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Significant legal issues raised about Proposition 8 have included:
The California Supreme Court announced on Tuesday, May 26 that by a 6-1 vote, it was upholding the constitutionality of Proposition 8, while also upholding the approximately 18,000 same-sex marriages in the state.[3][4]
The three lawsuits the court settled on May 26 are Strauss v. Horton, Tyler v. State of California and City and County of San Francisco v. Horton.[5]
Supporters of same-sex marriage, anticipating that California's highest court would uphold the state's ban, filed a lawsuit in federal court on May 22, arguing that federal courts should overturn Prop 8 because it violates a federal constitutional right for same-sex couples to marry. The lawsuit was filed by Ted Olson and David Boies. Their lawsuit asks the United States District Court for the Northern District of California to throw out Prop 8.[6]
Although several different legal lines of attack against Proposition 8 were made in various lawsuits filed in California's state court system, the central issues were:
Proposition 8 was also at the center off three legal cases prior to the election:
Mark Horton, the named defendant in several of the lawsuits, is California's Registrar of Vital Statistics; the suits are filed against him in his official capacity.
Jerry Brown, as (then) California Attorney General, is legally required to defend state laws unless he cannot find reasonable legal grounds to do so. After Prop 8 passed, he initially said he would defend the measure in court. On December 19, he reversed himself, saying that in his view the amendment is "inconsistent with the guarantees of individual liberty" in the California Constitution and asking the state's highest court to overturn it.[18][19]
In his 111-page brief urging that the court overturn Prop 8, Brown also rejected some of the principal legal theories put forth by gay marriage advocates in their bid to overturn the initiative. Specifically, the largest amount of space in his legal filing argues that Prop 8 opponents are wrong when they say that Prop 8 is a revision rather than an amendment.[20]
Some Proposition 8 supporters, such as John C. Eastman of the Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence at the Claremont Institute, say that although Brown has urged the court to overturn Prop 8, Brown's specific arguments in the area of whether Prop 8 is an amendment or a revision do more to undermine 8 than does Brown's position that the amendment fundamentally conflicts with the state's constitution.[20] In a mid-January filing with the court, backers of Prop 8 said that Brown's brief asking the court to overturn the measure “invented an entirely new theory," going on to say, "“We will not mince words. The attorney general is inviting this court to declare a constitutional revolution."[21]
Peter Hecht, a reporter at the Sacramento Bee, observed that Brown's reversal could be politically helpful for Brown if he faces San Francisco mayor and same-sex marriage proponent Gavin Newsom in a June 2010 Democratic primary for governor.[22]
Calif. Justices Weigh Gay Marriage Ban |
Ken Starr, the former Whitewater special prosecutor and now dean of Pepperdine University law school, is acting as the attorney for the "Yes on 8" campaign in defending Prop 8 in the California Supreme Court. He has argued that the court should preserve the people's lawmaking powers by upholding the initiative.[18]
In the lawsuits filed to invalidate Proposition 8, one of the two main lines of reasoning about why the court should find Proposition 8 invalid is that it amounts to a revision of the California Constitution. Under Article 18 of California's laws governing the initiative process, citizen initiatives cannot be used to "revise" the constitution; they can only be used to "amend" the constitution.[23]
What is the difference between a "revision" and an "amendment?"
A revision is a fundamental change in the Constitution and a revision cannot be accomplished solely through a citizen initiative like Proposition 8. The legal issue, therefore, is whether Proposition 8 amounts to such a fundamental change to the constitution that it should be considered a revision, not an amendment.
Lawsuits similar to this have been filed against previous California initiatives. In two cases, the lawsuits succeeded in overturning an initiative. In several other cases--for example, a lawsuit to invalidate Proposition 13--similar lawsuits failed.
In these cases, the initiatives in question were found to be amendments, not unconstitutional revisions.
