestures, pantomiming and facial expressions.[109] Photo is from the 2019 Conservative Political Action Conference.

### Rhetoric

[edit]

A constant barrage of rhetoric rivets media attention while obscuring actions such as neoliberal deregulation. One study concluded that significant environmental deregulation occurred during the first year of the Trump administration but, due to its concurrent use of racist rhetoric, escaped much media attention. According to the authors, the rhetoric served political objectives of dehumanizing its targets, eroding democratic norms, and consolidating power by emotionally connecting with and inflaming resentments among the base of followers and distracted media attention from deregulatory policymaking by igniting media coverage of the distractions.[116]

Trump was the most prominent promoter of the birther conspiracy theory used to delegitimize his political rival by employing a political tactic known as the big lie[117][118]

According to civil rights lawyer Burt Neuborne and political theorist William E. Connolly, Trumpist rhetoric employs tropes similar to those used by fascists in Germany[119] to persuade citizens (at first a minority) to give up democracy, by using a barrage of falsehoods, half-truths, personal invective, threats, xenophobia, national-security scares, religious bigotry, white racism, exploitation of economic insecurity, and a never-ending search for scapegoats.[120] Neuborne found twenty parallel practices,[121] such as creating what amounts to an "alternate reality" in adherents' minds, through direct communications, by nurturing a fawning mass media and by deriding scientists to erode the notion of objective truth;[122] organizing carefully orchestrated mass rallies;[123] attacking judges when legal cases are lost;[124] using lies, half-truths, insults, vituperation and innuendo to marginalize, demonize and destroy opponents;[123] making jingoistic appeals to ultranationalist fervor;[123] and promising to stop the flow of "undesirable" ethnic groups who are made scapegoats for the nation's ills.[125]

Connolly presents a similar list in his book Aspirational Fascism (2017), adding comparisons of the integration of theatrics and crowd participation with rhetoric, involving grandiose bodily gestures, grimaces, hysterical charges, dramatic repetitions of alternate reality falsehoods, and totalistic assertions incorporated into signature phrases that audiences are encouraged to join in chanting.[126] Despite the similarities, Connolly stresses that Trump is no Nazi but is "an aspirational fascist who pursues crowd adulation, hyperaggressive nationalism, white triumphalism, and militarism, pursues a law-and-order regime giving unaccountable power to the police, and is a practitioner of a rhetorical style that regularly creates fake news and smears opponents to mobilize support for the Big Lies he advances."[119]

In his 2024 book Trump and Hitler: A Comparative Study in Lying, cultural theorist Henk de Berg points to a number of further parallels between Trump's and Hitler's rhetoric; namely, the use of jokes and personal insults; the deliberate creation of controversy; interpretative openness, allowing different groups to recognize themselves in the argument; and oratorical meandering in cases where a coherent narrative would draw attention to the argument's inconsistencies.[127] De Berg also points out that extremist language used by Trump's followers is often perceived as authentic, because in real life we also tend to overstate things (e.g., "My new boss is worse than Stalin").[128]

### Branding

[edit]

Trump used personal branding to market himself as an extraordinary leader by using his celebrity status and name recognition. As one of the communications director for the MAGA super PAC put it in 2016, "Like Hercules, Donald Trump is a work of fiction."[129] Journalism professor Mark Danner explains that "week after week for a dozen years millions of Americans saw Donald J. Trump portraying the business magus [in The Apprentice], the grand vizier of capitalism, the wise man of the boardroom, a living confection whose every step and word bespoke gravitas and experience and power and authority and ... money. Endless amounts of money."[130]

Political science scholar Andrea Schneiker regards the branding strategy of the Trump public persona as that of a superhero who "uses his superpowers to save others, that is, his country. ... a superhero is needed to solve the problems of ordinary Americans ... Hence, the superhero per definition is an anti-politician. Due to his celebrity status and his identity as entertainer, Donald Trump can thereby be considered to be allowed to take extraordinary measures and even to break rules."[131][132]

### Appeal to emotions

[edit]

Historian Peter E. Gordon observes that "Trump, far from being a violation of the norm, actually signifies an emergent norm of the social order" where the categories of the psychological and political have dissolved.[133][note 8] In accounting for Trump's election and ability to sustain high approval ratings among voters, Erika Tucker writes in the book Trump and Political Philosophy that though all presidential campaigns have strong emotions associated with them, Trump was able to recognize, and then to gain the trust and loyalty of those who felt strong emotions about perceived changes in the United States. She notes, "Political psychologist Drew Westen has argued that Democrats are less successful at gauging and responding to affective politics—issues that arouse strong emotional states."[135]

Examining the populist appeal of Trump, Hidalgo-Tenorio and Benítez-Castro draw on the theories of Ernesto Laclau, writing, "The emotional appeal of populist discourse is key to its polarising effects, this being so much so that populism 'would be unintelligible without the affective component.' (Laclau 2005, 11)"[136][137]

Trump uses rhetoric that political scientists have deemed to be both dehumanizing and connected to physical violence by Trump's followers.[138]

### Emotion, trust and media

[edit]

Communications scholar Michael Carpini states that "Trumpism is a culmination of trends that have been occurring for several decades. What we are witnessing is nothing short of a fundamental shift in the relationships between journalism, politics, and democracy." Among the shifts, Carpini identifies "the collapsing of the prior [media] regime's presumed and enforced distinctions between news and entertainment."[139] Examining Trump's use of media for the book Language in the Trump Era, communication professor Marco Jacquemet writes that this approach "assumes (correctly, it appears) that his audiences care more about shock and entertainment value in their media consumption than almost anything else."[140]

Plasser & Ulram (2003) describe a media logic which emphasizes "personalization ... a political star system ... [and] sports based dramatization."[141] Olivier Jutel notes that "Donald Trump's celebrity status and reality-TV rhetoric of 'winning' and 'losing' corresponds perfectly to these values", asserting that "Fox News and conservative personalities from Rush Limbaugh, Glenn Beck and Alex Jones do not simply represent a new political and media voice but embody the convergence of politics and media in which affect and enjoyment are the central values of media production."[142]

Studying paranoia in media, anthropologist Jessica Johnson writes, "Rather than finding accurate news meaningful, Facebook users find the affective pleasure of connectivity addictive, whether or not the information they share is factual, and that is how communicative capitalism captivates subjects as it holds them captive."[143] Looking back at the world prior to social media, communications researcher Brian L. Ott writes: "I'm nostalgic for the world of television that [Neil] Postman (1985) argued, produced the 'least well-informed people in the Western world' by packaging news as entertainment. (pp. 106–107)[144] Twitter is producing the most self-involved people in history by treating everything one does or thinks as newsworthy. Television may have assaulted journalism, but Twitter killed it."[145] Commenting on Trump's support among Fox News viewers, Hofstra University Communication Dean Mark Lukasiewicz has a similar perspective, writing, "Tristan Harris famously said that social networks are about 'affirmation, not information'—and the same can be said about cable news, especially in prime time."[146]

The American way of upward mobility for the deserving is, according to Kimmel and Hochschild, a promise that many Americans feel has been denied them due to forces described within a shared "deep story" commonly held among Trump supporters.

Arlie Russell Hochschild holds that Trump supporters trust their preferred sources of information due to the affective bond they have with them. As media scholar Daniel Kreiss summarizes Hochschild, "Trump, along with Fox News, gave these strangers in their own land the hope that they would be restored to their rightful place at the center of the nation, and provided a very real emotional release from the fetters of political correctness that dictated they respect people of color, lesbians and gays, and those of other faiths ... that the network's personalities share the same 'deep story' of political and social life, and therefore they learn from them 'what to feel afraid, angry, and anxious about.'"[147]

From Kreiss's 2018 account of conservative personalities and media, information became less important than providing a sense of familial bonding, where "family provides a sense of identity, place, and belonging; emotional, social, and cultural support and security; and gives rise to political and social affiliations and beliefs."[148] Hochschild gives the example of a woman who states, "Bill O'Reilly is like a steady, reliable dad. Sean Hannity is like a difficult uncle who rises to anger too quickly. Megyn Kelly[note 9] is like a smart sister. Then there's Greta Van Susteren. And Juan Williams, who came over from NPR, which was too left for him, the adoptee. They're all different, just like in a family."[149]

Media scholar Olivier Jutel notes that, "Affect is central to the brand strategy of Fox which imagined its journalism not in terms of servicing the rational citizen in the public sphere but in 'craft[ing] intensive relationships with their viewers' (Jones, 2012: 180) in order to sustain audience share across platforms."[note 10] In this segmented market, Trump "offers himself as an ego-ideal to an individuated public of enjoyment that coalesce around his media brand as part of their own performance of identity." Jutel states that news media companies benefit from offering spectacle and drama. "Trump is a definitive product of mediatized politics providing the spectacle that drives ratings and affective media consumption, either as part of his populist movement or as the liberal resistance."[150]

Researchers give differing emphasis to which emotions are important to followers. Michael Richardson argues in the Journal of Media and Cultural Studies that "affirmation, amplification and circulation of disgust is one of the primary affective drivers of Trump's political success." Richardson agrees with Ott about the "entanglement of Trumpian affect and social media crowds" who seek "affective affirmation, confirmation and amplification. Social media postings of crowd experiences accumulate as 'archives of feelings' that are both dynamic in nature and affirmative of social values (Pybus 2015, 239)."[151][152]

Using Trump as an example, social trust expert Karen Jones follows philosopher Annette Baier in explaining that the masters of the art of creating trust and distrust are populist politicians and criminals, who "show a masterful appreciation of the ways in which certain emotional states drive out trust and replace it with distrust."[153] Jones sees Trump as an exemplar of this class who recognize that fear and contempt are tools that can reorient networks of trust and distrust in social networks in order to alter how a potential supporter "interprets the words, deeds, and motives of the other."[note 11] She holds that "A core strategy of Donald Trump, both as candidate and president, has been to manufacture fear and contempt towards some undocumented migrants (among other groups)", a strategy which "has gone global ... in Australia, Austria, Hungary, Poland, Italy and the United Kingdom."[153]

### Falsehoods

[edit]

See also: Stop the Steal and False or misleading statements by Donald Trump

Fact-checkers from The Washington Post,[155] the Toronto Star,[156] and CNN[157][158] compiled data on "false or misleading claims", and "false claims", respectively. The Post reported 30,573 false or misleading claims in four years,[155] an average of more than 20.9 per day.

To sow election doubt, Trump escalated use of "rigged election" and "election interference" statements in advance of the 2024 election compared to the previous two elections—the statements described as part of a "heads I win; tails you cheated" rhetorical strategy.[159]

Google Trends topic searches for "Gaslighting" began a substantial increase in 2016, at the time of the campaign for the U.S. presidential election.[160]

Google Trends topic searches for "Fake news" began a substantial increase in late 2016, about the time of the U.S. presidential election.[161]

Though Trump repeatedly promoted his 2024 victory as a mandate—to inflate the actual degree of voter support—he failed to receive 50% of the popular vote.[162] His 1.5 percentage point margin of victory in 2024 (shown in chart) place it in only the 20th percentile of presidential elections since 1828.[163]

Trump's opposition to wind power involves repeated claims that "windmills" "kill the birds".[164] However, cats in the U.S. actually kill about 10,000 times as many birds as wind turbines.[165]

There are many falsehoods which Trump presents as facts.[166] Drawing on Harry G. Frankfurt's book On Bullshit, political science professor Matthew McManus argues that Trump is a bullshitter whose sole interest is to persuade, and not a liar (e.g. Richard Nixon) who takes the power of truth seriously and so deceitfully attempts to conceal it. Trump by contrast is indifferent to the truth or unaware of it.[167] Unlike conventional lies of politicians exaggerating their accomplishments, Trump's lies are egregious, making lies about easily verifiable facts. At one rally Trump stated his father "came from Germany", even though Fred Trump was born in New York City.[168]

Leaders at the 2018 United Nations General Assembly burst into laughter at his boast that he had accomplished more in his first two years than any other United States president. Visibly startled, Trump responded to the audience: "I didn't expect that reaction."[168] Trump lies about the trivial, such as claiming that there was no rain on the day of his inauguration when in fact it did rain, as well as making grandiose "Big Lies", such as claiming that Obama founded ISIS, or promoting the birther movement, a conspiracy theory which claims that Obama was born in Kenya, not Hawaii.[169] Connolly points to the similarities of such reality-bending gaslighting with fascist and post Soviet techniques of propaganda including Kompromat (scandalous material), stating that "Trumpian persuasion draws significantly upon the repetition of Big Lies."[170]

Robert Jay Lifton, a scholar of psychohistory and authority on the nature of cults, emphasizes the importance of understanding Trumpism "as an assault on reality". A leader has more power if he is in any part successful at making truth irrelevant to his followers.[171] Trump biographer Timothy L. O'Brien agrees, stating: "It is a core operating principle of Trumpism. If you constantly attack objective reality, you are left as the only trustworthy source of information, which is one of his goals for his relationship with his supporters—that they should believe no one else but him."[172] Lifton believes Trump is a purveyor of a solipsistic reality[173] which is hostile to facts and is made collective by amplifying frustrations and fears held by his community of zealous believers.

Research published in the American Sociological Review found that Trump's lying helped boost his "authentic appeal". It argued that in systems viewed as flawed or with low political legitimacy, a "flagrant violator of established norms" is seen "as an authentic champion" by being perceived as "bravely speaking a deep and otherwise suppressed truth" against a political establishment that does not appear to be working on behalf of the people. While a perceived establishment candidate "may be more likable or perceived to be more competent", voters question the candidates opposition to "the injustice that is said to have permeated the established political system".[174] Andrew Gumbel, writing for The Guardian after the 2024 presidential election, wrote that many Trump voters in Youngstown, Ohio saw both parties as filled with crooks and liars, but that Trump "comes across as someone who doesn't pretend to be anything other than what he is, and that perceived authenticity counts for more with many Youngstown voters than his character flaws or even his policy positions". Gumbel argued that voters preferred "gut instincts" to "carefully scripted messaging of a Democrat like Kamala Harris or even a mainstream Republican".[175]

## Social psychology

[edit]

### Dominance orientation

[edit]

Trump supporters employed a variety of dominance imagery in flags, clothing and a mock gallows on January 6, 2021, when violent Trumpist rioters attempted to overturn the 2020 election, temporarily succeeding in preventing Congress from certifying Trump's loss.

Social psychology research into the Trump movement, such as that of Bob Altemeyer, Thomas F. Pettigrew, and Karen Stenner, views the Trump movement as primarily being driven by the psychological predispositions of its followers,[176][177][178] although political and historical factors (reviewed elsewhere in this article) are also involved.[178] An article in Social Psychological and Personality Science described a study concluding that Trump followers prefer hierarchical and ethnocentric social orders that favor their in-group.[179]

In the non-academic book, Authoritarian Nightmare: Trump and His Followers, Altemeyer and John Dean describe research which reaches the same conclusions. Despite disparate and inconsistent beliefs and ideologies, a coalition of such followers can become cohesive and broad in part because each individual "compartmentalizes" their thoughts[180] and they are free to define their sense of the threatened tribal in-group[181] in their own terms, whether it is predominantly related to their cultural or religious views[182] (e.g. the mystery of evangelical support for Trump), nationalism[183] (e.g. the Make America Great Again slogan), or their race (maintaining a white majority).[184]

Mock gallows and Trump supporters attacking Congress on January 6, 2021

Altemeyer, MacWilliams, Feldman, Choma, Hancock, Van Assche and Pettigrew claim that instead of directly attempting to measure such ideological, racial or policy views, supporters of such movements can be reliably predicted by using two social psychology scales (singly or in combination), namely right-wing authoritarian (RWA) measures which were developed in the 1980s by Altemeyer and other authoritarian personality researchers,[note 12] and the social dominance orientation (SDO) scale developed in the 1990s by social dominance theorists.

In May 2019, Monmouth University Polling Institute conducted a study in collaboration with Altemeyer in order to empirically test the hypothesis using the SDO and RWA measures. The finding was that social dominance orientation and affinity for authoritarian leadership are highly correlated with followers of Trumpism.[185] This study further confirmed of the studies discussed in MacWilliams (2016), Feldman (2020), Choma and Hancock (2017), and Van Assche & Pettigrew (2016).[186]

The research does not imply that the followers always behave in an authoritarian manner but that expression is contingent, which means there is reduced influence if it is not triggered by fear and what the subject perceives as threats.[177][187][188] Similar social psychological techniques for analyzing Trumpism have been effective in identifying adherents of similar movements in Europe, including in Belgium and France (Lubbers & Scheepers, 2002; Swyngedouw & Giles, 2007; Van Hiel & Mervielde, 2002; Van Hiel, 2012), the Netherlands (Cornelis & Van Hiel, 2014) and Italy (Leone, Desimoni & Chirumbolo, 2014).[189] Quoting comments from participants in focus groups made up of people who had voted for Democrat Obama in 2012 but flipped to Trump in 2016, pollster Diane Feldman noted the anti-government, anti-coastal-elite anger: "'They think they're better than us, they're P.C., they're virtue-signallers.' '[Trump] doesn't come across as one of those people who think they're better than us and are screwing us.' 'They lecture us.' 'They don't even go to church.' 'They're in charge, and they're ripping us off.'"[190]

### Comparisons to animal social behavior

[edit]

Former speaker of the House Newt Gingrich explained the central role of dominance in his speech "Principles of Trumpism", comparing the needed leadership style to that of a violent bear. Psychology researcher Dan P. McAdams thinks a better comparison is to the dominance behavior of alpha male chimpanzees such as Yeroen, the subject of an extensive study of chimp social behavior conducted by renowned primatologist Frans de Waal.[191] Christopher Boehm, a professor of biology and anthropology agrees, writing, "his model of political posturing has echoes of what I saw in the wild in six years in Tanzania studying the Gombe chimpanzees," and "seems like a classic alpha display."[192]

Using the example of Yeroen, McAdams describes the similarities: "On Twitter, Trump's incendiary tweets are like Yeroen's charging displays. In chimp colonies, the alpha male occasionally goes berserk and starts screaming, hooting, and gesticulating wildly as he charges toward other males nearby. Pandemonium ensues as rival males cower in fear ... Once the chaos ends, there is a period of peace and order, wherein rival males pay homage to the alpha, visiting him, grooming him, and expressing various forms of submission. In Trump's case, his tweets are designed to intimidate his foes and rally his submissive base ... These verbal outbursts reinforce the president's dominance by reminding everybody of his wrath and his force."[193]

Primatologist Dame Jane Goodall explains that like the dominance performances of Trump, "In order to impress rivals, males seeking to rise in the dominance hierarchy perform spectacular displays: Stamping, slapping the ground, dragging branches, throwing rocks. The more vigorous and imaginative the display, the faster the individual is likely to rise in the hierarchy, and the longer he is likely to maintain that position." The comparison has been echoed by political observers sympathetic to Trump. Nigel Farage, an enthusiastic backer of Trump, stated that in the 2016 United States presidential debates where Trump loomed up on Clinton, he "looked like a big silverback gorilla", and added that "he is that big alpha male. The leader of the pack!"[194]

