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Select a state from the menu below to learn more about its election administration. |
Election administration encompasses a state's voting policies, procedures, and enforcement. These include voter identification requirements, early and absentee/mail-in voting provisions, voter list maintenance methods, and more. Each state's voting policies dictate who can vote and under what conditions.
Below, you will find details on the following election administration topics in Florida:
In Florida, all polls are open from 7:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. local time. Florida is divided between the Eastern and Central time zones. An individual who is in line at the time polls close must be allowed to vote.[1]
To vote in Florida, one must be at least 18 years of age, a citizen of the United States, and a legal resident of Florida and the county in which he or she intends to vote. Pre-registration is available beginning at 16 years of age.[2][3]
Voters may retrieve registration applications at the following locations:[2]
A registration form is also available online. The form can be printed and submitted via mail.[3]
Click here to find your county Supervisor of Elections.
Florida does not practice automatic voter registration.
Florida has implemented an online voter registration system. Residents can register to vote by visiting this website.
Voters may also apply for or modify their voter registration status while renewing their driver's license through the Florida Department of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles’ online renewal system here.
Florida does not allow same-day voter registration.
To register to vote in Florida, you must be a resident of the state. State law does not specify a length of time for which you must have been a resident to be eligible.
Florida does not require proof of citizenship for voter registration. An individual must attest that they are a U.S. citizen when registering to vote. According to the state's voter registration application, "it is a 3rd degree felony to submit false information." [4]
The page Voter Information Lookup, run by the Florida Department of State, allows residents to check their voter registration status online.
Florida permits early voting. Learn more by visiting this website.
Early voting permits citizens to cast ballots in person at a polling place prior to an election. In states that permit no-excuse early voting, a voter does not have to provide an excuse for being unable to vote on Election Day. States that allow voters to cast no-excuse absentee/mail-in ballots in person are counted as no-excuse early voting states.
As of February 2024, 47 states and the District of Columbia permitted no-excuse early voting.
All voters are eligible to vote by mail in Florida. There are no special eligibility requirements for voting by mail.[5]
To vote by mail, an application must be received by 5:00 p.m. on the 12th day before the election. Election officials must mail the ballot out within 2 business days after a request, but no later than the 10th day before election day.[5]
A returned ballot must then be received by election officials by 7:00 p.m. on Election Day.[5]
Absentee/mail-in ballots in Florida can be returned by mail or in person. Voters can designate someone to pick up or return their ballot on their behalf. To be counted, a ballot must be received by election officials in the county in which the voter is registered by 7 p.m. on Election Day.[5] Overseas voters have 10 extra days to return their ballot in presidential preference and general elections, but the ballot still must be postmarked by election day.[6]
On May 6, 2021, Governor Ron DeSantis (R) signed SB90 into law, establishing that "any person who distributes, orders, requests, collects, delivers, or otherwise physically possesses more than two vote-by-mail ballots per election in addition to his or her own ballot or a ballot belonging to an immediate family member, except as provided in ss. 101.6105-101.694, including supervised voting at assisted living facilities and nursing home facilities as authorized under s. 101.655, commits a misdemeanor of the first degree."[7]
Absentee/mail-in ballots in Florida include a certificate that must be signed by the voter. Florida law includes a cure provision allowing voters to correct an issue with the signature on their ballot.
Voters are notified if their absentee/mail-in ballot is missing a signature or the signature is found not to match the signature on record. According to the Florida Division of Elections:[5]
“ | Once a voter learns about the missing or mismatched signature, the voter may complete and return a “Vote-by-Mail Ballot Cure” Affidavit (Form DS-DE 139 - English PDF / Español PDF) with a copy of identification. The documentation can be returned by mail, email, fax, or in person. The deadline to submit the form and the ID is no later than 5 p.m. (local time) on the 2nd day after an election. Failure to follow the instructions may cause the ballot not to be counted.[8] | ” |
Voters can check the status of their absentee/mail-in ballot through their county supervisor of elections website.
Florida requires voters to present photo identification with a signature while voting.[9][10]
The following list of accepted ID was current as of July 2024. Click here for the Florida Secretary of State's page on accepted ID to ensure you have the most current information.
A voter who presents an ID without a signature must show a second form of identification that includes the voter’s signature.
Click here to learn more about the background of Florida's law.
As of April 2024, 35 states required voters to present identification in order to vote at the polls on Election Day. Of these states, 24 required voters to present identification containing a photograph, and 11 accepted other forms of identification. The remaining 16 states did not require voters to present identification in order to vote at the polls on Election Day.