In McFadden in 1948, the California Supreme Court struck down an initiative as an unconstitutional revision on the grounds that it added 21,000 words to what was then a 55,000-word Constitution. The 1948 court said the initiative was 'revisory rather than amendatory in nature,' because of the 'far reaching and multifarious substance of the measure ...; (p. 332) which dealt with such varied and diverse subjects as retirement pensions, gambling, taxes, oleomargarine, healing arts, civic centers, senate reapportionment, fish and game, and surface mining. We noted that the proposal would have repealed or substantially altered at least 15 of the 25 articles which then comprised the Constitution."[25]
There have been lawsuits in two other states contending that bans in those states on same-sex marriage passed via the initiative process were unconstitutional revisions rather that amendments:
A federal lawsuit was filed on May 22 with the United States District Court for the Northern District of California asking that Proposition 8 be declared unconstitutional according to the U.S. Constitution. The non-jury trial is set to begin on January 11, 2010. Judge Vaughn Walker is presiding over the case.[26]
The lawsuit is sponsored by the American Foundation for Equal Rights, led by Chad Griffin, and financed in part by Rob Reiner.[27]
The lawsuit was filed by celebrated attorneys Ted Olson and David Boies.[28]
The plaintiffs in the case say that they plan to establish that Proposition 8 is "irrational, indefensible and unconstitutional."[26]
When the federal lawsuit was announced, several major groups opposed to Prop 8 denounced it, including:
In July, these same groups petitioned the court to be allowed to intervene on behalf of the plaintiffs.[29]
Griffin of AFER asked that these groups not be allowed to intervene in the case. He wrote a letter to the groups in early July 2009 saying, "You have unrelentingly and unequivocally acted to undermine this case even before it was filed. In light of this, it is inconceivable that you would zealously and effectively litigate this case if you were successful in intervening. Therefore, we will vigorously oppose any motion to intervene.”[29]
Attorneys Olson and Boies also asked the court not to allow these groups to intervene, saying that their intervention "poses a substantial risk of interference and delay...Having declined to bring their own federal challenge to Proposition 8, Our Family Coalition and their counsel [the gay rights groups] should not be allowed to usurp plaintiffs' lawsuit now that it is under way and moving forward on an expedited basis."[29]
A key early issue in the case was a request by plaintiffs that the court compel the "Yes on 8" campaign to release its internal campaign strategy documents. The reason for this request, according to one account, is that the plaintiffs believed that if they found evidence in these documents that the "Yes on 8" strategists were attempting "to sow fear and discrimination against gays and lesbians," this information would be relevant in helping a judge decide what the motivations were of those who voted in favor of Proposition 8.[30]
Chief U.S. District Judge Vaughn Walker ordered that the documents be disclosed. In early December 2009, a three-judge panel of the Ninth U.S. Circuit of Appeals suspended Walker's order.[31] In its decision, the 3-judge panel wrote, "The freedom to associate with others for the common advancement of political beliefs and ideas lies at the heart of the 1st Amendment."[32][33]
On December 16, one of the 27 active judges on the Ninth Circuit called for a vote to rehear the issue with a full 11-member panel of judges. Attorneys on both sides of the dispute were requested to file briefs on the matter by December 24, 2009[30] On December 30, the court announced that it was re-affirming its original ruling not to order disclosure.[34]
On Wednesday, January 6, federal judge Vaughn Walker ruled that cameras will be allowed in his courtroom when he begins hearings on the federal lawsuit on January 11.
Video footage from the trial will be uploaded to YouTube daily.[35]
Supporters of Proposition 8 argued that televising the trial is unwise and illegal, leaving open the possibility that they will appeal Judge Walker's decision to televise the proceedings.[36]
The Courage Campaign has been a leading advocate of televising the proceedings.[37]
"Protect Marriage," sponsors of the amendment, filed an unsuccessful lawsuit in January in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of California in which they sought a preliminary injunction of a California election law that requires donors of $100 or more to disclose their names, addresses, occupations and other personal information. The lawsuit sought a preliminary injunction prior to January 31, which is when the campaign's final finance filing was due. The lawsuit's attorney is James Bopp Jr., a lawyer from Indiana who is frequently involved in political speech cases, who said that what he refers to as harassment of Proposition 8 supporters before and after the campaign is a violation of their constitutional rights of free speech and assembly.[38]
Oral arguments in the case were heard by U.S. District Judge Morrison C. England, Jr., on Thursday, January 29. He rejected the plaintiff's position; although an appeal is pending, the donors were disclosed by the February 2 disclosure deadline.[39]
The mandatory disclosure of contributors to Proposition 8 on the website of the California Secretary of State has led to acts of vandalism, boycotts and death threats, according to the lawsuit.
"This harassment is made possible because of California's unconstitutional campaign finance disclosure rules as applied to ballot measure committees where even donors of as little as $100 must have their names, home addresses and employers listed on public documents," according Ron Prentice, who is the chairman of the Yes on 8 committee.[40]
The suit seeks to:
Tim Chandler of the Alliance Defense Fund, a Christian legal organization helping with the lawsuit, said, "Citizens shouldn't have to choose between being involved in the democratic process and subjecting themselves to acts of vengeance."
Fred Karger of Californians Against Hate disagrees, saying, "They started this fight in 30 states by going to the ballot and winning. Now the gay community is fighting back and seeing who gave the money. People are choosing who they want to give their business to."
Observers around the country have weighed in on the issue of protecting donor confidentiality raised by the federal lawsuit with, for example, the Albany Democrat Herald in Oregon editorizing that:
Attorney General Jerry Brown, Secretary of State Debra Bowen and the Fair Political Practices Commission filed a brief in late January with the court opposing the lawsuit filed by the Proposition 8 campaign.
According to Ross Johnson, the FPPC's chairman, the lawsuit is "out to destroy campaign finance disclosure by a death-of-a-thousand cuts" and "I don't intend to let that happen on my watch."[42]
Californians Against Hate filed a complaint with the California Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC) which says that the LDS (Mormon) Church failed to report nonmonetary contributions to the Yes on Proposition 8 campaign.