McAdams points out the audience gets to vicariously share in the sense of dominance due to the parasocial bonding that his performance produces for his fans, as shown by Shira Gabriel's research studying the phenomenon in Trump's role in The Apprentice.[195] McAdams writes that the "television audience vicariously experienced the world according to Donald Trump", a world where Trump says "Man is the most vicious of all animals, and life is a series of battles ending in victory or defeat."[196]

### Collective narcissism

[edit]

Further information: Collective narcissism, Donald Trump on social media, and Post-truth politics

Cultural anthropologist Paul Stoller thinks Trump employed celebrity culture-glitz, illusion and fantasy to construct a shared alternate reality where lies become truth and reality's resistance to one's own dreams is overcome by the right attitude and bold self-confidence.[197] Trump's father indoctrinated his children from an early age into the positive thinking approach to reality advocated by the family's pastor Norman Vincent Peale.[198] Trump said that Peale considered him the greatest student of his philosophy that regards facts as not important, because positive attitudes will instead cause what you "image" to materialize.[199] Trump biographer Gwenda Blair thinks Trump "weaponized" Peale's self-help philosophy.[200]

Collective narcissism measures have been shown to be a powerful predictor of membership in authoritarian movements including Trump's.[201]

External videos

Presentation by John Fea on Believe Me: The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump, July 7, 2018, C-SPAN
Washington Journal interview with Fea on Believe Me, July 8, 2018, C-SPAN

In his book Believe Me which details Trump's exploitation of white evangelical politics of fear, Messiah College history professor John Fea points out the narcissistic nature of the fanciful appeals to nostalgia, noting that "In the end, the practice of nostalgia is inherently selfish because it focuses entirely on our own experience of the past and not on the experience of others. For example, people nostalgic for the world of Leave It to Beaver may fail to recognize that other people, perhaps even some of the people living in the Cleaver's suburban "paradise" of the 1950s, were not experiencing the world in a way that they would describe as 'great.' Nostalgia can give us tunnel vision. Its selective use of the past fails to recognize the complexity and breadth of the human experience ... ."[202]

According to historian John Fea, many Trump followers seek refuge from change by urging return to a utopian Leave it to Beaver version of America.[203]

According to Fea, the hopelessness of achieving an idealized past "causes us to imagine a future filled with horror" leading to conspiratorial narratives that easily mobilize white evangelicals.[204] As a result, they are easily captivated by a strongman such as Trump who repeats and amplifies their fears while posing as the deliverer from them. In his review of Fea's analysis of the impact of conspiracy theories on white evangelical Trump supporters, scholar of religious politics David Gutterman writes: "The greater the threat, the more powerful the deliverance." Gutterman's view is that "Donald J. Trump did not invent this formula; evangelicals have, in their lack of spiritual courage, demanded and gloried in this message for generations. Despite the literal biblical reassurance to 'fear not,' white evangelicals are primed for fear, their identity is stoked by fear, and the sources of fear are around every unfamiliar turn.[205]

Social theory scholar John Cash notes that disaster narratives of impending horrors have a broad audience, pointing to a 2010 Pew study which found that 41 percent of those in the US think that the world will probably be destroyed by the middle of the century. Cash points out that certainties may be found in other narratives which also have the effect of uniting like minded individuals into shared "us versus them" narratives.[206]

Cash thinks that psychoanalytic theorist Joel Whitebook is correct that "Trumpism as a social experience can be understood as a psychotic like phenomenon, that "[Trumpism is] an intentional [...] attack on our relation to reality." Whitebook thinks Trump's playbook is like that of Putin's strategist Vladislav Surkov who employs "ceaseless shapeshifting, appealing to nationalist skinheads one moment and human rights groups the next."[206]

Cash compares Alice in Wonderland to Trump's ability to seemingly embrace disparate fantasies in a series of contradictory tweets and pronouncements, for example appearing to encourage the "neo-Nazi protestors" after Charlottesville or for audiences with felt grievances about America's first black president, the claim that Obama wiretapped him. Cash writes: "Unlike the resilient Alice, who ... insists on truth and accuracy when confronted by a world of reversals, contradictions, nonsense and irrationality, Trump reverses this process. ... Trump has dragged the uninhibited and distorted world of the other side of the looking-glass into our shared world."[207]

Lifton sees important differences between Trumpism and typical cults, such as not advancing a totalist ideology and lack of isolation from the outside world. Lifton identifies similarities with cults that disparage the "fake world" created by the cult's titanic enemies.

Cultlike persuasion techniques are used, such as echoing of catch phrases. Examples include the use of call and response ("Clinton" triggers "lock her up"; "immigrants" triggers "build that wall"; "who will pay for it?" triggers "Mexico"), deepening the sense of unity between the leader and the community.[208] Participants and observers at rallies have remarked on a liberating feeling which Lifton calls a "high state" that "can even be called experiences of transcendence".[209]

#### Conspiracy theories

[edit]

See also: List of conspiracy theories promoted by Donald Trump

Conspiracy theories such as QAnon are widely accepted among Trump supporters according to polling data from 2020.[210][211] Pictured are Vice President Mike Pence and members of the Broward County, Florida SWAT team assigned to a high-profile security detail, one of whom is wearing a QAnon patch.

Conservative culture commentator David Brooks observes that under Trump, this post-truth mindset, heavily reliant on conspiracy themes, came to dominate Republican identity, providing its believers a sense of superiority since such insiders possess important information most people do not have.[212] This results in an empowering sense of agency[213] with the liberation, entitlement and group duty to reject "experts" and the influence of hidden cabals seeking to dominate them.[212]

Prior to 2015, Trump already had established a bond with followers due to television and media appearances.[195] For those sharing his political views, Trump's use of Twitter to share his views caused those bonds to intensify, causing his supporters to feel a deepened empathetic bond as with a friend—sharing his anger and outrage, taking pride in his successes, sharing in his denial of failures and his oftentimes conspiratorial views.[214]

Dominance imagery using the Stop the Steal conspiracy theme erected on the day of the Capitol assault. 76 percent of Republicans believe the conspiracy theory[215] with nearly half approving of the Capitol assault.[216][note 13]

Brooks thinks sharing of conspiracy theories has become the most powerful community bonding mechanism of the 21st century.[212]

Hofstadter's The Paranoid Style in American Politics describes the political efficacy of conspiracy theories. Some attribute Trump's political success to making such narratives a rhetorical staple.[219] The conspiracy theory QAnon asserts that top Democrats run a child sex-trafficking ring and Trump is trying to dismantle it. An October 2020 Yahoo-YouGov poll showed that elements of the QAnon claims are said to be true by half of Trump supporters polled.[210][211]

Some social psychologists see the predisposition of Trumpists towards interpreting social interactions in terms of dominance frameworks as extending to their relationship towards facts. A study by Felix Sussenbach and Adam B. Moore found that the dominance motive strongly correlated with hostility towards disconfirming facts and affinity for conspiracies among 2016 Trump voters but not among Clinton voters.[220] Many critics note Trump's skill in exploiting narrative, emotion, and a whole host of rhetorical ploys to draw supporters into the group's common adventure[221] as characters in a story much bigger than themselves.[222]

It is a story that involves not just a community-building call to arms to defeat titanic threats,[98] or of the leader's heroic deeds restoring American greatness, but of a restoration of each supporter's individual sense of liberty and control.[223] Trump channels and amplifies these aspirations, explaining in one of his books that his bending of the truth is effective because it plays to people's greatest fantasies.[224] By contrast, Clinton was dismissive of such emotion-filled storytelling and ignored the emotional dynamics of the Trumpist narrative.[225]

### Cult of personality

[edit]

Trump's support has been compared to a cult of personality.[e] Trump's message and self-representation involved the creation of an identity as a non-politician, businessman, and  great leader, distancing himself from traditional politicians and from the traditional Republican Party. His strategy involved the creation of an ethos of  "saving America" through populist intentions and fighting imagined enemies with "I versus them" rhetoric that constituted the formation of a cult of personality.[226][page needed] Trump's contingent of hard-core supporters allowed him to maintain a grip on his political party even after several actions and controversies that would have discredited other politicians.[227]

News media and commentators have widely characterized Trump as the object of a personality cult.[228][229][230] His support was found to satisfy all parameters needed to determine a personality cult based on Max Weber's concept of charismatic authority.[231] Research found examples of asymmetric bias by his supporters in favor of Trump that did not exist among left-leaning individuals among alleged cases of "Trump derangement syndrome".[232] Other research has argued that Trump's personality cult revolves around an "all-powerful, charismatic figure, contributing to a social milieu at risk for the erosion of democratic principles and the rise of fascism" based on the analysis of psychoanalysts and sociopolitical historians.[233] Research using the Big Five model of personality has found that his most loyal followers tend to score highly in conscientiousness / self-discipline, traits likely to be attracted to "personalistic, loyalty-demanding leaders" like Trump.[227] Several aspects of cult-like loyalty to Trump have been found to have religious parallels among certain supporters, and certain evangelicals have referred to him in religious terms, casting him as a divinely ordained  savior and "chosen one".[227][234]

## Relationship with media

[edit]

### Culture industry and pillarization

[edit]

Further information: Culture industry

Peter E. Gordon, Alex Ross, sociologist David L. Andrews and Harvard political theorist David Lebow look on Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer's concept of the "culture industry" as useful for comprehending Trumpism.[note 14] As Ross explains the concept, the culture industry replicates "fascist methods of mass hypnosis ... blurring the line between reality and fiction", explaining, "Trump is as much a pop-culture phenomenon as he is a political one."[236] Gordon observes that these purveyors of popular culture are not just leveraging outrage,[237] but are turning politics into a more commercially lucrative product, a "polarized, standardized reflection of opinion into forms of humor and theatricalized outrage within narrow niche markets ... within which one swoons to one's preferred slogan and already knows what one knows. Name just about any political position and what sociologists call 'pillarization'—or what the Frankfurt School called 'ticket' thinking—will predict, almost without fail, a full suite of opinions."[238][note 15]

Trumpism is from Lebow's perspective, more of a result of this process than a cause.[240] In the intervening years since Adorno's work, Lebow believes the culture industry has evolved into a politicizing culture market "based increasingly on the internet, constituting a self-referential hyperreality shorn from any reality of referants ... sensationalism and insulation intensify intolerance of dissonance and magnify hostility against alternative hyperrealities. In a self-reinforcing logic of escalation, intolerance and hostility further encourage sensationalism and the retreat into insularity."[240][note 16] From Gordon's view, "Trumpism itself, one could argue, is just another name for the culture industry, where the performance of undoing repression serves as a means for carrying on precisely as before."[242]

From this viewpoint, the susceptibility to psychological manipulation of individuals with social dominance inclinations is not at the center of Trumpism, but is instead the "culture industry" which exploits these and other susceptibilities by using mechanisms that condition people to think in standardized ways.[133] The burgeoning culture industry respects no political boundaries as it develops these markets with Gordon emphasizing "This is true on the left as well as the right, and it is especially noteworthy once we countenance what passes for political discourse today. Instead of a public sphere, we have what Jürgen Habermas long ago called the refeudalization of society."[243]

What Kreiss calls an "identity-based account of media" is important for understanding Trump's success because "citizens understand politics and accept information through the lens of partisan identity. ... The failure to come to grips with a socially embedded public and an identity group–based democracy has placed significant limits on our ability to imagine a way forward for journalism and media in the Trump era. As Fox News and Breitbart have discovered, there is power in the claim of representing and working for particular publics, quite apart from any abstract claims to present the truth."[244]

### Profitability of spectacle and outrage

[edit]

Further information: Outrage discourse

Examining Trumpism as an entertainment product, some media research focuses on outrage discourse, relating the entertainment value of Trump's rhetoric to the commercial interests of media companies.[245] Outrage narratives on political blogs, talk radio and cable news shows were, in the decades prior, a new genre which grew due to its profitability.[246][247]

Media critic David Denby writes, "Like a good standup comic, Trump invites the audience to join him in the adventure of delivering his act—in this case, the barbarously entertaining adventure of running a Presidential campaign that insults everybody." Denby claims that Trump is good at delivering entertainment that consumers demand. He observes that "The movement's standard of allowable behavior has been formed by popular culture—by standup comedy and, recently, by reality TV and by the snarking, trolling habits of the Internet. ... it's exactly vulgar sensationalism and buffoonery that his audience is buying. Donald Trump has been produced by America."[221]

Trump made false assertions, mean spirited attacks and dog whistle appeals to racial and religious intolerance. CBS's CEO Les Moonves remarked that "It may not be good for America, but it's damn good for CBS,"[248] demonstrating how Trump's messaging is compatible with the financial goals of media companies.[249] Peter Wehner, senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center considers Trump a political "shock jock" who "thrives on creating disorder, in violating rules, in provoking outrage."[250]

The political profitability of incivility was demonstrated by the amount of airtime devoted to Trump's 2016 primary campaign—estimated at two billion[251] to almost five billion dollars.[252] The advantage of incivility was as true in social media, where "a BuzzFeed analysis found that the top 20 fake election news stories emanating from hoax sites and hyperpartisan blogs generated more engagement on Facebook (as measured by shares, reactions, and comments) than the top 20 election stories produced by 19 major news outlets combined, including The New York Times, Washington Post, Huffington Post, and NBC News."[253]

### Social media

[edit]

Further information: Collective narcissism, Group polarization, and Social media use by Donald Trump

> Donald J. Trump

> @realDonaldTrump

> 

> My use of social media is not Presidential – it's MODERN DAY PRESIDENTIAL. Make America Great Again!

> July 1, 2017[254]

Surveying research of how Trumpist communication is well suited to social media, Brian Ott writes that, "commentators who have studied Trump's public discourse have observed speech patterns that correspond closely to what I identified as Twitter's three defining features [Simplicity, impulsivity, and incivility]."[255] Media critic Neal Gabler has a similar viewpoint writing that "What FDR was to radio and JFK to television, Trump is to Twitter."[256] Outrage discourse expert Patrick O'Callaghan argues that social media is most effective when it utilizes the particular type of communication which Trump relies on. O'Callaghan notes that sociologist Sarah Sobieraj and political scientist Jeffrey M. Berry almost perfectly described in 2011 the social media communication style used by Trump long before his presidential campaign.[257]

They explained that such discourse "[involves] efforts to provoke visceral responses (e.g., anger, righteousness, fear, moral indignation) from the audience through the use of overgeneralizations, sensationalism, misleading or patently inaccurate information, ad hominem attacks, and partial truths about opponents, who may be individuals, organizations, or entire communities of interest (e.g., progressives or conservatives) or circumstance (e.g., immigrants). Outrage sidesteps the messy nuances of complex political issues in favor of melodrama, misrepresentative exaggeration, mockery, and improbable forecasts of impending doom. Outrage talk is not so much discussion as it is verbal competition, political theater with a scorecard."[258]

Trump's hourly tweet activity from his first tweet in May 2009 until his suspension from the website in 2021. His tweet activity pattern changed markedly in 2013.

Due to Facebook's and Twitter's narrowcasting environment in which outrage discourse thrives,[note 17] Trump's employment of such messaging at almost every opportunity was from O'Callaghan's account extremely effective because tweets and posts were repeated in viral fashion among like minded supporters, thereby rapidly building a substantial information echo chamber,[260] a phenomenon Cass Sunstein identifies as group polarization,[261] and other researchers refer to as a kind of self re-enforcing homophily.[262][note 18] Within these information cocoons, it matters little to social media companies whether much of the information spread in such pillarized information silos is false, because as digital culture critic Olivia Solon points out, "the truth of a piece of content is less important than whether it is shared, liked, and monetized."[265]

Citing Pew Research's survey that found 62% of US adults get their news from social media,[266] Ott expresses alarm, "since the 'news' content on social media regularly features fake and misleading stories from sources devoid of editorial standards."[267] Media critic Alex Ross is similarly alarmed, observing, "Silicon Valley monopolies have taken a hands-off, ideologically vacant attitude toward the upswelling of ugliness on the Internet," and that "the failure of Facebook to halt the proliferation of fake news during the [Trump vs. Clinton] campaign season should have surprised no one. ... Traffic trumps ethics."[236]

O'Callaghan's analysis of Trump's use of social media is that "outrage hits an emotional nerve and is therefore grist to the populist's or the social antagonist's mill. Secondly, the greater and the more widespread the outrage discourse, the more it has a detrimental effect on social capital. This is because it leads to mistrust and misunderstanding amongst individuals and groups, to entrenched positions, to a feeling of 'us versus them'. So understood, outrage discourse not only produces extreme and polarising views but also ensures that a cycle of such views continues. (Consider also in this context Wade Robison (2020) on the 'contagion of passion'[268] and Cass Sunstein (2001, pp. 98–136)[note 19] on 'cybercascades'.)"[260] Ott agrees, stating that contagion is the best word to describe the viral nature of outrage discourse on social media, and writing that "Trump's simple, impulsive, and uncivil Tweets do more than merely reflect sexism, racism, homophobia, and xenophobia; they spread those ideologies like a social cancer."[35]

Robison warns that emotional contagion should not be confused with the contagion of passions that James Madison and David Hume were concerned with.[note 20] Robison states they underestimated the contagion of passions mechanism at work in movements, whose modern expressions include the surprising phenomena of rapidly mobilized social media supporters behind both the Arab Spring and the Trump presidential campaign writing, "It is not that we experience something and then, assessing it, become passionate about it, or not", and implying that "we have the possibility of a check on our passions." Robison's view is that the contagion affects the way reality itself is experienced by supporters because it leverages how subjective certainty is triggered, so that those experiencing the contagiously shared alternate reality are unaware they have taken on a belief they should assess.[270]

## Similar movements, politicians and personalities

[edit]

See also: List of politicians associated with Trumpism, List of Donald Trump 2024 presidential campaign political endorsements, and List of Donald Trump 2024 presidential campaign non-political endorsements

### Historical background in the United States

[edit]

An 1832 political cartoon depicting two-term President Andrew Jackson as an autocratic king, with the constitution trampled beneath his feet

The roots of Trumpism in the United States can be traced to the Jacksonian era according to scholars Walter Russell Mead,[271] Peter Katzenstein,[272] and Edwin Kent Morris.[273] Eric Rauchway says: "Trumpism—nativism and white supremacy—has deep roots in American history. But Trump himself put it to new and malignant purpose."[274]

Andrew Jackson's followers felt he was one of them, enthusiastically supporting his defiance of politically correct norms of the nineteenth century and even constitutional law when they stood in the way of public policy popular among his followers. Jackson ignored the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Worcester v. Georgia and initiated the forced Cherokee removal from their treaty protected lands to benefit white locals at the cost of between 2,000 and 6,000 dead Cherokee men, women, and children. Notwithstanding such cases of Jacksonian inhumanity,[clarification needed] Mead's view is that Jacksonianism provides the historical precedent explaining the movement of followers of Trump, marrying grass-roots disdain for elites, deep suspicion of overseas entanglements, and obsession with American power and sovereignty, acknowledging that it has often been a xenophobic, "whites only" political movement. Mead thinks this "hunger in America for a Jacksonian figure" drives followers towards Trump but cautions that historically "he is not the second coming of Andrew Jackson," stating that Trump's "proposals tended to be pretty vague and often contradictory," exhibiting the common weakness of newly elected populist leaders, commenting early in his presidency that "now he has the difficulty of, you know, 'How do you govern?'"[271] Contradictorily, it has also been argued that Trump's historical precedent is in the Whig Party of Andrew Jackson's enemies. The Whigs and their successors the Know-Nothings were usually pro-tariff and anti-immigrant, and the party collapsed in the 1850s due to not taking a clear position on slavery.[275][276][277]

