2018 Iowa Senate elections | |
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General | November 6, 2018 |
Primary | June 5, 2018 |
Past election results |
2016・2014・2012・2010・2008 2006・2004・2002・2000 |
2018 elections | |
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Choose a chamber below: | |
Republicans maintained their majority in the Iowa State Senate in the 2018 elections, since, after the election, they controlled 32 seats to Democrats' 18. Sen. David Johnson left the Republican Party to become an independent in 2016. A total of 25 seats out of the chamber's 50 seats were up for election in 2018. Heading into the election, Republicans controlled 29 seats and Democrats controlled 20.
Republicans maintained their trifecta in Iowa in 2018 by holding the state House, the state Senate, and the governor's office.
Iowa state senators serve staggered, four-year terms and half of the Senate is up for election every two years.
The Iowa State Senate was one of 87 state legislative chambers holding elections in 2018. There are 99 chambers throughout the country. In 2017, three chambers in Virginia and New Jersey were up for election. In 2016, 86 out of 99 legislative chambers held elections. Prior to 2018, the Iowa State Senate last held elections in 2016.
For more information about the Democratic primary, click here.
For more information about the Republican primary, click here.
The Republican Party maintained control of both chambers of the Iowa General Assembly in the 2018 election. In the state Senate, 25 of 50 total seats were up for election. Republicans increased their majority in the Iowa State Senate from 29-20 to 32-18. One Democratic incumbent and one Republican incumbent were defeated in the general election.
The Iowa House of Representatives was identified as a battleground chamber. All 100 seats were up for election. The Republican majority in the Iowa House of Representatives was reduced from 58-41 to 54-46. Five incumbents were defeated in the general election; one Democrat and four Republicans.
On November 6, 2018, 87 of the nation's 99 state legislative chambers held regularly scheduled elections for 6,073 of 7,383 total seats, meaning that nearly 82 percent of all state legislative seats were up for election.
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Iowa State Senate General Election 2018 |
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Office | Democratic | Republican | Other |
District 1 |
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District 3 |
Jim Carlin (i) |
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District 5 |
Tim Kraayenbrink (i) |
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District 7 |
Rick Bertrand (i) Did not make the ballot: |
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District 9 |
Jason Schultz (i) |
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District 11 |
Tom Shipley (i) |
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District 13 |
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District 15 |
Did not make the ballot: |
Did not make the ballot: |
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District 17 |
Tony Bisignano (i) |
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District 19 |
Jack Whitver (i) |
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District 21 |
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District 23 |
Herman Quirmbach (i) |
Eric Cooper (Libertarian Party) |
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District 25 |
Annette Sweeney (i) |
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District 27 |
Amanda Ragan (i) |
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District 29 |
Tod Bowman (i) |
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District 31 |
William Dotzler (i) |
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District 33 |
Robert Hogg (i) |
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District 35 |
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District 37 |
Carl Krambeck (Libertarian Party) |
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District 39 |
Kevin Kinney (i) |
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District 41 |
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District 43 |
Joe Bolkcom (i) |
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District 45 |
Jim Lykam (i) |
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District 47 |
Roby Smith (i) |
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District 49 |
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A margin of victory (MOV) analysis for the 2018 Iowa State Senate races is presented in this section. MOV represents the percentage of total votes that separated the winner and the second-place finisher. For example, if the winner of a race received 47 percent of the vote and the second-place finisher received 45 percent of the vote, the MOV is 2 percent.
The table below presents the following figures for each party:
Iowa State Senate: 2018 Margin of Victory Analysis | ||||
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Party | Elections won | Elections won by less than 10% | Unopposed elections | Average margin of victory[1] |
Democratic | ||||
Republican | ||||
Other | ||||
Total |
The margin of victory in each race is presented below. The list is sorted from the closest MOV to the largest (including unopposed races).
The below map displays each seat in the Iowa State Senate which changed partisan hands as a result of the 2018 elections, shaded according to the partisan affiliation of the winner in 2018. Hover over a shaded district for more information.