Fred Karger, the leader of Californians Against Hate, said in the complaint that The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints failed to report money it invested to "organize phone banks, send out direct mailers, provide transportation to California, mobilize a speakers bureau, send out satellite simulcasts and develop Web sites as well as numerous commercials and video broadcasts."[43]
A spokesperson for the LDS Church said that the church had "fully complied with the reporting requirements of the California Political Reform Act" and that "any investigation would confirm the church's full compliance with applicable law." The church spokesperson also said Karger's complaint had "many errors and misstatements."[43]
If the FPPC determines that a violation occurred it can levy a fine of up to $5,000 per violation and can also file a civil lawsuit, which could lead to remedies amounting to three times the amount of unreported or misreported contributions.
The New York Times editorialized in favor of the FPPC investigation.[44]
In late January 2009, Turlock City Councilwoman Mary Jackson filed a lawsuit in Stanislaus County to find out who paid for a robocall in the county in the last week of the Proposition 8 campaign. The voice on the robocall was represented as being Jackson's voice. The caller urged voters to vote against Proposition 8. However, as the lawsuit alleges, the robocall was a fraudulent misrepresentation, since the recorded voice did not belong to Mary Jackson, nor was she aware of or in anyway involved with the calls.
The lawsuit alleges "unfair business practices" and seeks as much as $10,000 in damages and possibly more in punitive damages.
Jackson is a journalism instructor at Merced College. According to Jackson, her campaign did not record or pay for the call urging a "no" vote on Prop 8.[45]
On June 20, Equality California in a 55-page petition asked the California Supreme Court to strike the initiative from the November ballot. In the brief presented to the court, the reasons given for striking it are:
A pro-initiative attorney, Glen Lavy who works with the Alliance Defense Fund, who was quoted in the press about the lawsuit said, "Equality California and its allies are desperate to evade democracy."[48] Five proponents of Proposition 8 filed a brief with the court asking it to reject the attempt to remove the initiative from the ballot, saying that removal would be an "inexcusable incursion into the right of the people to amend their constitution."[49]
The California Supreme Court had three options with respect to the lawsuit:
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On July 16, the California Supreme Court announced that it was declining to consider the request for a hearing. The decision was unanimous. The court did not announce a reason for its decision.[50][51]
On July 29, supporters of Proposition 8 filed a lawsuit, Jansen v. Bowen, against California Attorney General Jerry Brown. The lawsuit sought to have the Sacramento County Superior Court order a different ballot title for Proposition 8 than the title chosen by Brown. Proposition 8 supporters asked for an expedited hearing on their lawsuit, since the state ballot booklets were to go to the printers on August 11. Protect Marriage, in its brief, cited research that the attorney general had not used a negative active verb like "eliminates" in the title of a ballot measure in the fifty years in which ballot measures have been used.[52] On Friday, August 8, Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Timothy Frawley ruled against Proposition 8 supporters in a 8-page ruling that said the ballot title is an accurate representation of what Proposition 8 will do.[53][54][55]
Proposition 8 supporters argued in the lawsuit that the new title chosen by Brown is "inherently argumentative and highly likely to create prejudice." The two specific requests in the lawsuit were that the ballot title be changed to:
When the initiative wording for what eventually became Proposition 8 was filed many months ago, the title that Brown conferred on it at that time was consistent with what supporters of Proposition 8 are asking for. However, Brown changed the ballot title on July 3, 2008 to a short description and summary that Proposition 8 supporters, as well as a number of political pundits in California, believe is adverse to the pro-8 cause. The July 3 ballot title describes the measure as "Eliminates the Right of Same-Sex Couples to Marry." Voters in California, according to ballot pundit Thomas Elias, historically "rarely opt to take away rights" and the revised ballot title frames Proposition 8 as taking away a right.[56][57]
The new ballot summary also says that the measure will cost local governments "tens of millions of dollars" of "potential revenue loss," mainly in lost sales taxes.
Brown was criticized for changing the ballot title. Tony Quinn, a political pundit and consultant generally for Republican causes, said, Brown "is delivering something . . . that is very important to the gay community, and that is a title and summary that is more likely to lead you to vote 'No,'"[58][59][60]
Brown defended the new ballot title, saying:
In its lawsuit, Protect Marriage, supporters of Proposition 8, say that research they conducted "found that never in the 50-year history of statewide ballot measures has the attorney general used an active verb like 'eliminates' in the title of a ballot measure."[61]
Opponents of Proposition 8 filed a lawsuit, Jenkins v. Bowen, in late July asking that a pro-8 argument set to appear in the official ballot booklet that will be printed on August 11 and made available both on state websites and at polling places be removed.[62]
The pro-8 arguments that anti-8 groups want removed from the booklet say:
On August 8, 2008, in response to the lawsuit, Superior Court Judge Timothy Frawley found that supporters of Proposition 8, in the ballot arguments they wrote for inclusion in the state's voter guide, did overstate the extent to which Proposition 8 would have an impact on what is taught in public schools, because public schools are not required to provide instruction on marriage and parents can withdraw their children.
Frawley's ruling requests that the ballot argument be re-worded to state that teachers "may" or "could" be required to tell children there is no difference between same-sex and opposite-sex marriage, rather than "will be."[64]