Morris agrees with Mead, locating Trumpism's roots in the Jacksonian era from 1828 to 1848 under the presidencies of Jackson, Martin Van Buren and James K. Polk. On Morris's view, Trumpism also shares similarities with the post-World War I faction of the progressive movement which catered to a conservative populist recoil from the looser morality of the cosmopolitan cities and America's changing racial complexion.[273] In his book The Age of Reform (1955), historian Richard Hofstadter identified this faction's emergence when "a large part of the Progressive-Populist tradition had turned sour, became illiberal and ill-tempered."[278]

An article by National Public Radio's Ron Elving likens the populism of late-19th and early-20th century Populist politician William Jennings Bryan to the later right-wing populism of Trump.[279] Bryan, while economically liberal, was socially and theologically conservative, supporting creationism, Prohibition and other aspects of Christian fundamentalism.[279][280] However, Trump also draws inspiration from Bryan's 1896 and 1900 Republican opponent, William McKinley, both in regard to protectionist tariffs and imperialism.[281]

A 1927 "America First" political advertisement advocating isolationism and establishing emotional ties of 1927 Chicago mayoral candidate William Hale Thompson with his German and Irish supporters by vilifying the United Kingdom

Prior to World War II, conservative themes of Trumpism were expressed in the America First Committee movement in the early 20th century, and after World War II were attributed to a Republican Party faction known as the Old Right. By the 1990s, it became referred to as the paleoconservative movement, which according to Morris has now been rebranded as Trumpism.[282] Leo Löwenthal's book Prophets of Deceit (1949) summarized common narratives expressed in the post-World War II period of this populist fringe, specifically examining American demagogues of the period when modern mass media was married with the same destructive style of politics that historian Charles Clavey thinks Trumpism represents. According to Clavey, Löwenthal's book best explains the enduring appeal of Trumpism and offers the most striking historical insights into the movement.[283]

Writing in The New Yorker, journalist Nicholas Lemann states the post-war Republican Party ideology of fusionism, a fusion of pro-business party establishment with nativist, isolationist elements who gravitated towards the Republican and not the Democratic Party, later joined by Christian evangelicals "alarmed by the rise of secularism", was made possible by the Cold War and the "mutual fear and hatred of the spread of Communism". An article in Politico has referred to Trumpism as "McCarthyism on steroids".[284][190]

Championed by William F. Buckley Jr. and brought to fruition by Ronald Reagan in 1980, the fusion lost its glue with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which was followed by a growth of income inequality in the United States and globalization that "created major discontent among middle and low income whites" within and without the Republican Party. After the 2012 United States presidential election saw the defeat of Mitt Romney by Barack Obama, the party establishment embraced an "autopsy" report, titled the Growth and Opportunity Project, which "called on the Party to reaffirm its identity as pro-market, government-skeptical, and ethnically and culturally inclusive."[190]

Ignoring the findings of the report and the party establishment in his campaign, Trump was "opposed by more officials in his own Party ... than any Presidential nominee in recent American history," but at the same time he won "more votes" in the Republican primaries than any previous presidential candidate. By 2016, "people wanted somebody to throw a brick through a plate-glass window", in the words of political analyst Karl Rove.[190] His success in the party was such that an October 2020 poll found 58% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents surveyed considered themselves supporters of Trump rather than the Republican Party.[285]

### Parallels with fascism and trend towards illiberal democracy

[edit]

Main article: Donald Trump and fascism

Further information: Democratic backsliding and Democratic backsliding in the United States

Historians and election experts have compared Trump's anti-democratic tendencies and egotistical personality to the sentiments and rhetoric of Benito Mussolini and Italian fascism.[286]

Trumpism has been likened to Benito Mussolini's Italian fascism by critics of Trump,[f] and significant academic debate exists over the prevalence of fascism and neo-fascism within Trumpism.[g][note 21] Historians and election experts have compared Trump's anti-democratic tendencies and egotistical personality to the sentiments and rhetoric of Benito Mussolini and Italian fascism.[286] Several scholars have rejected comparisons with fascism, instead viewing Trump as authoritarian and populist.[289][290]

Some commentators have rejected the populist designation for Trumpism and view it instead as part of a trend towards a new form of fascism or neo-fascism, with some referring to it as explicitly fascist and others as authoritarian and illiberal.[291][292][293][note 21] Others have more identified it as a form of mild fascism specific to the United States.[297][298] Some historians, including many of those employing new fascism to describe Trumpism,[note 22] write of the hazards of direct comparisons with European fascist regimes of the 1930s, stating that while there are parallels, there are also important dissimilarities.[301][302][note 23]

American historian Robert Paxton changed his opinion about whether the democratic backsliding caused by Trumpism is in line with fascism. In 2017, Paxton believed it bore greater resemblance to plutocracy.[304] Paxton changed his opinion following the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol, stating that it is "necessary" to understand Trumpism as a form of fascism.[305] Drawing on Umberto Eco's 1995 essay Ur-Fascism, which outlines 14 characteristics of fascism, historian Bret Devereaux discusses how Trumpism satisfies each of the 14.[306] Sociology professor Dylan John Riley calls Trumpism "neo-Bonapartist patrimonialism" because it does not capture the same mass movement appeal of classical fascism.[307]

Activist group SumOfUs's Projection of "Resist Trumpism Everywhere" on London's Marble Arch as part of protests during Trump's July 2018 visit

Argentine historian Federico Finchelstein believes intersections exist between Peronism and Trumpism in terms of their disregard for the political system (in the areas of both domestic and foreign policy).[308] American historian Christopher Browning considers the long-term consequences of Trump's policies and the support which he receives for them from the Republican Party to be potentially dangerous for democracy.[309] In the German-speaking debate, the term "fascism" initially appeared sporadically, mostly in connection with the crisis of confidence in politics and the media and described the strategy of mostly right-wing political actors who wish to stir up this crisis in order to profit from it.[310] German literature has a more diverse range of analysis of Trumpism.[note 24]

Others have argued that Trump is a totalitarian capitalist exploiting the "fascist impulses of his ordinary supporters that hide in plain sight."[311][312][296] Michelle Goldberg, an opinion columnist for The New York Times, compares Trumpism to classical fascist themes.[note 25] The "mobilizing vision" of fascism is of "the national community rising phoenix-like after a period of encroaching decadence which all but destroyed it", which "sounds a lot like MAGA" (Make America Great Again) according to Goldberg. Similarly, like the Trump movement, fascism sees a "need for authority by natural chiefs (always male), culminating in a national chieftain who alone is capable of incarnating the group's historical destiny." They believe in "the superiority of the leader's instincts over abstract and universal reason".[315]

Image posted on February 19, 2025, by the official White House account likening Trump to a monarch with the phrase LONG LIVE THE KING. The post was made shortly after Trump had taken several actions that were apparent violations of federal law and the Constitution, and quoted Napoleon, saying "He who saves his Country does not violate any Law".[316]

Conservative columnist George Will considers Trumpism similar to fascism, stating that Trumpism is "a mood masquerading as a doctrine". Will argues that national unity is based "on shared domestic dreads"—for fascists the "Jews", for Trump the media ("enemies of the people"), "elites" and "globalists". Solutions come not from tedious "incrementalism and conciliation", but from the leader (who claims "only I can fix it") unfettered by procedure. The political base is kept entertained with mass rallies, but inevitably the strongman develops a contempt for those he leads.[note 26] Will argues both are based on machismo, and in the case of Trumpism, "appeals to those in thrall to country-music manliness: 'We're truck-driving, beer-drinking, big-chested Americans too freedom-loving to let any itsy-bitsy [COVID-19] virus make us wear masks.'"[72][note 27]

In How to Lose a Country: The 7 Steps from Democracy to Dictatorship, Turkish author Ece Temelkuran describes Trumpism as similar to rhetoric and actions of the Turkish politician Recep Tayyip Erdoğan during his rise to power. Some of these tactics and views are right-wing populism, demonization of the press, subversion of well-established and proven facts through the big lie (both historical and scientific), democratic backsliding such as dismantling judicial and political mechanisms; portraying systematic issues such as sexism or racism as isolated incidents, and crafting an ideal citizen.[320]

Political scientist Mark Blyth and Jonathan Hopkin believe similarities exist between Trumpism and similar movements towards illiberal democracies worldwide, but that the Trumpist movement is not merely being driven by revulsion, loss, and racism. They argue that both on the right and on the left, the global economy is driving the growth of neo-nationalist coalitions which find followers who want to be free of the constraints which are being placed on them by establishment elites whose members advocate neoliberal economics and globalism.[321]

Others emphasize the lack of interest in finding real solutions to the social malaise which have been identified, and they also believe those individuals and groups who are executing policy are actually following a pattern which has been identified by sociology researchers like Leo Löwenthal and Norbert Guterman as originating in the post-World War II work of the Frankfurt School of social theory. Based on this perspective, books such as Löwenthal and Guterman's Prophets of Deceit offer the best insights into how movements like Trumpism dupe their followers by perpetuating their misery and preparing them to move further towards an illiberal form of government.[283]

### Rush Limbaugh

[edit]

Rush Limbaugh speaking in West Palm Beach in 2019

Trump is considered by some analysts to be following a blueprint of leveraging outrage, which was developed on partisan cable TV and talk radio shows[260] such as the Rush Limbaugh radio show—a style that transformed talk radio and American conservative politics decades before Trump.[322] Both shared "media fame" and "over-the-top showmanship", and built an enormous fan base with politics-as-entertainment,[322] attacking political and cultural targets in ways that would have been considered indefensible and beyond the pale in the years before them.[323] Both featured "the insults, the nicknames", and conspiracy theories. Both maintained that global warming was a hoax, that Barack Obama was not a natural-born U.S. citizen, and that the danger of COVID-19 was vastly exaggerated.[322] Both mocked people with disabilities.[323]

Limbaugh, to whom Trump awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2020, preceded Trump in moving the Republican Party away from "serious and substantive opinion leaders and politicians", towards political provocation, entertainment, and anti-intellectualism, and popularizing and normalizing for "many Republican politicians and voters" what before his rise "they might have thought" but would have "felt uncomfortable saying".[note 28] His millions of fans were intensely loyal and "developed a capacity to excuse ... and deflect" his statements no matter how offensive and outrageous, "saying liberals were merely being hysterical or hateful. And many loved him even more for it."[323]

### Future impact

[edit]

Writing in The Atlantic, Yaseem Serhan states Trump's post-impeachment claim that "our historic, patriotic, and beautiful movement to Make America Great Again has only just begun," should be taken seriously as Trumpism is a "personality-driven" populist movement, and other such movements—such as Berlusconism in Italy, Peronism in Argentina and Fujimorism in Peru, "rarely fade once their leaders have left office".[324] Joseph Lowndes, a professor of political science at the University of Oregon, argued that while current far-right Republicans support Trump, the faction rose before and will likely exist after Trump.[325] Bobby Jindal and Alex Castellanos wrote in Newsweek that separating Trumpism from Donald Trump himself was key to the Republican Party's future following his loss in the 2020 United States presidential election.[326] However, Trump went on to win the 2024 United States presidential election with victories in all seven crucial swing states.

In 2024, President Kevin Roberts of The Heritage Foundation stated that he sees the role of Heritage as "institutionalizing Trumpism."[327]

## Policies

[edit]

### Economic policy

[edit]

Further information: Economic policy of the first Donald Trump administration and Economic policy of the second Donald Trump administration

Trumpism "promises new jobs and more domestic investment".[328] Trump's hard line against export surpluses of American trading partners and protectionist trade policies led to a tense situation in 2018 with mutually imposed tariffs by the United States and the European Union versus China.[329] Trump secures the support of his political base emphasizing neo-nationalism and criticism of globalization.[330] One book suggested that Trump "radicalized economics" for white working- to middle-class voters by implying that "undeserving [minority] groups are getting ahead while their group is being left behind."[331]

### Foreign policy

[edit]

Further information: Foreign policy of the first Donald Trump administration and Foreign policy of the second Donald Trump administration

In terms of foreign policy in the sense of Trump's "America First", unilateralism and isolationism is preferred to a multilateral policy.[332] National interests are particularly emphasized, especially in the context of economic treaties and alliance obligations.[333][334] Trump has shown a disdain for traditional American allies such as Canada as well as transatlantic partners NATO and the European Union.[335][336] Conversely, Trump has shown sympathy for autocratic rulers, such as Russian president Vladimir Putin, whom Trump often praised even before taking office,[337] and during the 2018 Russia–United States summit.[338] The "America First" foreign policy includes promises by Trump to end American involvement in foreign wars, notably in the Middle East, while also issuing tighter foreign policy through sanctions against Iran, among other countries.[339][340] Trump's proposals during his second presidency to expand the United States by acquiring Canada, Greenland, and the Panama Canal were described by CNN as part of his nationalist "America First" agenda and having "modern echoes of the 19th century doctrine of Manifest Destiny".[341]

In June 2025, some supporters of Donald Trump in the United States, including Steve Bannon,[342] Tucker Carlson, Rand Paul, Charlie Kirk, Saagar Enjeti, Mollie Hemingway and Marjorie Taylor Greene, criticized Trump's support for Israeli strikes against Iran and opposed possible United States involvement in the war.[343][344] There is a significant divide within the Republican Party and the MAGA movement on whether the United States should get involved in such a war overseas.[345][346]

### Religious policy

[edit]

Trump wove Christian religious imagery into his 2024 presidential campaign, characterizing it as a "righteous crusade" against "atheists, globalists and the Marxists". He stated that his aims included restoring the United States "as one nation under God with liberty and justice for all".[347]

Trump has been critical of what he sees as a persecution of Christians.[348] On February 6, following the National Prayer Breakfast, he signed an executive order to create a task force to "immediately halt all forms of anti-Christian targeting and discrimination within the federal government, including at the DOJ, which was absolutely terrible, the IRS, the FBI — terrible — and other agencies".[349][350] Donald Trump appointed Attorney General Pam Bondi to lead the task force and appointed Paula White to direct the White House Faith Office.[348]

## Beyond the United States

[edit]

Main article: Neo-nationalism

### Australia

[edit]

Trumpism is represented in Australia by the political party Trumpet of Patriots, founded in 2021. The party has pledged to "put Australians first and make Australia great again".[351] It focuses on "gender, changing the immigration policy, bringing down the cost of living and free speech."[352]

### Canada

[edit]

This article is part of a series on

Conservatism in Canada

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Literature

* Canada and the Canadian Question (1891)
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* The Uniqueness of Western Civilization (2011)
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Active parties

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Defunct parties

Federal

* Canadian Alliance
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Provincial

* Action démocratique du Québec
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* Campaign Life Coalition
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* Common Sense Revolution
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Rights Act
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* Canada portal
* Conservatism portal

* v
* t
* e

Trumpism exists as a political current in Canada.[h] Law professor Allan Rock, Canada's former attorney general and ambassador to the U.N., said Trump had "given expression to an underlying frustration and anger, that arises from economic inequality, from the implications from globalisation." Rock stated that the "overtly racist behaviour" associated with Trumpism emboldened racists and white supremacists, resulting in a rise in the number of these organizations and hate crimes in Canada.[353]

According to an October 2020 poll of Canadian voters, the number of "pro-Trump conservatives" was growing in Canada. Maclean's said this was influencing Canadian political campaigns.[354] Erin O'Toole, the leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, featured the slogan—"Take Back Canada"—in a video, stating "[j]oin our fight, let's take back Canada."[355] When asked if his "Canada First" policy was different from Trump's "America First" policy, O'Toole said, "No, it was not."[356] O'Toole criticized what he considered to be Trumpism following one of Liberal Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland's tweets being flagged as "manipulated media" and compared her to Trump's flagged tweets,[357][358] prior to Twitter's acquisition by Elon Musk.[359] Writing for The Hill in 2021, Markik Von Rennenkampff stated that there are "striking differences" between the Conservative Party under Erin O'Toole and the Republican Party under Trump, notably O'Toole supporting access to abortion and his support for Canada's single-payer health care system.[360] Rennenkampff also described Canadian Conservatives as "far more closely aligned with Democrats than Republicans".[361]

Following the 2022 Conservative Party leadership election, some journalists have compared Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre to American Republicans such as Donald Trump and Ted Cruz;[362][363] however many journalists have dismissed these comparisons due to Poilievre's pro-abortion access, pro-immigration, and pro-same-sex marriage positions.[i] In 2024, Zack Beauchamp of Vox stated that while Poilievre's rhetoric draws Trump comparisons, in terms of policy "he's actually considerably more moderate than Trump or European radicals".[364]

### Europe

[edit]

Further information: Radical right (Europe)

Trumpism has also been said to be on the rise in Europe. Political parties such as the Finns Party,[365] France's National Rally[366] and Spain's far-right Vox party[367] have been described as Trumpist in nature. Trump's former advisor Steve Bannon called Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán "Trump before Trump".[368] Isabel Díaz Ayuso has also received the Trumpism label.[369][370] George Simion, the founder of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians party and previous candidate in the 2025 Romanian presidential election is commonly referred to as the "Romanian Trump" due to his political style and ideological alignment being very similar to those of Donald Trump.