Valid forms of identification differ by state. In certain states that require voters to provide identification, there may be exceptions that allow some voters to cast a ballot without providing an ID. To see more about these exceptions, see details by state. Commonly accepted forms of ID include driver's licenses, state-issued identification cards, and military identification cards.
Voters who do not have ID while voting may cast provisional ballots. See below for provisional ballot rules.
Voters in Florida are given provisional ballots, or ballots requiring additional steps or information before they can be counted, under the following circumstances.[11]
1) If the voter does not have the proper identification, the voter has the right to cast a provisional ballot.
2) If the voter’s eligibility to vote is challenged by an election official, the voter has the right to cast a provisional ballot.
3) If the voter's eligibility cannot be determined, the voter has the right to cast a provisional ballot.
After voting by provisional ballot, the voter is given a written Notice of Rights, which "will include instructions on how to find out if your provisional ballot was counted, and if not, the reason(s) why. You should be able to get this information no later than 30 days following the election."[11]
A provisional ballot is rejected in the following circumstances:[12]
Visit the state's Voter Information Lookup website to check the status of your provisional ballot.
Do you need information about elections in your area? Are you looking for your local election official? Click here to visit the U.S. Vote Foundation and use their election official lookup tool. |
A primary election is an election in which registered voters select a candidate that they believe should be a political party's candidate for elected office to run in the general election. They are also used to choose convention delegates and party leaders. Primaries are state-level and local-level elections that take place prior to a general election. Florida utilizes a closed primary process, in which the selection of a party's candidates in an election is limited to registered party members.[13][14]
For information about which offices are nominated via primary election, see this article.
Ballotpedia did not find a law specifying whether voters must be given time off from work to vote in this state. Nolo.com notes that states without such state laws may have administrative regulations or local ordinances pertaining to time off for voting and suggests calling your local board of elections or state labor department for more information.[15]
If you know of a relevant policy in this state, please email us.
As of September 2024, 28 states required employers to grant employees time off to vote. Within these 28 states, policies varied as to whether that time off must be paid and how much notice must be given.
In Florida, people convicted of most felony offenses have their voting rights automatically restored upon completion of their entire sentence, including prison, probation, and parole. Murder and felony sexual offenses are examples of felonies that permanently disqualify people from voting.[16]
Voting rights for people convicted of a felony vary from state to state. In the majority of states, people convicted of a felony cannot vote while they are incarcerated but may regain the right to vote upon release from prison or at some point thereafter.[17]
All states have rules under which they maintain voter rolls—or, check and remove certain names from their lists of registered voters. Most states are subject to the parameters set by The National Voter Registration Act (NVRA).[18] The NVRA requires states to make efforts to remove deceased individuals and individuals who have become ineligible due to a change of address. It prohibits removing registrants from voter lists within 90 days of a federal election due to change of address unless a registrant has requested to be removed, or from removing people from voter lists solely because they have not voted. The NVRA says that states may remove names from their registration lists under certain other circumstances and that their methods for removing names must be uniform and nondiscriminatory.[19]
Florida law authorizes county election officials to remove the names of voters from the registered voting list if an individual:[20][21][22][23]
Florida law requires county election officials to conduct a voter registration maintenance program annually to identify voters whose address may have changed. Officials may use National Change of Address data and non-forwardable mailings. If officials find that a voter has moved out of state, they are to send them an address confirmation notice. If the notice is not returned or is returned as undeliverable, the voter is placed on an inactive voter list. Inactive voters are eligible to vote under Florida law and may be restored to active status by updating their registration information or by voting. If the voter remains on the inactive list through two general elections, their registration is to be canceled.[21]
According to its website, ERIC is a nonprofit corporation that is governed by a board of member-states. These member states submit voter registration and motor vehicle registration information to ERIC. ERIC uses this information, as well as Social Security death records and other sources, to provide member states with reports showing voters who have moved within their state, moved out of their state, died, have duplicate registrations in their state, or are potentially eligible to vote but are not yet registered. ERIC's website describes its funding as follows: "Members fund ERIC. New members pay a one-time membership fee of $25,000, which is reserved for technology upgrades and other unanticipated expenses. Members also pay annual dues. Annual dues cover operating costs and are based, in part, on the citizen voting age population in each state."[24]
By 2022, 33 states and the District of Columbia had joined ERIC. As of May 2024, 24 states and the District of Columbia were members in the ERIC program.[25]
As of July 2024, Florida was not a participating member in ERIC.