State legislative seats flipped in 2018, Iowa State Senate | |||
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District | Incumbent | 2018 winner | Direction of flip |
Iowa State Senate District 1 | David Johnson | Zach Whiting | Independent to R |
Iowa State Senate District 15 | Chaz Allen | Zach Nunn | D to R |
Iowa State Senate District 29 | Tod Bowman | Carrie Koelker | D to R |
Iowa State Senate District 49 | Rita Hart | Chris Cournoyer | D to R |
Iowa State Senate District 7 | Rick Bertrand | Jackie Smith | R to D |
Seven incumbents did not run for re-election in 2018.[2] Those incumbents were:
Name | Party | Current Office |
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David Johnson | Independent | Senate District 1 |
Chaz Allen | Democratic | Senate District 15 |
Matt McCoy | Democratic | Senate District 21 |
Wally Horn | Democratic | Senate District 35 |
Robert Dvorsky | Democratic | Senate District 37 |
Mark Chelgren | Republican | Senate District 41 |
Rita Hart | Democratic | Senate District 49 |
See statutes: Title II of the Iowa Code
There are four ways in which a candidate can gain access to the general election ballot: by primary election, by political party convention, by Non-party Political Organization (NPPO) convention, or by petition. These are detailed below.
Iowa allows any registered voter to challenge a candidate's nominating petition, as long as the challenge is made in writing and within 74 days of the corresponding election.[3][4]
A candidate seeking the nomination of a state-recognized political party in a primary election must be a member of that party. Non-party Political Organizations (NPPOs) are not permitted to participate in primary elections. A primary election candidate must file an affidavit of candidacy and nomination petition with the Iowa Secretary of State during the primary election filing period, which begins 99 days before the primary and ends at 5 p.m. on the 81st day before the primary. The affidavit of candidacy and the nomination petition must be filed simultaneously.[5][6]
For the number of signatures required for nomination petitions, see the table below.
Formulas for determining signature requirements for political party candidates in primary elections | ||
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Office sought | Number of signatures needed | |
Governor or United States Senator | "At least 1 percent of the voters of the candidate's party, in each of at least 10 counties in the state, and in the aggregate not less than 0.5 perfect of the total vote of the candidate's party in the state, as shown in the last general election"[7] | |
State executive office (other than governor) | 1,000, including 50 from each of at least 10 counties in the state[7] | |
United States Representative | "At least 2 percent of the voters of the candidate's party, as shown by the last general election, in each of at least one-half of the counties of the district, and in the aggregate not less than 1 percent of the total vote of the candidate's party in such district, as shown by the last general election"[7] | |
State Senator | 100 from the senatorial district[7] | |
State Representative | 50 from the representative district[7] |
If a political party fails to nominate a candidate at the primary election, the party may hold a convention after the primary to nominate a candidate. That candidate must then file a political party convention certificate and an affidavit of candidacy. The deadline to file the convention certificate and affidavit of candidacy is the same as the general election filing deadline. However, a political party convention candidate may file his or her documents before the filing period begins for general election candidates.[8]
Non-party Political Organizations (NPPOs) are permitted to hold conventions to nominate their candidates. However, in order to qualify their nominations, NPPOs must meet the following requirements:[8][9] [10]
A candidate who is not affiliated with any political party or NPPO can be nominated by petition. A NPPO candidate can gain ballot access in this manner if the NPPO cannot meet the convention attendance requirements described above. A petition candidates must file an affidavit of candidacy and nomination petition with the Iowa Secretary of State. These forms must be filed together by 5 p.m. 81 days before the general election.[4][9]
The table below details the signature requirements necessary for obtaining ballot access by petition.