### India

[edit]

Main article: Hindutva

See also: Trads (Hindu nationalism)

President Donald Trump in a meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the White House (February 2025)

At the February 2025 meeting between Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India, and Donald Trump, the former stated:[371][372]

> Borrowing an expression from America, our vision for a developed India is to make India great again, or MIGA ... When America and India work together, that is, when it's MAGA plus MIGA, it becomes a mega partnership for prosperity. ... And it is this mega spirit that gives new scale and scope to our objectives.[371][372]

### Brazil

[edit]

See also: Bolsonarism

President Trump poses with President Bolsonaro (June 2019)

In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, sometimes referred to as the "Brazilian Donald Trump",[373] who is often described as a right-wing extremist,[374][375] sees Trump as a role model[376] and according to Jason Stanley uses the same fascist tactics.[377] Like Trump, Bolsonaro finds support among evangelicals for his views on culture war issues.[378] Along with allies he publicly questioned Joe Biden's vote tally after the 2020 United States presidential election.[379]

### Argentina

[edit]

President Trump shakes hands with President Milei (February 2025)

Javier Milei, an Argentinian Austrian economist who was elected in 2023 as President of Argentina has sometimes been likened to Donald Trump.[380] Many other commentators have stressed that the two men are different, however, describing Milei's views as mostly libertarian, such as rejecting protectionism and supporting free trade.[381]

### Nigeria

[edit]

According to The Guardian and The Washington Post, there is a significant affinity towards Trump in Nigeria.[382][383] Donald Trump's comments on the ethno-religious conflicts between Christians and the predominantly Muslim Fulani tribe has contributed to his popularity among Christians in Nigeria, in which he stated: "We have had very serious problems with Christians who are being murdered in Nigeria. We are going to be working on that problem very, very hard because we cannot allow that to happen".[382] Donald Trump is praised by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a secessionist group that supports the independence of Biafra from Nigeria and is designated as a terrorist group by the Nigerian government. IPOB has claimed that he "believes in the inalienable right of an indigenous people to self-determination" and it also praised him for "the direct and serious manner he addressed and demanded immediate end to the serial slaughter of Christians in Nigeria, especially Biafran Christians".[384][385]

After Trump's victory in the 2016 presidential election, IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu wrote a letter to Trump stating he had a "historic and moral burden ... to liberate the enslaved nations in Africa".[384] As Trump was inaugurated in January 2017, IPOB organized a rally in support of Trump that resulted in violent clashes with Nigerian security forces and resulted in multiple deaths and arrests.[386] On January 30, 2020, IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu attended a Trump rally in Iowa as a special VIP guest, at the invitation of the Republican Party of Iowa.[387] According to a 2020 poll from Pew Research, 58% of Nigerians had favorable views of Donald Trump, the fourth highest percentage globally.[388]

According to John Campbell of Council on Foreign Relations, Trump's popularity in Nigeria can be explained by a "manifestation of the widespread disillusionment in a country characterized by growing poverty, multiple security threats, an expanding crime wave, and a government seen as unresponsive and corrupt", and his popularity is likely stronger among wealthier urban Nigerians rather than the majority of Nigerians who live in rural areas or urban slums and are unlikely to have strong opinions on Trump.[389]

### Iran

[edit]

Main article: Restart (group)

Donald Trump and his policy towards Iran has been praised by the Iranian opposition group 'Restart', led by Mohammad Hosseini, which also supports American military action against Iran and offered to fight alongside Americans to overthrow the Iranian government.[390] The group has adopted the slogan "Make Iran Great Again".[390]

Restart has been compared to QAnon by Ariane Tabatabai, in terms of "conspiracist thinking going global".[390] Among conspiracy theories advocated by the group is that Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has died (or went into coma) in 2017 and a double plays his role in public.[391]

### Japan

[edit]

Further information: Japanese nationalism

Shinzo Abe and US President Trump in 2017 with "MAGA"-style hats reading "Donald & Shinzo, Make Alliance Even Greater"

In Japan, in a speech to Liberal Democratic Party lawmakers in Tokyo on March 8, 2019, Steve Bannon said that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was "Trump before Trump" and "a great hero to the grassroots, the populist, and the nationalist movement throughout the world."[392] Shinzo Abe was described as a "right-wing nationalist" or "ultra-nationalist",[393][394] but whether he was a "populist" is controversial.[395]

Netto-uyoku is the term used to refer to netizens who espouse ultranationalist far-right views on Japanese social media, as well as in English to those who are proficient. Netto-uyoku are typically very friendly not only to Japanese nationalists but also to Donald Trump, and oppose liberal politics. They began spreading Trump's conspiracy theories in an attempt to overturn the 2020 American presidential election.[396]

### South Korea

[edit]

The politics of Yoon Suk Yeol, the former president of South Korea, has been called "Trumpist" for his right-wing populist elements.[397]

### Philippines

[edit]

President Trump shakes hands with President Duterte (November 2017)

Sheila S. Coronel has argued that the political strategies of Ferdinand Marcos, who was President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986, and Rodrigo Duterte, who held the same position from 2016 to 2022, share certain features with Trumpism, including disregard for facts, encouragement of fear, and a "loud, bombastic, hypermasculine" aesthetic; and that each has benefited from uncertain political environments.[398]

### Russia

[edit]

Further information: Putinism

Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin meeting in the 2018 Russia–United States summit in Helsinki.

Aleksandr Dugin, a Russian far-right political philosopher has described the political style of the incumbent Russian President Vladimir Putin as similar to Donald Trump due to their anti-globalist and anti-elite rhetoric in emphasizing nationalism and traditional values with Putin framing Russia as a defender against Western liberal elites, while Trump criticizes global institutions and claims they undermine American interests.[399]

## See also

[edit]

* Modern history portal
* Politics portal
* United States portal

* Trumpet of Patriots (Australian party)
* Authoritarian conservatism
* Blue MAGA
* Corporatocracy
* Enemy of the people
* Firehose of falsehood
* Flood the zone with shit
* God Emperor Trump (statue)
* List of conspiracy theories promoted by Donald Trump
* National conservatism
* Radical right (United States)
* Reality distortion field
* Right-wing authoritarianism
* Freedom Caucus
* Agenda 47
* Political positions of Donald Trump
* Sedition Caucus
* Racial views of Donald Trump

Organizations

* America First Policies
* Conservative Partnership Institute
* John Birch Society
* MAGA Inc.
* Republican Accountability
* The Lincoln Project
* Republicans for the Rule of Law

## Notes

[edit]

1. ^ Believing the Stop the Steal conspiracy theory of electoral fraud, Trumpists acted after being told minutes prior by Trump to "fight like hell" to "take back our country",[1][2] with his personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani calling for "trial by combat",[3] and son Donald Trump Jr. in the prior week warning "we are coming for you" and calling for "total war" over election results.[4][5]
2. ^ The Albert Lea Tribune's description of the scene at the September 13, 2020, "United We Stand & Patriots March for America" was that "[p]eople rallied outside the Minnesota Capitol in St. Paul on Saturday in support of President Trump, and against statewide pandemic policies they say are infringing on personal freedoms and damaging the economy. ... Some in the crowd carried long guns and wore body armor." There were physical confrontations resulting in the arrest of two counter-protesters.[6]
3. ^ Papacharissi notes that examples can also be found on the left for the use of open signifiers when affectively engaging their bases ("publics").[49]
4. ^ The 88% figure is based on the CBS news report that as of April 16, 2021, 45 out of the 370 arrested were arrested were women.[81]
5. ^ A reference to a metaphor found at the close of U.S. President Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address. Cognitive scientist Steven Pinker explains the impact of these appeals in his book The Better Angels of Our Nature.
6. ^ For a detailed description of this evocation of intense collective emotions in order to engineer group identity, see Cui 2018. Cui writes: "The collective emotions that audiences feel during media events is the modern day equivalent of the collective effervescence in totemic worship (Dayan & Katz, 1992). In primitive societies, intense feelings about the collectivity are generated through the participants physically enacting rituals together. Possessed by these intense feelings, they experience themselves as sharing the collective identity represented by the symbolism in the rituals. In sophisticated industrial societies, people often participate in rituals through the media. Through the live broadcast of ceremonial events, a geographically dispersed population can be temporally synchronized through the symbolic representation of a higher reality. The intense collective emotions these events generate reinforce social identity (Jiménez-Martínez, 2014; Uimonen, 2015; Widholm, 2016)."[97]
7. ^ Trump's scenic construction (introduction of characters and setting stage depicting an issue) use black and white terms to describe malevolent forces, or the coming victory. John Kerry is a "total disaster" and Obamacare would "destroy American health care forever"; Kenneth Burke referred to this "all or none" staging as characteristic of "burlesque" rhetoric.[101] Instead of a world involving a variety of complex situations requiring nuanced solutions acceptable to a multiplicity of interested groups, for the agitator the world is a simple stage populated by two irreconcilable groups and dramatic action involves decisions with simple either-or choices. Because all players and issues are painted using black and white terms, there is no possibility of working out a common solution.[102]
8. ^ Ann Stoler writes, "These are divisive cuts through our social, political, and affective landscapes that are not eruptions, as they are so often described. Rather, these figures [Trump, Le Pen, and Wilders] register deep tectonic shifts not readily visible with the conceptual tools at hand, nor by the metrics we have used to measure durable sensibilities or to capture sonics to which we are so adverse, askew to our shared radars. Prevailing political categories and concepts may now seem inadequate or inoperative."[134]
9. ^ Kelly left Fox in 2017
10. ^ The "(Jones, 2012: 180)" quote appears in Jones, Jeffry P. (2012). "Fox News and the Performance of Ideology". Cinema Journal. 51 (4): 178–185\. doi:10.1353/cj.2012.0073. JSTOR 23253592. S2CID 145669733.
11. ^ Jones elaborates on her view that trust is central to epistemology in a chapter entitled "Trusting Interpretations" which appeared in the book "Trust – Analytic and Applied Perspectives".[154]
12. ^ The measure is a refinement of the authoritarian personality theory published in 1950 by researchers Theodor W. Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel Levinson and Nevitt Sanford. Despite its name, RWA measures predisposition towards authoritarianism regardless of political orientation.
13. ^ The skull with Trump hair refers to the Punisher comic book vigilante serial killer who murders those he considers evil. More stylized Punisher images appeared on patches worn by some rioters in combat attire, multiple police at Black lives matter protests[217] and frequently as a Sean Hannity's lapel pin.[218]
14. ^ For instance in the introduction to his book Making Sport Great Again, Andrews writes, "The prescience of much Frankfurt School theorizing informs this analysis of the relationship between ubersport as a popular culture industry, the politics of neoliberal America, and Trump's cacophonous political-cultural-economic project."[235]
15. ^ The idea is that while markets attempt to turn the population into unthinking mass consumers, political actors (from parties to politicians to interest groups) use the same mechanisms to turn us into unthinking mass citizens—a Frankfurt school concept which Marcuse explored further in his book One Dimensional Man. Horkheimer and Adorno's "ticket" metaphor refers to the political party sense of a slate of candidates and policies that followers expect to vote for in its entirety because they have come to believe that the ideas from the opposing political blocs are so irreconcilable their political power is simplified to a binary choice which despite the intense rhetoric reduces them to passive observers of the spectacle.[239]
16. ^ Political scientist Matthew McManus makes a similar observation writing that Trump is the culmination of this trend towards pillarized tribalistic market niches where the hyperpartisan discourses characteristic of Fox News in the US or Hír TV in Hungary have displaced nuanced analysis.[241]
17. ^ One of Sobieraj and Berry's key findings was that, "Outrage thrives in a narrowcasting environment."[259]
18. ^ Homophily is the sociological term corresponding to the saying "Birds of a feather flock together." Pointing to a 2015 Pew Research Center study revealing that the average Facebook user has five politically like-minded friends for every one from the opposing end of the spectrum,[263] like Massachs et al. (2020), Samantha Power takes note of the combination of social media and homophily's self-reinforcing impact on our perceived world writing, "The information that comes to us has increasingly been tailored to appeal to our prior prejudices, and it is unlikely to be challenged by the like-minded with whom we interact day-to-day."[264]
19. ^ The 2001 reference is to an earlier edition of Sunstein's Republic.com. An updated chapter on cybercascades may be found in his Republic.com 2.0 (2007).[269]
20. ^ Hume argued that democracy in city-states of ancient Greece failed because in small cities, sentiments could rapidly spread in the population, meaning agitators were "more likely to succeed in sweeping aside the old order". Madison responded to this threat of tyrannical majority factions unified by a shared sentiment in Federalist paper number 10 with the argument (Robison's paraphrase): "In an extensive country, distance immunizes citizens from the contagion of passions and hinders their coordination even when passions are shared."[268] Robison thinks this portion of Madison's argument is obsolete due to the near instantaneous social media sharing of sentiments wherever we are due to the commonplace use of wirelessly connected handheld devices.
21. ^ a b Cornel West uses the term neofascist. Badiou describes Trump signaling the birth of a "new fascism" or "democratic fascism",[294] while Traverso prefers the term post-fascist to describe "new faces of fascism" such as Trump who advance a model of democracy "that destroys any process of collective deliberation in favour of a relationship that merges people and leader, the nation and its chief."[295] By contrast, Tarizzo describes Trump as part of what Pier Paolo Pasolini called new fascism[296] employing a "political grammar" analysis which shares similar perspectives on ties between new fascism and dystopian economics argued in the analyses of Giroux, West, Hedges and Badiou. Chomsky instead uses the term authoritarianism.
22. ^ Giroux notes that "Trump is not Hitler in that he has not created concentration camps, shut down the critical media or rounded up dissidents; moreover, the United States at the current historical moment is not the Weimar Republic."[299] Tarizzo writes that both paleofascism and new fascism undermine the fundamentals of modern democracy, but the new mode of fascism "does not do this by absolutizing popular sovereignty at the expense of individual rights. New fascism celebrates our freedoms and absolutizes human rights to the detriment of our sense of belonging to a social-political community."[300]
23. ^ For a wide ranging review and critique of the use of the term fascist to describe Trump as of late 2017, see Carl Boggs' postscript chapter in his book Fascism Old and New.[303]
24. ^ Consider the titles of papers listed in Koch, Lars; Nanz, Tobias; Rogers, Christina, eds. (2020). "The Great Disruptor". The Great Disruptor—Über Trump, die Medien und die Politik der Herabsetzung. doi:10.1007/978-3-476-04976-6. ISBN 978-3476049759. S2CID 226426921.
25. ^ Yale's Jason Stanley observed that while Trump is not a fascist, "I think you could legitimately call Trumpism a fascist social and political movement" and that "he's using fascist political tactics. I think there's no question about that. He is calling for national restoration in the face of humiliations brought on by immigrants, liberals, liberal minorities, and leftists. He's certainly playing the fascist playbook."[313] Philosopher Cornel West agrees that Trump has fascist proclivities and claims his popularity signals that neo-fascism is displacing neoliberalism in the United States.[314] Harvard historian Charles Clavey thinks the authors of the Frankfurt School (Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse) who studied the sudden victory of fascism in Germany offer the best insights into Trumpism. These similarities include the rhetoric of self-aggrandizement, victimhood, accusation, and his solicitation of unconditional support to return the country from moral and political decay.[283]
26. ^ David Livingstone Smith, a scholar of history, psychology and anthropology, compares Trump and the fascist pattern of persuasion described by Roger Money-Kyrle, who witnessed fascist rallies in 1930s Germany. The psychological linkage between the leader and supporters in mass protests, the melancholia-paranoia-megalomania pattern, recitation of shared domestic dreads, promotion of fear-mongering conspiracy theories painting out-groups as the cause of the problems, simplified solutions presented in absolute terms and the promotion of singular leader capable of returning the country to its former greatness.[317]
27. ^ Described as "the sociologist who studied Trump's base before Trump",[318] Michael Kimmel examined the relationship between masculinity and radicalization of pre-Trump supporters. In his 2018 book Healing from Hate: How Young Men Get Into—and Out of—Violent Extremism Kimmel describes a theme he "came to call 'aggrieved entitlement', a sense of righteous indignation, of undeserved victimhood in a world suddenly dominated by political correctness. The rewards these white men felt had been promised for a lifetime of, as they saw it, playing by the rules that someone else had established had suddenly dried up—or, as they saw it, the water had been diverted to far less deserving 'others'" who "were not worthy of the rewards they were now reaping, because 'they' were not 'real men.'"[319]
28. ^ Quotes are from Brian Rosenwald, described as "a Harvard scholar who tracks disinformation in talk radio."[323]

1. ^ a b Attributed to multiple references:

* Homans 2024: "No major American presidential candidate has talked like he now does at his rallies—not Richard Nixon, not George Wallace, not even Donald Trump himself."
* Bender & Gold 2023
* Lehmann 2023
* Basu 2023
* Cassidy 2023
* Lutz 2023
* Browning 2023
* Kim & Ibssa 2023
* Ward 2024: "It's a stark escalation over the last month of what some experts in political rhetoric, fascism, and immigration say is a strong echo of authoritarians and Nazi ideology."
* Applebaum 2024: "In the 2024 campaign, that line has been crossed. ... The deliberate dehumanization of whole groups of people; the references to police, to violence, to the 'bloodbath' that Trump has said will unfold if he doesn't win; the cultivation of hatred not only against immigrants but also against political opponents—none of this has been used successfully in modern American politics. But neither has this rhetoric been tried in modern American politics."
* Rubin 2024
* Brooks 2024: "Trump, however, has also used the term fascist to describe Harris as he has doubled down on his insults against Harris and ratcheted up the intensity of his own rhetoric against political opponents. 'She's a marxist, communist, fascist, socialist', Trump said at a rally in Arizona in September. Johnson and McConnell made no mention of Trump's rhetoric in their statement, keeping the focus on their political rival."
* Schmidt 2024
* Balk 2024

2. ^ a b Attributed to multiple sources:

* LeVine & Arnsdorf 2023
* Bender & Gold 2023
* Baker 2023
* Arnsdorf, Dawsey & Barrett 2023
* Colvin & Barrow 2023
* Stone 2023
* Beinart 2019
* Breslin 2021
* Baker 2022
* Gessen 2020

3. ^ Attributed to multiple sources:

* Havercroft, Jonathan; Wiener, Antje; Kumm, Mattias; Dunoff, Jeffrey L (March 2018). "Editorial: Donald Trump as global constitutional breaching experiment". Global Constitutionalism. 7 (1): 1–13\. doi:10.1017/S2045381718000035. ISSN 2045-3817.
* Fassassi, Idris (2020). "Donald Trump et la Constitution" [Donald Trump and the Constitution]. Pouvoirs (in French). 172 (1): 29–48\. doi:10.3917/pouv.172.0029. ISSN 0152-0768.
* Darby, David (February 15, 2024). "The Constitution versus Donald J. Trump • Daily Montanan". Daily Montanan. Retrieved June 20, 2024.
* Lusane, Clarence (February 15, 2024). "Donald Trump Makes a Mockery of the Constitution". ISSN 0027-8378. Retrieved June 20, 2024.