Secretary of State Cord Byrd (R) withdrew Florida from ERIC on March 6, 2023, saying, "Florida has tried to back reforms to increase protections, but these protections were refused. Therefore, we have lost confidence in ERIC."[26] According to ERIC, the effective date for this withdrawal was June 3, 2023.[27]
Florida state law requires post-election audits. The audit is conducted by the county canvassing board or local board responsible for certifying the election. Auditors can conduct "a manual audit of votes for one randomly selected race in 2% of precincts containing that race" or a "public automated tally of the votes cast across every race that appears on the ballot in at least 20% of randomly-chosen precincts." When the audit is complete, a report is sent to the Florida Department of State that includes any discrepancies, the likely cause, and recommendations to correct the problem in future elections. The audit begins immediately following certification of the election, and results "must be made public no later than 7 days after certification and reported to Dept. of State within 15 days after certification."[28]
Post-election audits check that election results tallied by a state's voting system match results from paper records, such as paper ballots filled out by voters or the paper records produced by electronic voting machines. Post-election audits are classified into two categories: audits of election results—which include traditional post-election audits as well as risk-limiting audits—and procedural audits.[28][29]
Typically, traditional post-election audits are done by recounting a portion of ballots, either electronically or by hand, and comparing the results to those produced by the state's voting system. In contrast, risk-limiting audits use statistical methods to compare a random sample of votes cast to election results instead of reviewing every ballot. The scope of procedural audits varies by state, but they typically include a systematic review of voting equipment, performance of the voting system, vote totals, duties of election officials and workers, ballot chain of custody, and more.
As of October 2024, 49 states and the District of Columbia had some form of post-election audit by law. Of these, 35 states and the District of Columbia required traditional post-election audits, while six states required risk-limiting post-election audits by law. Eight states used some other form of post-election audit, including procedural post-election audits.[30][31]
On March 31, 2022, Judge Mark E. Walker, of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Florida, struck down three state election laws: one regulating the availability and supervision of ballot drop boxes, one imposing delivery requirements on third-party voter registration groups, and one barring certain activities at or near polling places and drop boxes. Walker also ordered that Florida submit any future changes to these policies for federal preclearance for a period of 10 years.
However, on May 6, 2022, a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit granted the state's motion for a stay of the district court's ruling, allowing the disputed legal provisions to take effect and reversing the lower court's preclearance order.
Below is a summary of key developments in this case, starting with background about the law itself, then moving on to the district court's ruling (and reactions to it), and concluding with a discussion of the appellate court's order.
On May 6, 2021, Gov Ron DeSantis (R) signed SB90, making a series of changes to Florida's election laws, including (but not limited to) the following:[7]
The Florida House of Representatives and the Florida State Senate approved the final version of SB90 by votes of 77-40 and 23-17, respectively, on April 29, 2021. In the House, the vote split along party lines: all Republicans present voted in favor, and all Democrats present voted against. In the Senate, the vote also split largely along partisan lines, with one Republican (Sen. Jeff Brandes) joining the chamber's 16 Democrats in opposing the bill. SB90 took immediate effect.[7]
Several groups, including the League of Women Voters of Florida and the Florida State Conference of Branches and Youth Units of the NAACP, filed four separate lawsuits, alleging that the aforementioned provisions were intentionally racially discriminatory, in violation of the First, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments and the Voting Rights Act. The suits were consolidated at trial.