Formulas for determining signature requirements for NPPO candidates | ||
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Office sought | Number of signatures needed | |
United States Senator or governor | 3,500 eligible electors, including at least 100 from at least 19 counties[8][9] | |
Otherwise statewide executive offices | 2,500 eligible electors, including at least 77 from at least 18 counties[8][9] | |
United States Representative | 1,726 eligible electors who are residents of the congressional district, including at least 47 eligible electors each from at least one-half of the counties in the congressional district[8][9] |
The Iowa Constitution states, "Senators shall be chosen for the term of four years, at the same time and place as representatives; they shall be twenty-five years of age, and possess the qualifications of representatives as to residence and citizenship."[12]
State legislators | |
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Salary | Per diem |
$25,000/year | $172/day. Unvouchered. |
Iowa state senators assume office on the first day of January which is not a Sunday or legal holiday.[13][14]
In the 2018 elections, Republicans increased their majority in the Iowa State Senate from 29-20 to 32-18.
Iowa State Senate | |||
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Party | As of November 6, 2018 | After November 7, 2018 | |
Democratic Party | 20 | 18 | |
Republican Party | 29 | 32 | |
Independent | 1 | 0 | |
Total | 50 | 50 |
In the 2016 elections, Republicans flipped the Iowa State Senate. Democrats held a three-seat majority in the chamber prior to the election.[15] Republicans picked up six seats, giving them a nine-seat majority.
Iowa State Senate | |||
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Party | As of November 7, 2016 | After November 8, 2016 | |
Democratic Party | 25 | 20 | |
Republican Party | 23 | 29 | |
Independent | 1 | 1 | |
Vacancy | 1 | 0 | |
Total | 50 | 50 |
A state government trifecta is a term that describes single-party government, when one political party holds the governor's office and has majorities in both chambers of the legislature in a state government. Republicans in Iowa gained a state government trifecta as a result of the 2016 elections. Democrats had trifectas in the state from 2007 to 2010. Republicans previously held a Republican trifecta from 1997 to 1998.
Iowa Party Control: 1992-2022
Four years of Democratic trifectas • Eight years of Republican trifectas
Scroll left and right on the table below to view more years.
Year | 92 | 93 | 94 | 95 | 96 | 97 | 98 | 99 | 00 | 01 | 02 | 03 | 04 | 05 | 06 | 07 | 08 | 09 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 |
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Governor | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R |
Senate | D | D | D | D | D | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | S | S | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | D | R | R | R | R | R | R |
House | D | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | D | D | D | D | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R | R |
Iowa's process for putting legislatively referred constitutional amendments before voters was designed to allow legislative elections to determine the fate of proposed constitutional amendments approved in the previous session. To put a legislatively referred constitutional amendment before voters, a simple majority vote is required in both the Iowa State Senate and the Iowa House of Representatives in two legislative sessions with an election for state legislators in between. Every two years, half of the state senators and all of the members of the state House are up for election.
During the 2017-2018 legislative session in Iowa, two proposed constitutional amendments were approved: the Iowa Gubernatorial Succession Amendment and the Iowa Right to Firearms Amendment. Both amendments were approved largely along party lines. The gubernatorial succession amendment—which was designed to allow the governor to appoint a replacement lieutenant governor if there is a vacancy—was approved by all 26 voting Republicans in the Senate and all 57 voting Republicans in the House. Voting Democrats were split 10-10 in the Senate, while all 40 voting Democrats voted against the amendment in the House. The amendment to add a right to own and bear firearms to the state constitution was approved by all Republicans in the Senate and by 54 of 56 voting Republicans in the House. In the Senate, 15 of 20 voting Democrats voted against it, and, in the House, all 40 voting Democrats voted against it. The one Independent state senator voted in favor of both amendments.
Iowa became a Republican trifecta in 2016 when Republicans flipped the state Senate. Republicans took control of the governor's office and the state House in the 2010 elections. Entering the November 2018 election, Iowa is one of 26 Republican state government trifectas. To retake control of the state Senate in 2018, Democrats needed to flip five seats. In the state House, Republicans had a 59-41 majority. In the 2018 elections, Republicans maintained their Trifecta control of the state.
After the 2018 elections, legislators were set to consider both amendments in the 2019-2020 legislative session. Ultimately, however, the secretary of state did not publish the approval of the amendments according to state law requirements. This invalidated the approval in the 2017-2018 session and required the two-session process to be started over for these two amendments.