4. ^ Attributed to multiple sources:

* Sundahl 2022
* Franks & Hesami 2021
* Adams 2021[page needed]
* Reyes 2020[page needed]
* Goldsmith & Moen 2024
* Diamond 2023:[page needed] "The cult of Trumpism fosters and exploits paranoia and allegiance to an all-powerful, charismatic figure, contributing to a social milieu at risk for the erosion of democratic principles and the rise of fascism."
* Hassan 2019[page needed]
* Butler 2020[page needed]
* Haltiwanger 2021
* Tharoor 2022
* Ben-Ghiat 2020

5. ^ Attributed to multiple sources:

* Sundahl 2022
* Franks & Hesami 2021
* Adams 2021[page needed]
* Reyes 2020[page needed]
* Goldsmith & Moen 2024
* Diamond 2023:[page needed] "The cult of Trumpism fosters and exploits paranoia and allegiance to an all-powerful, charismatic figure, contributing to a social milieu at risk for the erosion of democratic principles and the rise of fascism."
* Hassan 2019[page needed]
* Butler 2020[page needed]
* Haltiwanger 2021
* Tharoor 2022
* Ben-Ghiat 2020
* Horton 2020

6. ^ Attributed to multiple sources:

* Matthews 2021
* Robertson 2020
* Hasan 2020
* Urbinati 2020
* Shenk 2016

[b][287][66][288]
7. ^ Attributed to multiple sources:

* Adler et al. 2022
* Shapiro, Intagliata & Venkat 2021
* "Trump's world: The new nationalism". The Economist. November 19, 2016. Archived from the original on August 24, 2018. Retrieved January 20, 2024.
* "The growing peril of national conservatism". The Economist. February 15, 2024. Archived from the original on February 15, 2024. Retrieved March 14, 2024.
* Rushkoff 2016
* Goldberg 2016: "To listen to both his defenders and critics, Donald Trump represents the U.S. version of a new nationalism popping up around the world."
* Beauchamp 2019
* Butler 2016
* Chomsky 2020
* Berkeley News 2020
* Badiou 2019, p. 19
* Giroux 2021
* Traverso 2017, p. 30
* Tarizzo 2021, p. 163
* Ibish 2020
* Cockburn 2020
* Drutman 2021
* West 2020
* Gorski 2019
* Benjamin 2020
* Morris 2019, p. 10
* McGaughey 2018
* Tarizzo 2021, p. 163
* Jackson 2021, p. 1-3
* Maher 2023, p. 392, 395
* Kagan 2016
* McGaughey 2018
* Foster 2017

8. ^ Attributed to multiple sources:

* Delacourt 2020
* Donolo 2021
* Fawcett 2021
* Donolo 2020
* Global 2021
* Fournier 2021

9. ^ Attributed to multiple sources:

* "NP View: The unstoppable Pierre Poilievre". National Post. August 5, 2022. "Trying to demonize Poilievre as a "populist" or as Canada's Trump, or implying that he is a white supremacist or opposed to women's rights is unlikely to succeed. He is pro-choice, pro-immigration and has forcefully denounced white replacement theory and all of "that kind of thinking.""
* Forrest 2022: "He has been compared to former President Donald Trump for his populist overtures, but in terms of substance, he has largely confined himself to pocketbook issues. He is pro-immigration — his wife is a Venezuelan immigrant — and now calls himself pro-choice."
* McConkey 2022: "In several ways, Poilievre does not fit the mould of a new populist. For one, Poilievre is not new. He was a cabinet minister in the Stephen Harper government and he has been a member of Parliament for almost 20 years. For another, he is not your stereotypical reactionary. He is at ease with the non-traditional family, he is pro-choice, he is pro-immigration."
* Campbell 2022: "But he is no Donald Trump in tenets or temperament. He doesn't echo the anti-immigrant rhetoric, and abhors Mr. Trump's gargantuan deficits. He is so calculated that he could never be the erratic bundle of impulses that rambles at a Trump rally."
* "Canada's Conservatives pick a brainy brawler as leader". The Economist. September 15, 2022. "His rhetorical style evokes populists such as Donald Trump. But his enemies list is more circumscribed. Unlike Mr Trump, he favours immigration."
* Moore, Samuel (November 4, 2022). "Pierre Poilievre: Canada's next Prime Minister?". Cherwell. "Moreover, in a way that distinguishes him from Trump and other right-wing populists, Poilievre's social policies are progressive. He is pro-choice and pro-LGBT rights and has actually criticised the Trudeau ministry for not being pro-immigration enough, belittling the inefficiencies of the current immigration system as yet another example of big government "gatekeeping"."
* Oliver 2022: "The "Trump North" label has failed to stick because he has been consistently pro-choice, supports gay marriage and favours immigration."
* Thomson 2022

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## Bibliography

[edit]

### Books

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### Journal articles

[edit]

* Adams, Kenneth Alan (Spring 2021). "The Trump Death Cult". Journal of Psychohistory. 48 (4): 256–276\. ISSN 0145-3378. Retrieved November 6, 2024.
* Adler, Paul S.; Adly, Amr; Armanios, Daniel Erian; Battilana, Julie; Bodrožić, Zlatko; Clegg, Stewart; Davis, Gerald F.; Gartenberg, Claudine; Glynn, Mary Ann; Gümüsay, Ali Aslan; Haveman, Heather A.; Leonardi, Paul; Lounsbury, Michael; McGahan, Anita M.; Meyer, Renate; Phillips, Nelson; Sheppard-Jones, Kara (2022). "Authoritarianism, Populism, and the Global Retreat of Democracy: A Curated Discussion" (PDF). Journal of Management Inquiry. 32 (1): 3–20\. doi:10.1177/10564926221119395. S2CID 251870215. Archived (PDF) from the original on January 14, 2024. Retrieved January 14, 2024. "The decoupling of the man from the movement suggests that authoritarianism can continue well beyond the authoritarian's rule. The most enduring vestige—apart from the democratic institutions attacked—is Trumpism. It has metastasized from Trump's delusional framing on his inauguration day in 2017—with the biggest crowds ever—to a widespread and ambient movement, amplified by disinformation and distortion, broadcast in social and right-wing media, aggressively militant, and framed with falsehoods."
* Appel, Edward C. (March 12, 2018). "Burlesque, Tragedy, and a (Potentially) 'Yuuuge' 'Breaking of a Frame': Donald Trump's Rhetoric as 'Early Warning'?". Communication Quarterly. 66 (2): 157–175\. doi:10.1080/01463373.2018.1439515. S2CID 149031634.
* Bader, Michael (December 25, 2016). "The Decline of Empathy and the Appeal of Right-Wing Politics – Child psychology can teach us about the current GOP". Psychology Today. Archived from the original on March 17, 2021. Retrieved December 6, 2020.
* Baker, Joseph O.; Perry, Samuel L.; Whitehead, Andrew L. (May 14, 2020). "Keep America Christian (and White): Christian Nationalism, Fear of Ethnoracial Outsiders, and Intention to Vote for Donald Trump in the 2020 Presidential Election". Sociology of Religion. 81 (3): 272–293\. doi:10.1093/socrel/sraa015. hdl:1805/26339. "In the penultimate year before Trump's reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia."
* Berman, Sheri (May 2021). "The Causes of Populism in the West". Annual Review of Political Science. 24: 71–88\. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-041719-102503. ISSN 1094-2939.
* Bloodworth, Jeffrey (July 4, 2023). "Trumpism's Paleoconservative Roots and Dealignment" (PDF). Journal of Right-Wing Studies. 1 (1). doi:10.5070/RW3.1502. Archived (PDF) from the original on May 8, 2024.
* Blyth, Mark (November 15, 2016). "Global Trumpism: Why Trump's Victory was 30 Years in the Making and Why It Won't Stop Here". Foreign Affairs. Archived from the original on March 4, 2021. Retrieved October 8, 2020.
* Boehm, Christopher (February 13, 2016). "Political Animals". New Scientist. 229 (3060): 26–27\. Bibcode:2016NewSc.229...26B. doi:10.1016/S0262-4079(16)30320-7.
* Brettschneider, Corey; Calvelli, Aidan G. (July 2024). "The US Presidency: Power and Constraint". Annual Review of Political Science. 27: 205–222\. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-113134. ISSN 1094-2939.
* Campani, Giovanna; Concepción, Sunamis Fabelo; Soler, Angel Rodriguez; Savín, Claudia Sánchez (November 2, 2022). "The Rise of Donald Trump Right-Wing Populism in the United States: Middle American Radicalism and Anti-Immigration Discourse". Societies. 12 (6): 154. doi:10.3390/soc12060154.
* Choma, Becky L.; Hanoch, Yaniv (February 2017). "Cognitive ability and authoritarianism: Understanding support for Trump and Clinton". Personality and Individual Differences. 106 (1): 287–291\. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2016.10.054. hdl:10026.1/8451.
* Cornelis, Ilse; Van Hiel, Alain (2015). "Extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe: The role of social-cultural and antiegalitarian attitudes". Political Psychology. 35 (6): 749–760\. doi:10.1111/pops.12187. hdl:1854/LU-01H4EFGEE1S6ZQ7EBMD2PGNBCB. Archived from the original on January 14, 2024. Retrieved January 14, 2024.
* Cui, Xi (2018). "Emotional Contagion or Symbolic Cognition? A Social Identity Perspective on Media Events". Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. 62 (1): 91–108\. doi:10.1080/08838151.2017.1402906. S2CID 149162170.
* Diamond, Michael J. (February 22, 2023). "Perverted Containment: Trumpism, Cult Creation, and the Rise of Destructive American Populism". Psychoanalytic Inquiry. 43 (2). Taylor & Francis: 96–109\. doi:10.1080/07351690.2023.2163147. ISSN 0735-1690. Archived from the original on November 6, 2024. Retrieved November 6, 2024.
* Federico, Christopher M.; Golec de Zavala, Agnieszka (March 6, 2018). "Collective Narcissism and the 2016 US Presidential Vote" (PDF). Public Opinion Quarterly. 82 (1). Oxford University Press: 110–121\. doi:10.1093/poq/nfx048. Archived from the original on February 14, 2022. Retrieved December 17, 2020.
* Feldman, Stanley; Stenner, Karen (June 28, 2008). "Perceived threat and authoritarianism". Political Psychology. 18 (4): 741–770\. doi:10.1111/0162-895X.00077.
* Franks, Andrew S.; Hesami, Farhang (September 18, 2021). "Seeking Evidence of The MAGA Cult and Trump Derangement Syndrome: An Examination of (A)symmetric Political Bias". Societies. 11 (3): 113. doi:10.3390/soc11030113. "Trump supporters consistently showed bias in favor of the interests and ostensible positions of Trump, whereas Trump's detractors did not show an opposing bias ... Results of the current study do not support the broad existence of so-called 'Trump Derangement Syndrome' on the left, but they may lend credence to accusations that some Trump supporters have a cult-like loyalty to the 45th president."
* Gabriel, Shira; Paravati, Elaine; Green, Melanie C.; Flomsbee, Jason (2018). "From Apprentice to president: The role of parasocial connection in the election of Donald Trump". Social Psychological and Personality Science. 9 (3): 299–307\. doi:10.1177/1948550617722835. S2CID 149911195. Archived from the original on January 15, 2024. Retrieved January 15, 2024.
* Giroux, Henry A. (2021). "Trumpism and the challenge of critical education". Educational Philosophy and Theory. 55 (6): 5. doi:10.1080/00131857.2021.1884066. S2CID 234851204. "As the social state came under severe attack, the punishing state grew with its ongoing militarization of civil society and its increasing criminalization of social problems. War, dehumanization, divisiveness, hate, and the language of racial cleansing and sorting became central governing principles and set the stage for the rebirth of an updated fascist politics. Trumpism reached into every niche and crack of civil and political society and in doing so cross-pollinated politics, culture, and everyday life with a range of right-wing policies, authoritarian impulses, and the emerging presence of right-wing movements."
* Goldsmith, Benajmin E.; Moen, Lars J. K. (May 14, 2024). "The personality of a personality cult? Personality characteristics of Donald Trump's most loyal supporters". Political Psychology. 46 (Special Issue): 225–243\. doi:10.1111/pops.12991. Retrieved November 6, 2024. "We contend that, for his most committed followers, the attraction is personality-based — both in terms of Trump's self-presentation to citizens and in terms of the personality characteristics making some citizens attracted to such leadership. Trump's appeal appears to fit Sundahl's (2023) three characteristics of a personality cult. The phenomenon of a political personality cult may have arrived in full force in U.S. democracy — and could potentially be its undoing."
* Golec de Zavala, Agnieszka; Cichocka, Aleksandra; Eidelson, Roy; Jayawickreme, Nuwan (2009). "Collective Narcissism and Its Social Consequences" (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 97 (6): 1074–1096\. doi:10.1037/a0016904. PMID 19968420. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 24, 2018. Retrieved September 25, 2020.
* Graves, Frank; Smith, Jeff (June 30, 2020). "Northern Populism: Causes and Consequences of the New Ordered Outlook". School of Public Policy. 13. doi:10.11575/sppp.v13i0.69884. ISSN 2560-8320. Archived from the original on January 17, 2021. Retrieved January 12, 2021.
* Gutterman, David (2020). "Book Review: Believe Me: The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump". eJournal of Public Affairs. 9 (2). doi:10.1111/1467-9809.12592. S2CID 199267291.
* Hahl, Oliver; Kim, Minjae; Zuckerman Sivan, Ezra W. (2018). "The Authentic Appeal of the Lying Demagogue: Proclaiming the Deeper Truth about Political Illegitimacy". American Sociological Review. 83 (1): 1–33\. doi:10.1177/0003122417749632. ISSN 0003-1224.
* Hall, Kira; Goldstein, Donna M.; Ingram, Matthew Bruce (2016). "The hands of Donald Trump: Entertainment, gesture, spectacle". HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory. 6 (2). doi:10.14318/hau6.2.009. S2CID 55012627. Retrieved February 15, 2021.
* Hamilton, Lawrence C. (January 10, 2024). Ettinger, Aaron (ed.). "Trumpism, climate and COVID: Social bases of the new science rejection". PLOS ONE. 19 (1): e0293059. Bibcode:2024PLoSO..1993059H. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0293059. ISSN 1932-6203. PMC 10781192. PMID 38198461. "Trumpism itself is predicted by age, race, evangelical religion, ideology, and receptivity to seemingly non-political conspiracy beliefs. Considering direct as well as indirect effects (through Trumpism), climate change and vaccine rejection are similarly predicted by white and evangelical identity, conspiracism, and by education×ideology and friends×party interactions."
* Hidalgo-Tenorio, Encarnación; Benítez-Castro, Miguel-Ángel (2021). "Trump's populist discourse and affective politics, or on how to move 'the People' through emotion". Globalisation, Societies and Education. 20 (2): 86–109\. doi:10.1080/14767724.2020.1861540. hdl:10481/86686. S2CID 234260705.
* Hoad, Neville (November 20, 2020). "Big man sovereignty and sexual politics in pandemic time". Safundi the Journal of SouthAfrican and American Studies. 21 (4): 433–455\. doi:10.1080/17533171.2020.1832801. S2CID 228896339.
* Hogg, Michael; van Knippenberg, Daan; Rast, David E. (2012). "The social identity theory of leadership: Theoretical origins, research findings, and conceptual developments". European Review of Social Psychology. 23: 258–304\. doi:10.1080/10463283.2012.741134. S2CID 143555737.
* Imhoff, Roland; Lamberty, Pia (2018). "How paranoid are conspiracy believers? Toward a more fine-grained understanding of the connect and disconnect between paranoia and belief in conspiracy theories". European Journal of Social Psychology. 48 (7): 909–926\. doi:10.1002/ejsp.2494. S2CID 150284134. Archived from the original on April 14, 2021. Retrieved April 20, 2021.
* Isaac, Jeffrey (November 2017). "Making America Great Again?". Perspectives on Politics. 15 (3). Cambridge University Press: 625–631\. doi:10.1017/S1537592717000871.
* Jackson, Paul Nicholas (2021). "Debate: Donald Trump and Fascism Studies". Fascism. 10 (1): 1–15\. doi:10.1163/22116257-10010009. ISSN 2211-6257.
* Johnson, Jessica (2018). "The Self-Radicalization of White Men". Communication, Culture & Critique. 11 (1). doi:10.1093/ccc/tcx014. Archived from the original on January 15, 2024. Retrieved January 15, 2024.
* Jones, Karen (2019). "Trust, distrust, and affective looping". Philosophical Studies. 176 (4). Springer Nature: 955–968\. doi:10.1007/s11098-018-1221-5. S2CID 171852867.
* Partial reprint: Jones, Karen (November 14, 2019). "Understanding the emotions is key to breaking the cycle of distrust". ABC's Religion and Ethics. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Archived from the original on November 24, 2020. Retrieved April 10, 2021.
* Kahan, Dan; Peters, Ellen; Dawson, Erica Cantrell; Slovic, Paul (2017). "Motivated numeracy and enlightened self-government". Behavioural Public Policy. 1 (1). Cambridge University Press: 54–86\. doi:10.1017/bpp.2016.2. hdl:1794/18962. S2CID 231735365.
* Kaul, Nitasha (June 17, 2021). "The Misogyny of Authoritarians in Contemporary Democracies" (PDF). International Studies Review. 23 (4): 1619–1645\. doi:10.1093/isr/viab028.
* Kimmel, Michael; Wade, Lisa (2018). "Ask a Feminist: Michael Kimmel and Lisa Wade Discuss Toxic Masculinity". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 44 (1): 233–254\. doi:10.1086/698284. S2CID 149487672.
* Lebow, David (May 13, 2019). "Trumpism and the Dialectic of Neoliberal Reason". Perspectives on Politics. 17 (2). Cambridge University Press: 380–398\. doi:10.1017/S1537592719000434. S2CID 182013544.
* Leone, Luigi; Desimoni, Marta; Chirumbolo, Antonio (September 26, 2012). "Interest and expertise moderate the relationship between right-wing attitudes, ideological self-placement and voting". European Journal of Personality. 28 (1): 2–13\. doi:10.1002/per.1880. S2CID 143037865.
* Lubbers, Marcel; Scheepers, Peer (December 7, 2010). "French Front National voting: A micro and macro perspective" (PDF). Ethnic and Racial Studies. 25 (1): 120–149\. doi:10.1080/01419870120112085. hdl:11370/a3226cec-30ee-4c69-bd24-ba49cbbb17cf. S2CID 59362467. Archived (PDF) from the original on February 15, 2021. Retrieved October 29, 2020.
* Maher, Henry (2023). "Neoliberal fascism? Fascist trends in early neoliberal thought and echoes in the present". Contemporary Political Theory. 23 (3): 392–410\. doi:10.1057/s41296-023-00657-x. ISSN 1470-8914.
* Marietta, Morgan; Farley, Tyler; Cote, Tyler; Murphy, Paul (2017). "The Rhetorical Psychology of Trumpism". The Forum. 15 (2). De Gruyter: 313–312\. doi:10.1515/for-2017-0019. S2CID 148986197.
* Mason, Liliana; Wronski, Julie; Kane, John V. (2021). "Activating Animus: The Uniquely Social Roots of Trump Support". American Political Science Review. 115 (4). Cambridge University Press: 1508–1516\. doi:10.1017/S0003055421000563. S2CID 237860170. "Trump's support is thus uniquely tied to animus toward minority groups. Our findings provide insights into the social divisions underlying American politics and the role of elite rhetoric in translating animus into political support."
* McGaughey, Ewan (2018). "Fascism-Lite in America (or the Social Ideal of Donald Trump)". British Journal of American Legal Studies. 7 (2): 291–315\. doi:10.2478/bjals-2018-0012. S2CID 195842347. SSRN 2773217.
* Morris, Edwin Kent (2019). "Inversion, Paradox, and Liberal Disintegration: Towards a Conceptual Framework of Trumpism". New Political Science. 41 (1): 17–35\. doi:10.1080/07393148.2018.1558037. S2CID 149978398. "Trumpian fascism is a different kind of fascism. It is better understood as an inverted, American kind of fascism, distinct from European fascism, but not entirely dissimilar from it. Inverted American-style fascism differs from European fascist in one crucial way: the role of corporate power in the politics of the state."
* Ott, Brian L. (2017). "The age of Twitter: Donald J. Trump and the politics of debasement". Critical Studies in Media Communication. 34 (1): 59–68\. doi:10.1080/15295036.2016.1266686. S2CID 152133074.
* Pape, Robert A. (April 6, 2021). "Understanding American Domestic Terrorism-Mobilization Potential and Risk Factors of a New Threat Trajectory" (PDF). Chicago Project on Security and Threats. University of Chicago. Archived (PDF) from the original on April 17, 2021. Retrieved April 17, 2021.
* Paravati, Elaine; Naidu, Esha; Gabriel, Shira; Wiedemann, Carl (December 23, 2019). "More than just a tweet: The unconscious impact of forming parasocial relationships through social media". Psychology of Consciousness: Theory, Research, and Practice. 7 (4): 388–403\. doi:10.1037/cns0000214. S2CID 212834936.
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* Pulido, Lauro; Bruno, Tianna; Faiver-Serna, Cristina; Galentine, Cassandra (2019). "Environmental Deregulation, Spectacular Racism, and White Nationalism in the Trump Era". Annals of the American Association of Geographers. 109 (2): 520–532\. Bibcode:2019AAAG..109..520P. doi:10.1080/24694452.2018.1549473. S2CID 159402163.
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### News articles