Walker, a Barack Obama (D) appointee, noted that claims of racial discrimination must be judged against the test the U.S. Supreme Court established in Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp. The test incorporates the following factors:[32]
Walker concluded that Florida's historical racial, political, and electoral contexts, as well as the specific sequence of events leading up to SB90's passage, supported the plaintiff's claims.[32]
Walker then addressed the impact of SB90, dealing with each of the challenged provisions in turn:[32]
Walker turned next to the question of whether these impacts were foreseeable and within the actual knowledge of legislators. Walker concluded, "The evidence before this Court not only suggests that the Legislature had such knowledge, but also that it specifically sought it out." With respect to the availability of less discriminatory alternatives, Walker found that "less discriminatory alternatives to each challenged provision not only were available but were presented to and rejected by the Legislature."[32]
Having considered impacts, Walker framed the question of intent as follows:[32]
“ | The main question … is whether the Legislature enacted SB90 purely to secure an electoral advantage for the Republican party without regard to whether it harmed minority voters, or whether SB90 was enacted, at least in part, to target minority voters in order to secure an electoral advantage for the Republican Party.[8] | ” |
Walker concluded that the plaintiffs failed to show that the Legislature acted with discriminatory intent in adopting the vote-by-mail request and identification provisions. However, Walker found that the remaining challenged provisions "specifically target Black voters," in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. Walker permanently enjoined (i.e., barred) enforcement of these provisions.[32]
Finally, Walker turned to the question of relief under Section 3(c) of the Voting Rights Act. Under Section 3(c), a court, upon finding that a political subdivision (e.g., a state or a municipality) has committed intentional racial discrimination in voting, can mandate that the subdivision preclear changes to voting regulations with either the court or the U.S. Attorney General "for such a period as [the court] may deem appropriate."[32]
Walker concluded that relief under Section 3(c) was warranted in this case. Accordingly, Walker barred Florida officials from enacting any law or regulation governing 3PVROs, drop boxes, and line-warming activities without first clearing such changes with the court or the U.S. Attorney General for a period of 10 years.[32]
Cecile Scoon, president of the League of Women Voters of Florida said, “Senate Bill 90 was clearly an anti-voter measure that raised barriers to voting for marginalized groups with specific impacts on elderly voters, voters with disabilities, students and communities of color. The League is gratified that once again the constitutional rights of all of Florida’s voters have superseded partisan politics and that the targeted attack on Black voters will be stopped.”[33]
In an interview, DeSantis described Walker's ruling as "the judicial equivalent of pounding the table" and suggested that an appeal was in the works: "I think that that's going to be reversed on appeal. The only question is how quickly it gets reversed on appeal, but it's not going to be able to withstand appellate scrutiny."[34]
In a statement, Florida House Speaker Chris Sprowls (R) called Walker's ruling "an egregious abuse of his power," adding: "The illogical leaps and unsupported inferences in Judge Walker's opinion amount to a 288-page accusation of discriminatory intent based on limited analysis of data he thinks the Legislature might have had, the uncritical and complete acceptance of the comments of Democratic lawmakers, and a total disregard for other viewpoints."[35]
Legal commentators discussed Walker's ruling within the context of the U.S. Supreme Court's 2013 ruling in Shelby County v. Holder, in which the Court held that preclearance mechanism contained in Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act was unconstitutional. Joe Patrice, writing for Above the Law, said, "While [Shelby] didn’t necessarily bar the door on a court reinstating preclearance requirements, no one thought to test the scope of the Court’s animosity toward this provision until now." Rick Hasen, writing for Election Law Blog, said, "This is a huge deal, and the district court's analysis is probably right, but there is good reason to believe that this case could be reversed on appeal by the much more conservative 11th Circuit or the Supreme Court."[36][37]
On May 6, 2022, a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit granted the state's motion for a stay of the district court's ruling, allowing the disputed legal provisions to take effect and reversing the lower court's preclearance order. The panel comprised judges Kevin Newsom, Barbara Lagoa, and Andrew Brasher. In its unsigned order, the court cited the Purcell principle, which holds that "federal district courts ordinarily should not enjoin state election laws in the period close to an election."[38]
“ | According for Purcell, we hold that the state is entitled to a stay of the district court's order enjoining the operation of SB90's Drop-Box, Registration-Delivery, and Solicitation Provisions and subjecting Florida to preclearance. The district court's determination regarding the legislature's intentional discrimination suffers from at least two flaws, either of which justifies a stay. And, although we think it presents a closer question, we hold that the district court's determination that the Solicitation Provision is unconstitutionally vague and overbroad is sufficiently vulnerable.[8] | ” |
The circuit court's May 6 order did not represent a decision on the merits. Instead, the order stayed the district court's order pending resolution of the appeal to the circuit court.[38]
On April 25, 2022, Governor Ron DeSantis (R) signed SB524 into law. SB524 made a number of changes to Florida's election laws, including, but not limited to, the following:[39]
On March 4, 2022, the Florida Senate approved the bill 24-14, with 23 Republicans and one Democrat voting in favor and 13 Democrats and one Republican in opposition. The Florida House of Representatives followed suit on March 9, approving the bill 76-41, with 76 Republicans voting in favor and 41 Democrats in opposition.[39]