The term wave election is frequently used to describe an election cycle in which one party makes significant electoral gains. How many seats would Republicans have had to lose for the 2018 midterm election to be considered a wave election?
Ballotpedia examined the results of the 50 election cycles that occurred between 1918 and 2016—spanning from President Woodrow Wilson's (D) second midterm in 1918 to Donald Trump's (R) first presidential election in 2016. We define wave elections as the 20 percent of elections in that period resulting in the greatest seat swings against the president's party.
Applying this definition to state legislative elections, we found that Republicans needed to lose 494 seats for 2018 to qualify as a wave election.
The chart below shows the number of seats the president's party lost in the 10 state legislative waves from 1918 to 2016. Click here to read the full report.
State legislative wave elections | ||||||
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Year | President | Party | Election type | State legislative seats change | Elections analyzed[16] | |
1932 | Hoover | R | Presidential | -1,022 | 7,365 | |
1922 | Harding | R | First midterm | -907 | 6,907 | |
1966 | Johnson | D | First midterm[17] | -782 | 7,561 | |
1938 | Roosevelt | D | Second midterm | -769 | 7,179 | |
1958 | Eisenhower | R | Second midterm | -702 | 7,627 | |
2010 | Obama | D | First midterm | -702 | 7,306 | |
1974 | Ford | R | Second midterm[18] | -695 | 7,481 | |
1920 | Wilson | D | Presidential | -654 | 6,835 | |
1930 | Hoover | R | Presidential | -640 | 7,361 | |
1954 | Eisenhower | R | First midterm | -494 | 7,513 |
Every year, Ballotpedia uses official candidate lists from each state to examine the competitiveness of every state legislative race in the country. Nationally, there has been a steady decline in electoral competitiveness since 2010. Most notable is that the number of districts with general election competition has dropped by more than 10 percent.
Below is Ballotpedia's 2016 competitiveness analysis. Click here to read the full study »
Uncontested elections: In 2014, 32.8 percent of Americans lived in states with an uncontested state senate election. Similarly, 40.4 percent of Americans lived in states with uncontested house elections. Primary elections were uncontested even more frequently, with 61 percent of people living in states with no contested primaries. Uncontested elections often occur in locations that are so politically one-sided that the result of an election would be a foregone conclusion regardless of whether it was contested or not.
Open seats: In most cases, an incumbent will run for re-election, which decreases the number of open seats available. In 2014, 83 percent of the 6,057 seats up for election saw the incumbent running for re-election. The states that impose term limits on their legislatures typically see a higher percentage of open seats in a given year because a portion of incumbents in each election are forced to leave office. Overall, the number of open seats decreased from 2012 to 2014, dropping from 21.2 percent in 2012 to 17.0 percent in 2014.
Incumbent win rates: Ballotpedia's competitiveness analysis of elections between 1972 and 2014 documented the high propensity for incumbents to win re-election in state legislative elections. In fact, since 1972, the win rate for incumbents had not dropped below 90 percent—with the exception of 1974, when 88 percent of incumbents were re-elected to their seats. Perhaps most importantly, the win rate for incumbents generally increased over time. In 2014, 96.5 percent of incumbents were able to retain their seats. Common convention holds that incumbents are able to leverage their office to maintain their seat. However, the high incumbent win rate may actually be a result of incumbents being more likely to hold seats in districts that are considered safe for their party.
Marginal primaries: Often, competitiveness is measured by examining the rate of elections that have been won by amounts that are considered marginal (5 percent or less). During the 2014 election, 90.1 percent of primary and general election races were won by margins higher than 5 percent. Interestingly, it is usually the case that only one of the two races—primary or general—will be competitive at a time. This means that if a district's general election is competitive, typically one or more of the district's primaries were won by more than 5 percent. The reverse is also true: If a district sees a competitive primary, it is unlikely that the general election for that district will be won by less than 5 percent. Primaries often see very low voter turnout in comparison to general elections. In 2014, there were only 27 million voters for state legislative primaries, but approximately 107 million voters for the state legislative general elections.