[edit]

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* v
* t
* e

Conservatism in the United States

Schools|

* Compassionate
* Fiscal
* Fusion
* Libertarian
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Principles|

* American exceptionalism
* Anti-communism
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* Patriotism
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* Republicanism
* Right to bear arms
* Rule of law
* Tradition

People|

| Presidents|

* Adams (John)
* Adams (John Quincy)
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* G. W. Bush
* Cleveland
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* Trump
* Washington

|

Jurists|

* Alito
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* George
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Intellectuals|

* Adams
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* O'Connor
* Ong
* Ransom
* Rieff
* Santayana
* Sowell
* Strauss
* Viereck
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* Washington
* Weaver
* Yarvin

Other figures|

* Ailes
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* Breitbart
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* Cheney
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* DeSantis
* Dilling
* Elder
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* Booker T. Washington

Parties|

* American Party
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* Constitution Party
* Republican Party
* Anti-Masonic Party
* Constitutional Union Party
* Democratic Party (historically, factions)
* Boll weevils
* Conservative Democrats
* Dixiecrats
* Reagan Democrats
* Southern Democrats
* Rhode Island Suffrage Party
* Federalist Party
* National Republican Party
* Native American Party
* Whig Party

Movements|

* Alt-right
* Asian and Pacific Islander
* Black
* Christian right
* Dark Enlightenment
* Female
* Green
* Hispanic and Latino
* LGBT
* Libertarian Republicans
* Militia movement
* Patriot movement
* Christian
* Radical Right
* Reactionary feminism
* Tea Party movement
* Trumpism

Think tanks|

* Acton Institute
* AdTI
* AEI
* AFP
* CSP
* CfNI
* Claremont Institute
* CEI
* CSPC
* EPPC
* FRI
* Gatestone Institute
* Heartland Institute
* The Heritage Foundation
* Heritage Action
* Mandate for Leadership
* Project Esther
* Project 2025
* Hoover Institution
* Hudson Institute
* ISI
* James Madison Program
* Leadership Institute
* Manhattan Institute
* Mises Institute
* PRI
* PNAC (Defunct)
* Ripon Society
* R Street Institute
* Rockford Institute
* SPN
* Sutherland Institute
* Tax Foundation
* Witherspoon Institute

Historical factions|

* Bourbon Democrats
* Dixiecrats
* Loyalists
* Old Right
* Redeemers
* Southern Agrarians

Literature|

* Democracy in America (1835–1840)
* Democracy and Leadership (1924)
* I'll Take My Stand (1930)
* Our Enemy, the State (1935)
* The Managerial Revolution (1941)
* Ideas Have Consequences (1948)
* God and Man at Yale (1951)
* The Conservative Mind (1953)
* The Conscience of a Conservative (1960)
* A Choice Not an Echo (1964)
* Losing Ground (1984)
* A Conflict of Visions (1987)
* The Closing of the American Mind (1987)
* The Bell Curve (1994)
* A Republic, Not an Empire (1999)
* Hillbilly Elegy (2017)
* The Benedict Option (2017)
* Why Liberalism Failed (2018)

See also|

* American nationalism
* Bibliography of conservatism in the United States
* List of American conservatives
* National conservatism
* Southern strategy

* Conservatism portal

* v
* t
* e

Donald Trump

* 45th (2017–2021) and 47th (2025–present) President of the United States

Life and
politics|

* Business career
* The Trump Organization
* legal affairs
* business projects in Russia
* links between business partners and Russian government officials
* wealth
* tax returns
* Trump Media & Technology Group
* Media career
* The Apprentice
* American football
* Golf
* Honors and awards
* Political positions
* Trumpism
* Relationship to fascism
* Relationship to antisemitism
* Views on the American Civil War
* Rhetoric
* 2021 CPAC speech
* Endorsements
* False or misleading statements
* Promotion of conspiracy theories
* Protests
* timeline
* Racial views
* Security incidents
* Attempted assassinations
* Las Vegas rally incident
* in Pennsylvania
* raised-fist photographs
* perpetrator
* in Florida
* suspect
* Age and health concerns
* Religion

Family|

* Ivana Trump (first wife)
* Marla Maples (second wife)
* Melania Trump (third wife)
* Donald Trump Jr. (son)
* Ivanka Trump (daughter)
* Eric Trump (son)
* Tiffany Trump (daughter)
* Barron Trump (son)
* Fred Trump (father)
* Mary Anne MacLeod Trump (mother)
* Maryanne Trump Barry (sister)
* Fred Trump Jr. (brother)
* Robert Trump (brother)
* Frederick Trump (grandfather)
* Elizabeth Christ Trump (grandmother)
* Jared Kushner (son-in-law)
* Lara Trump (daughter-in-law)
* Michael Boulos (son-in-law)
* Vanessa Trump (former daughter-in-law)
* Blaine Trump (former sister-in-law)
* Amalija Knavs (mother-in-law)
* John G. Trump (uncle)
* Mary L. Trump (niece)
* Fred Trump III (nephew)
* John W. Walter (cousin)

Books|

* The Art of the Deal (1987)
* Trump: Surviving at the Top (1990)
* Trump: The Art of the Comeback (1997)
* The America We Deserve (2000)
* Trump: How to Get Rich (2004)
* The Way to the Top (2004)
* Trump 101 (2006)
* Why We Want You to Be Rich (2006)
* Think Big and Kick Ass (2007)
* Time to Get Tough (2011)
* Midas Touch (2011)
* Crippled America (2015)
* Our Journey Together (2021)
* Letters to Trump (2023)
* Save America (2024)

Campaigns|

* 2000 presidential campaign
* 2016 presidential campaign
* announcement
* "Make America Great Again"
* hat
* rallies
* links between campaign officials and Russian government officials
* Crossfire Hurricane
* 2016 Republican primaries
* debates
* running mate selection
* convention
* 2016 general election
* endorsements
* debates
* reactions
* transition
* Republican opposition
* Never Trump movement
* 2016
* Mitt Romney speech
* 2020
* 2024
* Sexual misconduct allegations
* Access Hollywood recording
* 2020 presidential campaign
* rallies
* 2020 Tulsa rally
* 2020 Republican primaries
* convention
* 2020 general election
* political endorsements
* non-political endorsements
* debates
* attempts to overturn
* fake electors plot
* Chesebro memos
* Eastman memos
* lawsuits
* Texas v. Pennsylvania
* Jeffrey Clark letter
* Republican reactions to Trump's election fraud claims
* Biden transition
* 2024 presidential campaign
* announcement
* rallies
* 2024 Republican primaries
* debates
* running mate selection
* convention
* 2024 general election
* eligibility
* endorsements
* debates
* transition
* Kamala is for they/them (attack ad)
* Trump Bible
* "God Bless the U.S.A." (campaign song)
* "Y.M.C.A." (campaign song)

Legal affairs|

* FBI investigation into handling of government documents
* FBI search of Mar-a-Lago
* Gulf of Mexico naming controversy
* New York investigations of the Trump Organization
* Stormy Daniels scandal
* civil
* criminal
* Carroll v. Trump
* Trump v. United States (2022)
* State prosecutions
* Georgia
* New York
* Smith special counsel investigation
* Federal prosecution
* classified documents case
* election obstruction case
* Trump mug shot
* Trump v. United States

Related|

* Family
* Foundation
* Presidential library
* In popular culture
* Best Sex I've Ever Had
* Trump dance
* filmography
* in music
* SNL parodies
* Residences
* 85-15 Wareham Place
* Trump Tower
* penthouse apartment
* Bedminster
* Mar-a-Lago
* The Visionary
* Colorado State Capitol portrait
* Social media
* media use
* conflict
* Feud with Elon Musk
* Twitter
* wiretapping allegations
* Real News Update
* covfefe
* Donald J. Trump State Park
* Nicknames used
* Trump Force One
* Trump derangement syndrome
* Fort Trump
* Official portraits
* Support groups
* Bikers for Trump
* Blacks for Trump
* Black Voices for Trump
* Gays for Trump
* Women for Trump
* Pseudonyms
* Wikipedia coverage

* ← Barack Obama
* ← Joe Biden →

* * *

* Category

* v
* t
* e

First presidency of Donald Trump (2017–2021)

* Previous: Obama administration
* Next: Biden administration

* See also: Second Trump administration

General|

* Appointments
* ambassadors
* attorneys
* judges
* Supreme Court candidates
* Gorsuch
* Kavanaugh
* Barrett
* Cabinet
* Pence vice presidency
* Economic advisors
* Withdrawn appointees
* Short-tenure appointees
* Dismissals and resignations
* attorneys
* Comey
* inspectors general
* Executive orders
* Legal affairs
* Impeachments
* efforts
* resolutions
* impeachment inquiry
* first impeachment
* first trial
* second impeachment
* second trial
* proposed expungements
* Opinion polling
* 2017
* 2018
* 2019
* Pardons
* Joe Arpaio
* commutation of Jaime Davidson
* Proclamations
* 2017
* 2018
* 2019
* 2020–21
* Trips
* 2017
* 2018
* 2019
* 2020–21
* international
* Rex TIllerson
* Mike Pompeo
* North Korea summit
* Singapore
* Hanoi
* DMZ
* Riyadh summit
* Helsinki summit
* Namaste Trump

Events|

| Timeline|

* First 100 days
* 2017
* Q1
* Q2
* Q3
* Q4
* 2018
* Q1
* Q2
* Q3
* Q4
* 2019
* Q1
* Q2
* Q3
* Q4
* 2020
* Q1
* Q2
* Q3
* Q4
* January 2021

|

Speeches|

* Joint address to Congress
* Warsaw speech
* National Scout Jamboree
* State of the Union Address
* 2018
* 2019
* 2020
* Oval Office Address
* 2019
* 2020
* Farewell address

Other|

* Transition
* Inauguration
* Biden transition

Policies|

| Domestic|

* Government shutdowns
* January 2018
* 2018–2019
* Salute to America
* 2019
* 2020
* COVID-19 pandemic
* Taskforce
* Communication
* Government response
* stimulus bills
* CARES Act
* Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021
* Operation Warp Speed
* White House outbreak
* Interference with science agencies
* Reactions to the George Floyd protests
* Photo op at St. John's Church
* Deployment of federal forces in the United States
* 2020 Mount Rushmore Fireworks Celebration
* National Garden of American Heroes
* Infrastructure
* Racial views
* Social
* First Step Act
* Cannabis
* Space

|

Economic|

* Tax cuts
* Tariffs
* China trade war
* USMCA
* Farmer bailouts

Environmental|

* Paris Agreement withdrawal
* America's Water Infrastructure Act of 2018

Foreign|

* America First
* Saudi Arabia arms deal
* Relations with Iran
* Nuclear deal withdrawal
* Relations with Israel
* Jerusalem recognition
* Golan Heights recognition
* Palestine peace plan
* Abraham Accords
* UAE
* Bahrain
* Sudan
* Morocco
* Kosovo–Serbia agreements
* Syria strikes
* 2017
* 2018
* Killings
* al-Baghdadi
* Soleimani
* Afghanistan withdrawal
* Taliban deal
* Proposed invasion of Venezuela

Immigration|

* Travel bans
* reactions
* legal challenges
* protests
* replacement
* Executive Order 13767
* Border wall
* Family separation policy
* protests
* Migrant detentions
* Troop deployments
* National emergency

Protests|

* 2017 Women's March
* list
* Lincoln
* Portland
* Seattle
* global
* LGBTQ
* Travel ban
* list
* Day Without Immigrants
* Not My Presidents Day
* Day Without a Woman
* Tax March
* March for Science
* list
* Portland
* Seattle
* 2018
* People's Climate March
* May Day
* March for Truth
* Impeachment March
* Boston Free Speech Rally (counter-protest)
* U.S. national anthem kneeling protests
* 2018 Women's March
* list
* Gun violence
* March for Our Lives
* list
* Portland
* Seattle
* Family separation
* Abolish ICE
* Families Belong Together
* Occupy ICE
* Women Disobey
* Donald Trump baby balloon
* Kremlin Annex
* Nobody Is Above the Law
* 2019 Women's March
* list
* 2019 Presidents Day protest
* Dump Trump (statue)
* December 2019 impeachment protests
* 2020 Women's March
* January list
* October list
* Racial unrest
* George Floyd protests
* list-USA
* list-abroad
* Trump Statue Initiative
* God Emperor Trump

Related|

* 2016 election
* Trump campaign
* Trumpism
* Donald Trump and fascism
* Social media
* Twitter
* Crossfire Hurricane
* Classified information disclosures
* Special counsel investigations
* Mueller
* Durham
* Links between Trump administration and Russian government officials
* Russian bounty program
* Anonymous senior official op-ed
* Stormy Daniels scandal
* Ukraine scandal
* Federal government data breach
* Attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election
* Fake electors plot
* Chesebro memos
* Eastman memos
* Lawsuits
* Texas v. Pennsylvania
* Jeffrey Clark letter
* January 6 United States Capitol attack
* timeline
* aftermath
* continued protests
* domestic reactions
* international reactions
* Presidential Library

* Category

* v
* t
* e

Second presidency of Donald Trump (2025–present)

* Previous: Biden administration

* See also: First Trump administration

General|

* Appointments
* ambassadors
* attorneys
* Cabinet
* Vance vice presidency
* Executive orders
* Legal affairs
* Opinion polling
* Pardons
* January 6 defendants
* Proclamations
* Trips
* 2025
* international
* Marco Rubio

Events|

| Timeline|

* First 100 days
* 2025
* Q1
* Q2
* Q3

|

Speeches|

* Joint address to Congress

Other|

* Transition
* Inauguration

Policies|

| Domestic|

* DEI
* Department of Government Efficiency
* network of DOGE
* deferred resignation
* mass layoffs
* targets
* USAID
* Education
* Dismissals of inspectors general
* Federal funding freeze
* Federal hiring freeze
* Golden Dome
* NOAA
* Office of Shipbuilding
* Online resource removals
* "Restoring Names That Honor American Greatness"
* Gulf of America
* Mount McKinley
* Science
* TAKE IT DOWN Act
* Targeting political opponents and civil society
* Law firms
* Transgender people
* US Army 250th Anniversary Parade
* White House Faith Office

|

Economic|

* One Big Beautiful Bill Act
* Cryptocurrency
* $Trump
* memecoin dinner
* Strategic bitcoin reserve
* "No tax on tips"
* Stargate Project
* Tariffs
* China trade war
* Canada and Mexico trade war
* Liberation Day tariffs
* TACO

Environment|

* Paris Agreement withdrawal

Foreign|

* Expansionism
* Canada
* Gaza Strip
* Greenland
* Munich Security Conference
* Russia–Ukraine War
* Putin call
* Saudi Arabia summit
* Zelenskyy Oval Office meeting
* minerals agreement
* peace talks
* Withdrawal from WHO
* Gaza war
* Yemen attacks
* Signal group chat leaks
* Ras Isa oil terminal airstrikes
* US–Houthi ceasefire
* Relations with Iran
* Iran negotiations
* Iran–Israel war
* June 2025 Iran strikes
* Iran–Israel war ceasefire
* Middle East visit
* Ramaphosa Oval Office meeting

Immigration|

* Deportation of immigrants
* Indians
* Venezuelans
* J.G.G. v. Trump
* Deportation of Kilmar Abrego Garcia
* W.M.M. v. Trump
* Activist deportations
* Mahmoud Khalil
* Rasha Alawieh
* Rümeysa Öztürk
* Mohsen Mahdawi
* Deportation and detention of U.S. citizens
* Arrest of Hannah Dugan
* Laken Riley Act
* Jocelyn Nungaray National Wildlife Refuge
* Guantanamo Migrant Operations Center
* White South African refugee program
* Trump Gold Card
* Protecting the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship
* State of Washington v. Trump
* Trump v. CASA
* Barbara v. Trump
* Travel ban
* Proclamation 10949
* Alligator Alcatraz

Healthcare|

* Make America Healthy Again
* MAHA Commission
* MAHA report
* HHS gender dysphoria report

Protests|

* Efforts to impeach
* resolutions
* 50501 movement
* protests
* Day of Action
* Anti-deportation protests
* Los Angeles
* Newsom v. Trump
* Canadian boycott
* Day Without Immigrants
* Department of Justice resignations
* Economic Blackout
* Response to DOGE
* DOGE lawsuits
* People's March
* Stand Up for Science 2025
* Hands Off protests
* No Kings protests
* Free America Weekend
* Good Trouble Lives On protest

Related|

* 2024 election
* Trump campaign
* Presidential library
* Agenda 47
* Anti-LGBTQ movement
* Border crisis
* Donald Trump and fascism
* Elon Musk feud
* Kennedy Center
* Project 2025
* Project Esther
* Trumpism

* Category

* v
* t
* e

January 6 United States Capitol attack

Background|

| U.S. Capitol|

* United States Capitol Police
* Harry Dunn
* Aquilino Gonell
* Eugene Goodman
* Yogananda Pittman
* Steven Sund
* Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia
* Robert Contee
* Michael Fanone
* Daniel Hodges
* Timeline of prior security incidents

|

Election|

* Previous claims of election fraud by President Trump
* in 2012
* in 2016
* Republican reactions
* 2020–21 presidential election protests
* 2021 Electoral College vote count
* Predictions of violence
* 1776 Returns
* Attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election
* Fake electors plot
* Chesebro memos
* Eastman memos
* Lawsuits
* Texas v. Pennsylvania
* Jeffrey Clark letter

Other|

* Democratic backsliding in the United States
* Michigan State Capitol storming
* Trumpism
* False or misleading statements by Donald Trump
* Conspiracy theories
* Social media use by Donald Trump
* Twitter
* QAnon
* Donald Trump and fascism
* Trump derangement syndrome

Involved|

* Christina Bobb
* Kenneth Chesebro
* Jeffrey Clark
* Joseph diGenova
* John Eastman
* Jenna Ellis
* Rudy Giuliani
* John McEntee
* Mark Meadows
* Cleta Mitchell
* Peter Navarro
* Sidney Powell
* Victoria Toensing
* Jim Troupis
* Donald Trump
* Donald Trump Jr.