In a letter dated August 3, 2021, Broward County Supervisor of Elections Joe Scott informed all poll workers that they would have to be vaccinated against COVID-19 in order to work in the special election for Florida's 20th Congressional District. In a telephone interview with the South Florida Sun-Sentinel, Scott said, "Our poll workers have to engage in close quarters, personal contact with potentially hundreds of voters. So it’s not just for the safety of the public, but for the safety of the individuals who are poll workers as well. We want to keep everybody safe." In a memo dated August 2, 2021, Scott also outlined a policy requiring all full-time regular employees to provide evidence of vaccination or submit to a weekly COVID-19 PCR test. In response to Scott's directive, Tom Powers, chairman of the Broward County Republican Party, said "I would want to see that everybody has a chance to apply for a [poll worker] job and get a job," adding that vaccination "is an individual decision and government shouldn't be forcing their opinions on every citizen."[40]
On May 24, 2020, Judge Robert Hinkle, of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Florida, ruled that a state law requiring felons to pay all outstanding fines in order to be able to register to vote was unconstitutional. Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) indicated the state would appeal the decision.[41][42][43]
Sitting en banc, the Eleventh Circuit took up the case and stayed the district court's order, allowing the state to enforce the requirement pending its decision. The stay was appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States. On July 16, 2020, the Supreme Court declined to vacate the Eleventh Circuit's stay, allowing for the continued enforcement of the law in question. Associate Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and Elena Kagan dissented.[44]
On September 11, 2020, the Eleventh Circuit upheld the challenged law by a vote of 6-4. The full text of the court's majority and dissenting opinions can be accessed here.[45][46]
Ballotpedia has tracked the following ballot measures relating to election and campaign policy in Florida.
The table below lists bills related to election administration that have been introduced during (or carried over to) the current legislative session in Florida. The following information is included for each bill:
Bills are organized alphabetically, first by state and then by bill number. The table displays up to 100 results by default. To view additional results, use the arrows in the upper-right corner of the table. For more information about a particular bill, click the bill number. This will open a separate page with additional information.
State election laws are changing. Keeping track of the latest developments in all 50 states can seem like an impossible job.
Here's the solution: Ballotpedia's Election Administration Legislation Tracker.
Ballotpedia's Election Administration Tracker sets the industry standard for ease of use, flexibility, and raw power. But that's just the beginning of what it can do:
The Ballot Bulletin is a weekly email that delivers the latest updates on election policy. The Ballot Bulletin tracks developments in election policy around the country, including legislative activity, big-picture trends, and recent news. Each email contains in-depth data from our Election Administration Legislation Tracker. You'll also be able to track relevant legislation, with links to and summaries of the bills themselves.
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In order to get on the ballot in Florida, a candidate for state or federal office must meet a variety of state-specific filing requirements and deadlines. These regulations, known as ballot access laws, determine whether a candidate or party will appear on an election ballot. These laws are set at the state level. A candidate must prepare to meet ballot access requirements well in advance of primaries, caucuses, and the general election.
There are three basic methods by which an individual may become a candidate for office in a state.
This article outlines the steps that prospective candidates for state-level and congressional office must take in order to run for office in Florida. For information about filing requirements for presidential candidates, click here. Information about filing requirements for local-level offices is not available in this article (contact state election agencies for information about local candidate filing processes).
Redistricting is the process by which new congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn. Each of Florida's 28 United States Representatives and 160 state legislators are elected from political divisions called districts. United States Senators are not elected by districts, but by the states at large. District lines are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the United States census. The federal government stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.[47][48][49][50]
Florida was apportioned 28 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives after the 2020 census, one more than it received after the 2010 census. Click here for more information about redistricting in Florida after the 2020 census.
In Florida, both congressional and state legislative district lines are drawn by the state legislature. Congressional lines are adopted as regular legislation and are subject to gubernatorial veto. State legislative lines are passed via joint resolution and are not subject to gubernatorial veto. State legislative district maps are automatically submitted to the Florida Supreme Court for approval. In the event that the court rejects the lines, the legislature is given a second chance to draft a plan. If the legislature cannot approve a state legislative redistricting plan, the state attorney general must ask the state supreme court to draft a plan. There are no similar procedures in place for congressional districts.[51]
The Florida Constitution requires that all districts, whether congressional or state legislative, be contiguous. Also, "where doing so does not conflict with minority rights, [districts] must be compact and utilize existing political and geographical boundaries where feasible." Districts cannot be drawn in such a way as to "favor or disfavor a political party or incumbent."[51][52]
Individuals seeking additional information about voting provisions in Florida can contact the following local, state, and federal agencies.
Florida County Supervisors of Elections
Florida Division of Elections
U.S. Election Assistance Commission
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