Because state senators in Iowa serve four-year terms, winning candidates in the 2018 election will serve through 2022 and will play a role in Iowa's redistricting process—the drawing of boundary lines for congressional and state legislative districts. Prior to 2020-2022, redistricting last took place in Iowa from 2010-2012.
The Legislative Services Agency prepares redistricting plans for approval by the Iowa State Legislature. According to All About Redistricting, the Legislative Services Agency (LSA) consists of "civil servants committed to nonpartisanship and otherwise charged with tasks like legal and fiscal analysis of state legislation and state government oversight." The LSA is assisted by a commission, which consists of the following members:[19]
The members of this commission cannot "hold partisan public office or an office in a political party, and none may be a relative or employee of a federal or state legislator (or the legislature as a whole)."[19]
Working with this commission, the LSA drafts congressional and state legislative district lines. The maps are presented as a single bill to the state legislature, which may approve or reject the bill without altering it (the legislature can provide feedback). If the legislature rejects the plan, the LSA must draft a second proposal. If the legislature rejects the second proposal, the LSA must draft a third, and final, set of maps. If the legislature rejects this plan, it may then approve its own maps. Since the implementation of this process in 1980, the state legislature has never chosen not to approve an LSA proposal. Redistricting plans are also subject to gubernatorial veto. In addition, the legislature may repeal or revise the maps at any time, though it has never done so.[19]
State law establishes the following criteria for both congressional and state legislative districts:[19]
In addition, state House districts are required to be contained within state Senate districts "where possible, and where not in conflict with the criteria above." It is explicit in state law that district lines cannot be drawn "to favor a political party, incumbent, or other person or group."[19]
Thirty-one of 99 Iowa counties—31 percent—are Pivot Counties. Pivot Counties are counties that voted for Barack Obama (D) in 2008 and 2012 and for Donald Trump (R) in 2016. Altogether, the nation had 206 Pivot Counties, with most being concentrated in upper midwestern and northeastern states.
Counties won by Trump in 2016 and Obama in 2012 and 2008 | |||||||
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County | Trump margin of victory in 2016 | Obama margin of victory in 2012 | Obama margin of victory in 2008 | ||||
Allamakee County, Iowa | 24.15% | 4.17% | 14.25% | ||||
Boone County, Iowa | 13.69% | 6.64% | 7.63% | ||||
Bremer County, Iowa | 13.68% | 2.68% | 9.31% | ||||
Buchanan County, Iowa | 15.02% | 13.87% | 18.48% | ||||
Cedar County, Iowa | 17.78% | 4.59% | 9.64% | ||||
Cerro Gordo County, Iowa | 7.66% | 13.38% | 20.83% | ||||
Chickasaw County, Iowa | 22.94% | 11.07% | 20.74% | ||||
Clarke County, Iowa | 28.02% | 1.47% | 2.25% | ||||
Clayton County, Iowa | 22.78% | 7.03% | 17.17% | ||||