Events|

* Planning
* Timeline of attack
* Law enforcement response
* killing of Ashli Babbitt
* Death of Brian Sicknick

Participants|

| Proud Boys|

* Enrique Tarrio
* Joe Biggs
* Ethan Nordean
* Dominic Pezzola

|

Oath Keepers|

* Stewart Rhodes
* Kelly Meggs
* Jeremy Bertino
* Ray Epps
* Roberto Minuta
* Jessica Marie Watkins

Others|

* Richard Barnett
* Jacob Chansley
* Cameron Clapp
* Isabella DeLuca
* Derrick Evans
* Nick Fuentes
* Tim "Baked Alaska" Gionet
* Simone Gold
* Couy Griffin
* Pamela Hemphill
* Alan Hostetter
* Adam Christian Johnson
* Jay Johnston
* Klete Keller
* Edward Kelley
* Carol Kicinski
* Kevin James Lyons
* Doug Mastriano
* Evan Neumann
* Nicholas Ochs
* Matthew Perna
* Rachel Powell
* Chaya "Libs of TikTok" Raichik
* Guy Reffitt
* Jason Riddle
* Dana Rohrabacher
* Rick Saccone
* Ryan Samsel
* Ronald Sandlin
* Jon Schaffer
* Tighe Scott
* Kevin Seefried
* Owen Shroyer
* Peter Francis Stager
* Brandon Straka
* John Earle Sullivan‎‎
* Antwione Williams
* Christopher John Worrell

Aftermath|

* 2021 U.S. inauguration week protests
* Companies that halted political contributions
* Reactions
* domestic
* international
* Second impeachment of Donald Trump
* trial
* Suicides
* Howard Liebengood
* Jeffrey L. Smith
* Proceedings
* Justice Department investigation
* January 6 commission
* House Select Committee
* criminal proceedings
* list
* Fischer v. United States
* public hearings
* Thompson v. Trump
* Smith special counsel investigation
* Federal prosecution of Donald Trump
* Trump v. United States
* Justice for J6 rally
* 2021 Facebook company files leak
* Presidential eligibility of Donald Trump
* Trump v. Anderson
* Pardons

Related|

* 8 January Brasília attacks
* Alex Jones
* Ali Alexander
* Kathy Barnette
* Boogaloo movement
* Jericho March
* Groypers
* Sedition Caucus
* Social media use by Donald Trump
* Three Percenters
* Trumpism
* Day of Rage: How Trump Supporters Took the U.S. Capitol (2021)
* Four Hours at the Capitol (2021)
* This Place Rules (2022)
* "Justice for All" (2023)
* A Storm Foretold (2023)
* The Sixth (2024)
* Democratic backsliding in the United States
* Cincinnati FBI field office attack

* v
* t
* e

Republican Party

* History
* National Union Party
* Third Party System
* Fourth Party System
* Fifth Party System
* Sixth Party System

Presidential
tickets,
national
conventions,
and
presidential
primaries|

* 1856 (Philadelphia): Frémont/Dayton
* 1860 (Chicago): Lincoln/Hamlin
* 1864 (Baltimore): Lincoln/Johnson
* 1868 (Chicago): Grant/Colfax
* 1872 (Philadelphia): Grant/Wilson
* 1876 (Cincinnati): Hayes/Wheeler
* 1880 (Chicago): Garfield/Arthur
* 1884 (Chicago): Blaine/Logan
* 1888 (Chicago): Harrison/Morton
* 1892 (Minneapolis): Harrison/Reid
* 1896 (Saint Louis): McKinley/Hobart
* 1900 (Philadelphia): McKinley/Roosevelt
* 1904 (Chicago): Roosevelt/Fairbanks
* 1908 (Chicago): Taft/Sherman
* 1912 (Chicago): Taft/Sherman/Butler
* primaries
* 1916 (Chicago): Hughes/Fairbanks
* primaries
* 1920 (Chicago): Harding/Coolidge
* primaries
* 1924 (Cleveland): Coolidge/Dawes
* primaries
* 1928 (Kansas City): Hoover/Curtis
* primaries
* 1932 (Chicago): Hoover/Curtis
* primaries
* 1936 (Cleveland): Landon/Knox
* primaries
* 1940 (Philadelphia): Willkie/McNary
* primaries
* 1944 (Chicago): Dewey/Bricker
* primaries
* 1948 (Philadelphia): Dewey/Warren
* primaries
* 1952 (Chicago): Eisenhower/Nixon
* primaries
* 1956 (San Francisco): Eisenhower/Nixon
* primaries
* 1960 (Chicago): Nixon/Lodge
* primaries
* 1964 (San Francisco): Goldwater/Miller
* primaries
* 1968 (Miami Beach): Nixon/Agnew
* primaries
* 1972 (Miami Beach): Nixon/Agnew
* primaries
* 1976 (Kansas City): Ford/Dole
* primaries
* 1980 (Detroit): Reagan/G. H. W. Bush
* primaries
* 1984 (Dallas): Reagan/G. H. W. Bush
* primaries
* 1988 (New Orleans): G. H. W. Bush/Quayle
* primaries
* 1992 (Houston): G. H. W. Bush/Quayle
* primaries
* 1996 (San Diego): Dole/Kemp
* primaries
* 2000 (Philadelphia): G. W. Bush/Cheney
* primaries
* 2004 (New York): G. W. Bush/Cheney
* primaries
* 2008 (St. Paul): McCain/Palin
* primaries
* 2012 (Tampa): Romney/Ryan
* primaries
* 2016 (Cleveland): Trump/Pence
* primaries
* 2020 (Charlotte/other locations): Trump/Pence
* primaries
* 2024 (Milwaukee): Trump/Vance
* primaries
* 2028 (Houston)

Presidential
administrations|

* Lincoln (1861–1865)
* Johnson (1865–1868)
* Grant (1869–1877)
* Hayes (1877–1881)
* Garfield (1881)
* Arthur (1881–1885)
* Harrison (1889–1893)
* McKinley (1897–1901)
* Roosevelt (1901–1909)
* Taft (1909–1913)
* Harding (1921–1923)
* Coolidge (1923–1929)
* Hoover (1929–1933)
* Eisenhower (1953–1961)
* Nixon (1969–1974)
* Ford (1974–1977)
* Reagan (1981–1989)
* G. H. W. Bush (1989–1993)
* G. W. Bush (2001–2009)
* Trump (2017–2021; 2025–present)

U.S. Senate
leaders
and
Conference
chairs|

* J. P. Hale (1859–1862)
* Anthony (1862–1884)
* Sherman (1884–1885)
* Edmunds (1885–1891)
* Sherman (1891–1897)
* Allison (1897–1908)
* E. Hale (1908–1911)
* Cullom (1911–1913)
* Gallinger (1913–1918)
* Lodge (1918–1924)
* Curtis (1924–1929)
* Watson (1929–1933)
* McNary (1933–1940)
* Austin (1940–1941)
* McNary (1941–1944)
* White (1944–1949)
* Wherry (1949–1952)
* Bridges (1952–1953)
* Taft (1953)
* Knowland (1953–1959)
* Dirksen (1959–1969)
* Scott (1969–1977)
* Baker (1977–1979)
* Stevens (1979–1980)
* Baker (1980–1985)
* Dole (1985–1996)
* Lott (1996–2003)
* Frist (2003–2007)
* McConnell (2007–2025)
* Thune (2025–present)

U.S. House
leaders,
Speakers,
and
Conference
chairs|

* Pennington (1860–1861)
* Grow (1861–1863)
* Colfax (1863–1869)
* Pomeroy (1869)
* Blaine (1869–1875)
* McCrary (1875–1877)
* Hale (1877–1879)
* Frye (1879–1881)
* Keifer (1881–1883)
* Cannon (1883–1889)
* Reed (1889–1891)
* T. J. Henderson (1891–1895)
* Reed (1895–1899)
* D. B. Henderson (1899–1903)
* Cannon (1903–1911)
* Mann (1911–1919)
* Gillett (1919–1925)
* Longworth (1925–1931)
* Snell (1931–1939)
* Martin (1939–1959)
* Halleck (1959–1965)
* Ford (1965–1973)
* Rhodes (1973–1981)
* Michel (1981–1995)
* Gingrich (1995–1999)
* Hastert (1999–2007)
* Boehner (2007–2015)
* Ryan (2015–2019)
* McCarthy (2019–2023)
* Johnson (2023–present)

RNC|

| Chairs|

* Morgan
* Raymond
* Ward
* Claflin
* Morgan
* Chandler
* Cameron
* Jewell
* Sabin
* Jones
* Quay
* Clarkson
* Campbell
* Carter
* Hanna
* Payne
* Cortelyou
* New
* Hitchcock
* Hill
* Rosewater
* Hilles
* Wilcox
* Hays
* Adams
* Butler
* Work
* Huston
* Fess
* Sanders
* Fletcher
* Hamilton
* Martin
* Walsh
* Spangler
* Brownell
* Reece
* Scott
* Gabrielson
* Summerfield
* Roberts
* Hall
* Alcorn
* T. Morton
* Miller
* Burch
* Bliss
* R. Morton
* Dole
* Bush
* Smith
* Brock
* Richards
* Laxalt/Fahrenkopf
* Fahrenkopf
* Atwater
* Yeutter
* Bond
* Barbour
* Nicholson
* Gilmore
* Racicot
* Gillespie
* Mehlman
* Martínez/Duncan
* Duncan
* Steele
* Priebus
* McDaniel
* Whatley

|

Chair elections|

* 2009
* 2011
* 2013
* 2015
* 2017
* 2019
* 2021
* 2023
* 2024

Parties by
state and
territory|

| State|

* Alabama
* Alaska
* Arizona
* Arkansas
* California
* Colorado
* Connecticut
* Delaware
* Florida
* Georgia
* Hawaii
* Idaho
* Illinois
* Indiana
* Iowa
* Kansas
* Kentucky
* Louisiana
* Maine
* Maryland
* Massachusetts
* Michigan
* Minnesota
* Mississippi
* Missouri
* Montana
* Nebraska
* Nevada
* New Hampshire
* New Jersey
* New Mexico
* New York
* North Carolina
* North Dakota
* Ohio
* Oklahoma
* Oregon
* Pennsylvania
* Rhode Island
* South Carolina
* South Dakota
* Tennessee
* Texas
* Utah
* Vermont
* Virginia
* Washington
* West Virginia
* Wisconsin
* Wyoming

|

Territory|

* American Samoa
* District of Columbia
* Guam
* Northern Mariana Islands
* Puerto Rico
* Virgin Islands

Affiliated
organizations|

| Congress|

* House Conference
* Legislative Digest
* Steering and Policy Committees
* Senate Conference
* Policy Committee
* Factions
* Freedom Caucus
* Problem Solvers Caucus
* Republican Governance Group
* Republican Study Committee

|

Campaign
committees|

* National Republican Congressional Committee
* National Republican Redistricting Trust
* National Republican Senatorial Committee
* Republican Attorneys General Association
* Republican Governors Association

Constituency
groups|

* College Republicans
* Chairmen
* Congressional Hispanic Conference
* Log Cabin Republicans
* National Black Republican Association
* Republican Hindu Coalition
* Republican Jewish Coalition
* Republican Muslim Coalition
* Republican National Hispanic Assembly
* Republicans Abroad
* Teen Age Republicans
* Young Republicans
* Republicans Overseas

Factional
groups|

* Republican Main Street Partnership
* Republican Majority for Choice
* Republican Liberty Caucus
* Republican National Coalition for Life
* ConservAmerica
* Liberty Caucus
* Ripon Society
* The Wish List

Related|

* Primaries
* Debates
* Bibliography
* International Democracy Union
* Three Legged Stool
* Timeline of modern American conservatism
* Trumpism

* v
* t
* e

Fascism

Themes

| Core tenets|

* Actual idealism
* Aestheticization of politics
* Anti-communism
* Anti-intellectualism
* Anti-materialism
* Anti-pacifism
* Authoritarianism
* Chauvinism
* Class collaboration
* Conspiracism
* Corporatism
* Cult of personality
* Dictatorship
* Direct action
* Dirigisme
* Economic interventionism
* Eugenics
* Heroic capitalism
* Heroic realism
* Heroism
* Imperialism
* Indoctrination
* Irrationalism
* Machismo
* Masculinity
* Militarism
* National syndicalism
* Nationalism
* Integral
* Palingenetic
* Ultra
* New Man
* One-party state
* Perpetual war
* Populism
* Proletarian nation
* Propaganda
* Racism
* Reactionary modernism
* Social Darwinism
* Social interventionism
* Social order
* State capitalism
* Statolatry
* Supercapitalism
* Syncretism
* Third Position
* Totalitarianism

|

Topics|

* Definitions
* Economics
* Fascism and ideology
* Fascism worldwide
* Symbolism

Variants

* Arab
* Argentine
* Nacionalismo
* Orthodox Peronism
* Austrian
* Banderism
* Brazilian
* British
* Christian
* Christian Identity
* Mexican synarchism
* Clerical
* Crypto
* Eco
* English
* Falangism
* French
* Doriotism
* Pétainism
* Neo-Pétainism
* Jeune Nation
* L'Œuvre Française
* Valoisism
* Hindu
* Hungarism
* Hutu
* Irish
* Islamic
* Ziaism
* Italian
* Intransigent
* Japanese
* Emperor-system
* Reform bureaucratism
* Statism
* Restoration
* Ultra
* Jewish/Israeli
* Kahanism
* Revisionist Maximalism
* Korean
* Ilminism
* Nyulaiteu
* Latvian
* Mystical
* Nazism
* Austrian
* Esoteric
* Hitlerism
* Neo-Nazism
* Russian
* Strasserism
* Swedish
* Neo
* Finnish
* NRx
* Pan-Turkic
* Rexism
* Polish
* Romanian
* Legionarism
* Neo-Legionarism
* Romanianism/Stelism
* Russian
* Neo-Eurasianism
* Syndicalist
* Syrian Social Nationalism
* Techno
* Third Positionism
* National-anarchism
* National Bolshevism
* Nazi-Maoism
* Uruguayan
* Marzism
* Revisionism
* Sosism
* Ustašism

Movements

| Africa|

* Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging
* Coalition for the Defence of the Republic
* Greyshirts
* Muslim Association of the Lictor
* National Revolutionary Movement for Development
* Ossewabrandwag
* Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines
* Republican Democratic Movement
* Young Egypt Party (1933)

|

Asia|

* Abhinav Bharat
* Al-Muthanna Club
* Aria Party
* Azerbaijan National Democrat Party
* Azure Party
* Black Dragon Society
* Brit HaBirionim
* Concordia Association
* Grey Wolves
* Golden Square
* Hindu Mahasabha
* Iran-e-No Party
* Jewish National Front
* Kach
* Kataeb Party
* Kenkokukai
* Kokumin Dōmei
* Korea Nationalist Party
* Korean National Youth Association
* Lehi
* Liberal Party (South Korea)
* Nasyonal Aktivite ve Zinde İnkişaf
* National Socialism Association
* National Socialist Japanese Workers' Party
* Nationalist Movement Party
* Nationalist Task Party
* National Will Party
* Nation Party of Iran
* Otzma Yehudit
* Pan-Iranist Party
* Palestine Arab Party
* Patrol 36
* Progress Party (Iran)
* Philippine Falange
* Rastakhiz Party
* Rastriya Prajatantra Party
* Reform bureaucrats
* Religious Zionist Party
* Sakurakai
* Sangh Parivar
* Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad
* Bharatiya Gau Raksha Dal
* Bharatiya Janata Party
* Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha
* Bharatiya Jana Sangh
* Bharatiya Kisan Sangh
* Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh
* Bharat Vikas Parishad
* Ekal Vidyalaya
* Hindu Makkal Katchi
* Hindu Munnani
* Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh
* Jammu Praja Parishad
* Muslim Rashtriya Manch
* Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas
* Rashtra Sevika Samiti
* Rashtriya Sikh Sangat
* Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
* Akhil Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Yojana
* Seva Bharati
* Vidya Bharati
* Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram
* Vishva Hindu Parishad
* Bajrang Dal
* Durga Vahini
* SUMKA
* Syrian Social Nationalist Party
* Tōhōkai
* Tsagaan Khas
* Turkish Union Party
* Wang Jingwei Kuomintang

Northern / Northwestern Europe|

* Academic Karelia Society
* Ailtirí na hAiséirghe
* Autonome Nationalisten
* Bases Autónomas
* Black Front (Netherlands)
* Blood & Honour
* Blueshirts
* Breton Social-National Workers' Movement
* British Democratic Party
* British Fascists
* Britain First
* British League of Ex-Servicemen and Women
* British Movement
* British National Party (1960)
* British National Party
* British People's Party (1939)
* British People's Party (2005)
* British Union of Fascists
* The Britons
* La Cagoule
* Casuals United
* Centre Party '86
* Clerical People's Party
* Dutch Defence League
* Dutch Fascist Union
* English Defence League
* European Defence League
* English National Association
* European Liberation Front
* Le Faisceau
* Fédération d'action nationale et européenne
* Finnish National Socialist Labor Organisation
* Finnish People's Organisation
* Finnish-Socialist Workers' Party
* Flemish National Union
* French National-Collectivist Party
* French Nationalist Party
* French Popular Party
* General Dutch Fascist League
* Greater Britain Movement
* Groupe Collaboration
* Heathen Front
* Imperial Fascist League
* International Third Position
* Jeune Nation
* Lalli Alliance of Finland
* Lapua Movement
* League of Saint George
* Les Identitaires
* Mouvement d'Action Civique
* Mouvement Franciste
* Nasjonal Samling
* National Action (UK)
* National Alliance (Sweden)
* National Corporate Party
* National Fascisti
* National Front (UK)
* National League of Sweden
* Nationalist Party
* National Popular Rally
* National Rally
* National Socialist Bloc
* National Socialist Dutch Workers Party
* National Socialist Front
* National Socialist League
* National Socialist Movement (UK, 1962)
* National Socialist Movement (United Kingdom)
* National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands
* National Socialist Movement of Norway
* National Socialist Union of Finland
* National Socialist Workers' Party (Sweden)
* National Socialist Workers' Party of Denmark
* National Socialists of Finland
* National Syndicalists
* National Union (Netherlands)
* National Union (Portugal)
* New Party
* Nipsters
* Nordic League
* The Nordic Realm Party
* Nordic Resistance Movement
* Northern League
* Norwegian Defence League
* Nouvelle Droite
* GRECE
* L'Œuvre Française
* Official National Front
* Order of Flemish Militants
* Order of Nine Angles
* Organisation of National Socialists
* Parti Communautaire National-Européen
* Party of Finnish Labor
* Party of the Swedes
* Patriotic Alternative
* Patriotic People's Movement
* Patriotic People's Movement (1993)
* Pērkonkrusts
* Phalange Française
* Ragnarock
* Rebelles Européens
* Rexist Party
* Rising Finland
* Scottish Democratic Fascist Party
* Scottish Protestant League
* Skrewdriver
* Skullhead
* Stormers
* Terre et Peuple
* Third Way (France)
* Third Way (UK)
* Union Movement
* Verdinaso
* Vigrid
* White Aryan Resistance
* World Union of National Socialists

Central Europe|

* Action Front of National Socialists/National Activists
* Arrow Cross Party
* Artgemeinschaft
* Austrian Nazism
* Black Front (Germany)
* Bund Deutscher Osten
* Christian National Socialist Front
* Deutsche Reichspartei
* Eidgenössische Sammlung
* Falanga
* Free German Workers' Party
* German Faith Movement
* German National Movement in Liechtenstein
* German National Socialist Workers' Party (Czechoslovakia)
* German Party (Slovakia)
* German Social Union
* Honor
* Hungarian National Front
* Hungarian National Socialist Agricultural Labourers' and Workers' Party
* Hungarian National Socialist Party
* Combat League of German Socialists
* Kotlebists – People's Party Our Slovakia
* Landser
* Liechtenstein Homeland Service
* National Democratic Party (Austria)
* National Democratic Party of Germany
* National Fascist Community
* National Front (Hungary)
* National Front (Switzerland)
* National Movement of Switzerland
* National Radical Camp
* National Radical Camp (1993)
* National Revival of Poland
* National Union (Switzerland)
* Nationalist Front (Germany)
* Nazi Party
* Greater German People's Community
* Nazi Germany
* National Socialist Freedom Movement
* National Socialist Working Association
* New Order
* Nipsters
* No Colours Records
* PC Records
* Positive Christianity
* German Christians
* Republic Movement
* The Right (Germany)
* Rock-O-Rama Records
* Shield and Sword
* Slovak People's Party
* Socialist Reich Party
* Stahlgewitter
* Sudeten German Party
* The Third Path
* United Hungarian National Socialist Party
* Vlajka
* Volksdeutsche Bewegung
* Volkssozialistische Bewegung Deutschlands/Partei der Arbeit
* Wiking-Jugend