Clinton County, Iowa | 5.12% | 22.84% | 23.03% | ||||
Des Moines County, Iowa | 6.89% | 18.41% | 23.04% | ||||
Dubuque County, Iowa | 1.23% | 14.71% | 20.77% | ||||
Fayette County, Iowa | 19.36% | 11.96% | 16.60% | ||||
Floyd County, Iowa | 14.84% | 14.63% | 21.88% | ||||
Howard County, Iowa | 20.49% | 20.95% | 25.78% | ||||
Jackson County, Iowa | 19.27% | 16.89% | 24.39% | ||||
Jasper County, Iowa | 18.13% | 7.07% | 7.50% | ||||
Jefferson County, Iowa | 0.47% | 15.97% | 20.23% | ||||
Jones County, Iowa | 19.08% | 7.78% | 10.40% | ||||
Lee County, Iowa | 16.02% | 15.49% | 16.01% | ||||
Louisa County, Iowa | 28.37% | 0.64% | 4.25% | ||||
Marshall County, Iowa | 8.31% | 9.36% | 9.35% | ||||
Mitchell County, Iowa | 24.04% | 3.37% | 12.31% | ||||
Muscatine County, Iowa | 6.26% | 15.88% | 15.64% | ||||
Poweshiek County, Iowa | 6.53% | 9.35% | 11.75% | ||||
Tama County, Iowa | 20.28% | 7.43% | 12.19% | ||||
Union County, Iowa | 27.49% | 3.86% | 3.70% | ||||
Wapello County, Iowa | 20.60% | 11.88% | 13.53% | ||||
Webster County, Iowa | 21.52% | 5.84% | 8.51% | ||||
Winneshiek County, Iowa | 0.79% | 14.74% | 22.65% | ||||
Worth County, Iowa | 21.68% | 14.53% | 22.42% |
In the 2016 presidential election, Donald Trump (R) won Iowa with 51.1 percent of the vote. Hillary Clinton (D) received 41.7 percent. In presidential elections between 1848 and 2016, Iowa voted Republican 69.76 percent of the time and Democratic 30.23 percent of the time. In the five presidential elections between 2000 and 2016, Iowa voted Democratic three times and Republican the other two times.[20]
The following table details results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections by state Senate districts in Iowa. Click [show] to expand the table. The "Obama," "Romney," "Clinton," and "Trump" columns describe the percent of the vote each presidential candidate received in the district. The "2012 Margin" and "2016 Margin" columns describe the margin of victory between the two presidential candidates in those years. The "Party Control" column notes which party held that seat heading into the 2018 general election. Data on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections broken down by state legislative districts was compiled by Daily Kos.[21][22]
In 2012, Barack Obama (D) won 33 out of 50 state Senate districts in Iowa with an average margin of victory of 16.6 points. In 2016, Hillary Clinton (D) won 17 out of 50 state Senate districts in Iowa with an average margin of victory of 17.5 points. Clinton won three districts controlled by Republicans heading into the 2018 elections. |
In 2012, Mitt Romney (R) won 17 out of 50 state Senate districts in Iowa with an average margin of victory of 14.1 points. In 2016, Donald Trump (R) won 33 out of 50 state Senate districts in Iowa with an average margin of victory of 23.5 points. Trump won six districts controlled by Democrats heading into the 2018 elections. |
2016 presidential results by state Senate District | |||||||
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District | Obama | Romney | 2012 Margin | Clinton | Trump | 2016 Margin | Party Control |
1 | 36.10% | 62.61% | R+26.5 | 24.74% | 70.92% | R+46.2 | R |
2 | 23.64% | 75.39% | R+51.7 | 16.75% | 78.30% | R+61.5 | R |
3 | 38.66% | 60.18% | R+21.5 | 27.32% | 68.12% | R+40.8 | R |
4 | 44.95% | 53.83% | R+8.9 | 30.26% | 64.97% | R+34.7 | R |
5 | 46.73% | 51.99% | R+5.3 | 31.90% | 63.16% | R+31.3 | R |
6 | 44.58% | 54.44% | R+9.9 | 30.90% | 64.36% | R+33.5 | R |
7 | 56.74% | 41.92% | D+14.8 | 44.91% | 49.72% | R+4.8 | R |
8 | 54.40% | 43.99% | D+10.4 | 41.86% | 51.63% | R+9.8 | R |
9 | 41.52% | 57.31% | R+15.8 | 26.88% | 68.82% | R+41.9 | R |
10 | 44.36% | 54.19% | R+9.8 | 36.07% | 57.69% | R+21.6 | R |
11 | 40.60% | 58.16% | R+17.6 | 29.51% | 65.35% | R+35.8 | R |
12 | 40.30% | 58.29% | R+18 | 26.59% | 68.30% | R+41.7 | R |
13 | 47.24% | 51.38% | R+4.1 | 36.83% | 56.69% | R+19.9 | R |
14 | 47.23% | 51.19% | R+4 | 31.16% | 63.58% | R+32.4 | R |
15 | 51.70% | 46.82% | D+4.9 | 39.52% | 54.11% | R+14.6 | D |
16 | 66.69% | 31.65% | D+35 | 55.97% | 37.87% | D+18.1 | D |
17 | 67.75% | 30.70% | D+37.1 | 59.99% | 33.84% | D+26.2 | D |
18 | 69.61% | 28.78% | D+40.8 | 65.78% | 27.27% | D+38.5 | D |
19 | 46.13% | 52.47% | R+6.3 | 42.43% | 50.21% | R+7.8 | R |
20 | 46.06% | 52.75% | R+6.7 | 46.80% | 46.42% | D+0.4 | R |
21 | 58.93% | 39.63% | D+19.3 | 60.25% | 33.10% | D+27.2 | D |
22 | 46.50% | 52.49% | R+6 | 48.26% | 44.82% | D+3.4 | R |
23 | 60.17% | 37.37% | D+22.8 | 57.50% | 32.48% | D+25 | D |
24 | 50.00% | 48.40% | D+1.6 | 37.39% | 55.98% | R+18.6 | R |
25 | 44.72% | 53.91% | R+9.2 | 33.56% | 59.82% | R+26.3 | R |
26 | 55.62% | 43.18% | D+12.4 | 36.71% | 57.82% | R+21.1 | R |
27 | 52.96% | 45.94% | D+7 | 39.79% | 54.80% | R+15 | D |
28 | 53.66% | 45.02% | D+8.6 | 39.40% | 55.02% | R+15.6 | R |
29 | 52.15% | 46.75% | D+5.4 | 37.16% | 57.65% | R+20.5 | D |
30 | 53.08% | 45.72% | D+7.4 | 48.43% | 44.96% | D+3.5 | D |
31 | 69.90% | 29.01% | D+40.9 | 57.03% | 37.55% | D+19.5 | D |
32 | 53.66% | 45.20% | D+8.5 | 39.61% | 54.30% | R+14.7 | R |
33 | 61.94% | 36.54% | D+25.4 | 57.18% | 35.76% | D+21.4 | D |
34 | 51.81% | 46.80% | D+5 | 47.70% | 45.13% | D+2.6 | D |
35 | 64.35% | 34.24% | D+30.1 | 53.31% | 39.70% | D+13.6 | D |
36 | 53.50% | 45.29% | D+8.2 | 40.76% | 53.77% | R+13 | R |
37 | 60.67% | 37.95% | D+22.7 | 56.15% | 38.07% | D+18.1 | D |
38 | 49.99% | 48.67% | D+1.3 | 37.40% | 56.98% | R+19.6 | R |
39 | 52.78% | 45.60% | D+7.2 | 44.89% | 48.68% | R+3.8 | D |
40 | 40.31% | 58.31% | R+18 | 26.49% | 68.26% | R+41.8 | R |
41 | 52.95% | 45.06% | D+7.9 | 37.92% | 56.89% | R+19 | R |
42 | 52.50% | 45.89% | D+6.6 | 35.33% | 58.46% | R+23.1 | D |
43 | 72.36% | 25.55% | D+46.8 | 73.39% | 20.43% | D+53 | D |
44 | 56.85% | 41.86% | D+15 | 42.01% | 52.36% | R+10.3 | R |
45 | 67.76% | 30.97% | D+36.8 | 54.86% | 38.28% | D+16.6 | D |
46 | 55.63% | 43.14% | D+12.5 | 42.90% | 50.75% | R+7.8 | R |
47 | 50.65% | 48.31% | D+2.3 | 47.13% | 46.50% | D+0.6 | R |
48 | 51.93% | 46.83% | D+5.1 | 38.88% | 54.97% | R+16.1 | R |
49 | 57.37% | 41.31% | D+16.1 | 42.00% | 51.70% | R+9.7 | D |
50 | 60.99% | 37.60% | D+23.4 | 52.06% | 41.63% | D+10.4 | D |
Total | 52.23% | 46.40% | D+5.8 | 42.23% | 51.72% | R+9.5 | - |
Source: Daily Kos |