Southern Europe|

* ADÑ–Spanish Identity
* Albanian Fascist Party
* Balli Kombëtar
* Brothers of Italy
* CEDADE
* Democratic Fascist Party
* European Nation State
* Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria
* Fasci Italiani di Combattimento
* Fascio d'Azione Rivoluzionaria
* Falange
* Sección Femenina
* La Falange (1999)
* Falange Auténtica
* Falange Española
* Falange Española Auténtica
* Falange Española de las JONS
* Falange Española de las JONS (1976)
* Falange Española Independiente
* Falangist Movement of Spain
* Freethinkers' Party
* Imperium Europa
* Italian fascism
* National Fascist Party (Italy)
* Italian Social Republic
* Republican Fascist Party
* Italian Social Movement
* Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista
* Juntas Españolas
* National Alliance (Spain)
* National Alliance July 18
* National Democracy (Italy)
* National Democracy (Spain)
* National Front (Spain, 1986)
* National Front (Spain, 2006)
* National Union (Italy, 1923)
* National Union (Spain)
* New Force (Italy)
* New Force (Spain)
* Republican Social Movement
* The Right (Italy)
* Sammarinese Fascist Party
* Spanish Military Union
* Struggle of the People
* Student Action
* Terza Posizione
* Tricolour Flame
* Unidad Falangista Montañesa
* Youth Front

Eastern and Southeastern Europe|

* Autochthonous Croatian Party of Rights
* Bosnian Movement of National Pride
* Bulgarian National Socialist Workers Party
* Croatian Liberation Movement
* Croatian National Resistance
* Croatian Party of Rights
* Crusade of Romanianism
* Ethnic National Union
* Eurasia Movement
* Eurasia Party
* Format18
* For the Native Language!
* Front of National Revolutionary Action
* German Party
* German People's Party
* Golden Dawn
* Greek National Socialist Party
* Hosank
* Iron Guard
* Kolovrat
* LEPEN
* Liberal Democratic Party of Russia
* Lithuanian Nationalist Union
* National Agrarian Party
* National Bolshevik Front
* National Bolshevik Party
* National-Christian Defense League
* National Christian Party
* National Fascist Movement
* National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economic Movement
* National Party – Greeks
* National Socialist Patriotic Organisation
* National Socialist Society
* National Social Movement
* National Romanian Fascio
* National Renaissance Front
* National Salvation Front
* Nokturnal Mortum
* National Socialism / White Power
* Obraz
* Occupy Pedophilia
* Order of Nine Angles
* Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists
* The Other Russia of E. V. Limonov
* Pamyat
* Patriotic Alliance
* People's Party
* Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine
* Ratniks (Bulgaria)
* Romanian Front
* Russian Imperial Movement
* Russian Fascist Party
* Russian National Unity
* Russian Women's Fascist Movement
* Serbian Action
* Serbian Radical Party
* Steel Shield
* Svoboda
* Union of Bulgarian National Legions
* Ustaše
* Ustaše in Australia
* Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood
* Yugoslav Radical Union
* ZBOR

North America|

* Fascism in Canada
* Aryan Guard
* Aryan Nations
* Canadian Association for Free Expression
* Canadian Union of Fascists
* Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform
* Heritage Front
* Parti national social chrétien
* Fascism in the United States
* American Front
* American Nazi Party
* Betar US
* Creativity
* Fascist League of North America
* German American Bund
* Goyim Defense League
* Hammerskins
* Identity Evropa
* League of the South
* National Alliance (United States)
* National Renaissance Party
* Nationalist Social Club-131
* National Socialist Legion
* National Socialist Liberation Front
* National Socialist Movement
* National States' Rights Party
* National Vanguard
* Nationalist Front (United States)
* Patriot Front
* Proud Boys
* Rise Above Movement
* Silver Legion of America
* Christian Party (United States, 1930s)
* Traditionalist Worker Party
* Vanguard America
* Volksfront
* White Aryan Resistance
* Wotansvolk
* Revolutionary Mexicanist Action
* Mexican Democratic Party
* Mexican Fascist Party
* National Pro Patria Party
* National Synarchist Union
* Nationalist Front of Mexico
* Order of Nine Angles

Oceania|

* Action Zealandia
* Antipodean Resistance
* Australia First Movement
* Australia First Party
* Australian Defence League
* Australian National Socialist Party
* Centre Party
* Lads Society
* National Action (Australia)
* National Socialist Network
* National Socialist Party of Australia
* Progressive Nationalist Party
* Reclaim Australia
* True Blue Crew
* United Patriots Front

South America|

* Agrarian Labor Party
* Argentine Anticommunist Alliance
* Argentine Fascist Party
* Argentine Nationalist Action
* Argentine Patriotic League
* Bolivian Socialist Falange
* Brazilian Integralism
* Brazilian Integralist Action
* Brazilian Integralist Front
* Falangism in Latin America
* Female Peronist Party
* Iron Guard (Argentina)
* Nacionalismo
* National Fascist Party (Argentina)
* National Fascist Union
* Nationalist Liberation Alliance
* National Liberation Movement
* National Socialist Movement of Chile
* National Universitary Concentration
* New Triumph Party
* Patriot Front (Argentina)
* Popular Dignity
* Popular Freedom Alliance
* Popular Representation Party
* Popular Socialist Vanguard
* Republican League
* La Resistencia Dios, Patria y Familia
* Revolutionary Union
* Tacuara Nationalist Movement

People

| Australia|

* Campbell (Eric)
* Campbell (Graeme)
* Cottrell
* Groot
* Mills
* Saleam

|

Austria|

* Dollfuss
* Miklas
* Pfrimer
* Planetta
* Schuschnigg
* Seyss-Inquart
* Starhemberg

Belgium|

* Daye
* Declercq
* Degrelle
* Denis
* Elias
* Eriksson
* Hermans
* Lagrou
* Poulet
* Severen
* Streel
* van de Wiele

Croatia|

* Boban
* Francetić
* Kraljević
* Kvaternik
* Luburić
* Pavelić
* Pavičić
* Rover
* Servatzy

Finland|

* Helanen
* Isotalo
* Kalsta
* Konkka
* Kosola
* Orko
* Simojoki
* Somersalo
* Törni
* Varjonen

France|

* Augier
* Bardèche
* Benoist-Méchin
* Béraud
* Brasillach
* Bucard
* Châteaubriant
* Déat
* Déroulède
* Dior
* Doriot
* La Rochelle
* Lagardelle
* Laval
* Pétain
* Rebatet
* Valois
* Vial

Germany|

* Abetz
* Andrae
* Baeumler
* Berchtold
* Berger
* Best
* Brunner
* Bühler
* Darré
* Falkenhausen
* Hocke
* Feder
* Forster
* Frank
* Franz V
* Gesche
* Goebbels
* Göring
* Graf
* Greiser
* Günther
* Hanke
* Heiden
* Hess
* Heydrich
* Himmler
* Hitler
* Klintzsch
* Kuhn
* Ludendorff
* Maurice
* Müller
* Niekisch
* Ploetz
* Rahn
* Reitsch
* Renthe-Fink
* Ribbentrop
* Rieger
* Rosenberg
* Schmitt
* Schreck
* Skorzeny
* Strasser (Gregor)
* Strasser (Otto)
* Streicher
* Terboven
* Thadden
* Krosigk
* Zündel

Greece|

* Dragoumis
* Kasidiaris
* Koryzis
* Lagos
* Michaloliakos
* Papadopoulos

India|

* Adityanath
* Advani
* Bose
* Godse
* Golwalkar
* Hedgewar
* Modi
* Mukherjee
* Savarkar
* Thakur
* Vajpayee

Iran|

* Forouhar
* Kashani
* Monshizadeh
* Pezeshkpour
* Teymourtash

Israel|

* Ahimeir
* Ben-Ari
* Ben-Gvir
* Eldad
* Eliyahu
* Goldstein
* Gopstein
* Greenberg
* Ha'ivri
* Heruti
* Kahane
* Marzel
* Natan-Zada
* Stern
* Yeivin

Italy|

* Acerbo
* Alfieri
* Ambris
* D'Annunzio
* Azara
* Badoglio
* Balbo
* Torrente Ballester
* Bastianini
* Bianchi
* Boni
* Bono
* Boselli
* Bottai
* Ciano (Costanzo)
* Ciano (Galeazzo)
* Cogni
* Corradini
* Freda
* Gentile
* Giuriati
* Gozi
* Grandi
* Graziani
* Guidi
* Malaparte
* Marinetti
* Michels
* Morgagni
* Mussolini
* Olivetti
* Panunzio
* Papini
* Pavolini
* Rauti
* Ricci
* Ridruejo
* Rocco
* Rossoni
* Sarfatti
* Soffici
* Spirito
* Volpi

Japan|

* Akao
* Araki
* Chō
* Hashimoto
* Honjō
* Kita
* Kodama
* Matsuoka
* Nonaka
* Ōkawa
* Sasakawa

Romania|

* Antonescu
* Bacaloglu
* Codreanu
* Crainic
* Cuza
* Gigurtu
* Goga
* Manoilescu
* Moța
* Ogoranu
* Sima

Russia|

* Astroŭski
* Borovikov
* Ilyin
* Kaminski
* Martsinkevich
* Milchakov
* Oktan
* Prilepin
* Prokhanov
* Rodzaevsky

Spain|

* Arrese
* Bau Nolla
* Bilbao Eguía
* Carrero Blanco
* Fernández-Cuesta
* Franco
* Franco y Polo
* Giménez Caballero
* Primo de Rivera
* Ramos
* Sánchez Mazas
* Serrano Suñer

Ukraine|

* Bandera
* Biletsky
* Dontsov
* Gubarev
* Klyachkivsky
* Lebed
* Rebet
* Samchuk
* Shukhevych
* Stetsko
* Tyahnybok
* Vitrenko

United Kingdom|

* Beckett
* Chamberlain
* Chesterton
* Lake
* Leese
* Mosley (Diana)
* Mosley (Oswald)
* Pankhurst
* Pearson
* Ramsay
* Robinson
* Southgate
* Tyndall
* Wellesley

United States|

* Auernheimer
* Collins
* Fuentes
* Joyce
* Pelley
* Pound
* Yockey

Other|

* Burdi
* Celmiņš
* Martínez
* Quisling
* Ramírez
* Riva-Agüero y Osma
* Šešelj
* Szálasi

Works

| Literature|

* 1776 Returns
* La Conquista del Estado
* The Culture of Critique
* Defiance
* Did Six Million Really Die?
* The Doctrine of Fascism
* Essentials of Hindutva
* Fascist Manifesto
* For My Legionaries
* The Foundations of Geopolitics: The Geopolitical Future of Russia
* The Fourth Political Theory
* Hitlers Zweites Buch
* Hutu Ten Commandments
* Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics
* An Investigation of Global Policy with the Yamato Race as Nucleus
* Kokutairon and Pure Socialism
* The Last Will of a Russian Fascist
* Manifesto of Race
* Manifesto of the Fascist Intellectuals
* Mein Kampf
* My Autobiography
* My Life
* The Myth of the Twentieth Century
* OPROP!
* Our Race Will Rule Undisputed Over The World
* Protestantische Rompilger
* A Racial Program for the Twentieth Century
* Uncomfortable Questions for Comfortable Jews
* A Warning to the Hindus
* Who Are the Mind Benders?

|

Periodicals|

* Action
* Ajan Suunta
* L'Alba
* El Alcázar
* The American Review
* Der Angriff
* Arriba
* The Blackshirt
* La Conquista del Estado
* The Daily Stormer
* Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung
* Das Deutsche Mädel
* La Difesa della Razza
* Eleftheros Kosmos
* The European
* Fashist
* Fashizmi
* La France au travail
* Fritt Folk
* Fronten
* Gândirea
* Gioventù Fascista
* Golden Dawn
* Hamaas
* Hrvatski Domobran
* Je suis partout
* Kangura
* Kansallissosialisti
* Limonka
* Masada2000
* Münchener Beobachter
* Nash Put'
* Nástup
* Nation Europa
* Neue Anthropologie
* Neues Volk
* Het Nieuwe Volk
* Norsk-Tysk Tidsskrift
* Novopress
* Norsk-Tysk Tidsskrift
* Organiser
* Panchjanya
* Panzerbär
* Parole der Woche
* Le Pays Réel
* Der Pimpf
* Il Popolo d'Italia
* Das Reich
* Revue d'histoire du fascisme
* Das Schwarze Korps
* Sfarmă-Piatră
* Signal
* Siniristi
* Spearhead
* Der Stürmer
* Türkische Post
* Der Umbruch
* Vairas
* Vlajka
* Volk en Staat
* Völkischer Beobachter
* Die Wehrmacht
* Wochenspruch der NSDAP

Film|

* L'Armata Azzurra
* Bengasi
* Condottieri
* The Daughter of the Samurai
* Erbkrank
* Europa: The Last Battle
* The Great Appeal
* The Old Guard
* Raza
* Scipio Africanus: The Defeat of Hannibal
* Der Sieg des Glaubens
* The Siege of the Alcazar
* Lo squadrone bianco
* Tag der Freiheit: Unsere Wehrmacht
* Triumph of the Will

Music|

* Fashwave
* Hindutva pop
* National Socialist black metal
* Nazi punk
* Rock Against Communism
* White power music

Other|

* Allach
* StoneToss

Related topics|

* Art of the Third Reich
* Fascist architecture
* Heroic realism
* Nazi architecture
* Nazism and cinema

Organizations

| Institutional|

* Ahnenerbe
* Chamber of Fasces and Corporations
* Grand Council of Fascism
* Imperial Way Faction
* Italian Nationalist Association
* National Socialist League of the Reich for Physical Exercise
* Quadrumvirs

|

Activist|

* Adelaide Institute
* Agrarian Trade Union Federation
* The Britons
* Casuals United
* DeVlag
* European Social Movement
* Finnish Realm Union
* Francisco Franco National Foundation
* Friends of New Germany
* German American Bund
* GRECE
* The Link
* Mladorossi
* National Party of Europe
* National Policy Institute
* National Popular Consciousness
* Panzerfaust Records
* Popular Force Party
* Right Club
* Russian Fascist Organization

Youth|

* Adler und Falke
* Albanian Lictor Youth
* Arab Lictor Youth
* Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha
* Blue-and-Blacks
* Ethiopian Lictor Youth
* Fascist Union of Youth
* Frente de Juventudes
* Al-Futuwwa
* Gioventù Italiana del Littorio
* Great Japan Youth Party
* Hitler Youth
* Faith and Beauty Society
* Deutsches Jungvolk
* Jungmädelbund
* League of German Girls
* Jeunesse Populaire Française
* Juventudes de Acción Popular
* Korean National Youth Association
* Levente
* Mocidade Portuguesa
* Nationale Jeugdstorm
* National League of Sweden
* National Socialist Liberation Front
* National Youth (Sweden)
* National Youth (Italy)
* National Youth Alliance
* National Youth Organisation (Greece)
* Opera Nazionale Balilla
* Österreichisches Jungvolk
* Patriotic/Eureka Youth League
* Union of Fascist Little Ones
* Union of Young Fascists – Vanguard (boys)
* Union of Young Fascists – Vanguard (girls)
* Ustaše Youth
* Wiking-Jugend
* Youth Front

Paramilitary and terrorist|

* Abhinav Bharat
* Albanian Fascist Militia
* Atomwaffen Division
* Azov Brigade
* Bajrang Dal
* Black Brigades
* Black Legion
* Blackshirts
* Blueshirts (Canada)
* Blueshirts (Ireland)
* Column 88
* Combat Terrorist Organization
* Confederation of the Nation
* Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar
* Croatian Defence Forces
* Croatian National Resistance
* Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood
* Bugojno group
* Einsatzgruppen
* Fasci di Azione Rivoluzionaria
* Falange Armata
* Falange Militia
* Flemish Guard
* Flemish Legion
* Frontbann
* Goldshirts
* Greenshirts
* Hilfspolizei
* Hitler Youth
* Greyshirts
* Heimwehr
* Hirden
* Hlinka Guard
* Hungarian National Defence Association
* Impuzamugambi
* Interbrigades
* Interahamwe
* Iron Wolf
* Jewish Defense League
* Jewish Defense Organization
* Kataeb Regulatory Forces
* Lăncieri
* Legion Wasa
* Lehava
* Lehi
* Levente
* Makapili
* Mano Blanca
* Misanthropic Division
* National Republican Guard
* New Guard
* Ostmärkische Sturmscharen
* Rodobrana
* Russian Imperial Movement
* Russian National Unity (2000)
* S14
* Schutzstaffel
* Serbian Volunteer Corps
* Sicarii
* Sich Battalion
* Silver Shirts
* Sturmabteilung
* Sudetendeutsches Freikorps
* Terror Against Terror
* Third Klan
* Ukrainian Insurgent Army
* Ukrainian People's Militsiya
* Ustaše Militia
* Volkssport
* Walloon Guard
* Walloon Legion
* Waffen-SS
* Wagner Group
* Rusich Group
* Weerbaarheidsafdeling
* Werwolf
* Westland New Post
* Yokusan Sonendan
* Youth Front

Student|

* Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad
* Avanguardia Giovanile Fascista
* Frente de Estudiantes Sindicalistas
* German Student Union
* National Socialist German Students' League
* Sindicato Español Universitario
* Student Action

International|

* Axis powers
* NSDAP/AO
* ODESSA

History

| 1900s|

* Herero and Nama genocide and the Holocaust

|

1910s|

* Arditi
* Fascio
* Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria
* Armenian genocide and the Holocaust

1920s|

* March on Rome
* Corfu incident
* Acerbo Law
* Beer Hall Putsch
* Aventine Secession
* Italian economic battles
* Le Faisceau
* 28 May 1926 coup d'état
* Libyan genocide

1930s|

* March of the Iron Will
* November 1932 German federal election
* March 1933 German federal election
* Enabling Act
* Austrian Civil War
* July Putsch
* 1934 Montreux Fascist conference
* Romani Holocaust
* 4th of August Regime
* Anti-Comintern Pact
* Spanish Civil War

1940s|

* World War II
* Nazi crimes against the Polish nation
* The Holocaust
* Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia
* End in Italy
* Nuremberg Trials
* Tokyo Trials

Lists

* Anti-fascists
* Books about Hitler
* British fascist parties
* Fascist movements by country (A-F
* G-M
* N-T
* U-Z)
* Nazi ideologues
* Nazi leaders
* Secretaries of Italian fascist parties
* Speeches by Hitler
* SS personnel

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