Mayoral election in Chicago, Illinois (2019)

Former Chicago Police Board President Lori Lightfoot defeated Cook County Board of Commissioners President Toni Preckwinkle in the April 2, 2019, runoff election for mayor of Chicago, Illinois. They were the top two vote-getters among 14 candidates in the general election on Feb. 26.

The 2019 race was Chicago's fourth open mayoral race in 100 years. Incumbent Rahm Emanuel, first elected in 2011, announced in September 2018 he would not run for a third term as mayor of the nation's third-largest city.^[1]

Lightfoot became Chicago's first female African-American mayor and first openly gay mayor.^[2]

Both Lightfoot and Preckwinkle described themselves as the progressive in the race and called each other's progressive credentials into question based on their political and professional histories.

Lightfoot presented herself as the reform candidate in the race who was independent of corrupt machine-style politics. She noted her background as a senior equity partner for Mayer Brown and her past roles in city government, saying she had requisite experience managing teams and budgets. Lightfoot referred to Preckwinkle as a party boss due to her roles as Cook County Democratic Party chair and former party committeewoman.

Preckwinkle highlighted her experience as an alderman and Cook County Board of Commissioners president, saying she had the experience to run the city and a progressive record. She contrasted her experience in elected office with Lightfoot's previous appointments to positions by mayors, saying the latter connected Lightfoot to the political elite. Preckwinkle also described Lightfoot as a wealthy corporate lawyer.

A number of issues shaped the mayoral race, including the city's pension system shortfalls, crime rates, policies around K-12 school performance and under-enrollment, economic and racial divisions, policing, affordable housing, and government ethics.

This page covered the runoff election. Click here for coverage of the Feb. 26 general election. On this page, you will find:

• Candidate profiles
• Campaign finance data
• Polling data
• Endorsements
• Campaign ads
• Campaign themes
• Major issues and candidate positions
• List of debates and forums
• Timeline of significant events
• Election history
• History of the office

In addition to voting for mayor, residents of the city voted for a city clerk, city treasurer, and all 50 seats on the city council on February 26, 2019. Click here for more information on those races.

Click here to see if candidates in this race responded to Ballotpedia's Chicago 2019 survey.

Chicago voter? Dates you need to know.
Candidate Filing Deadline	November 26, 2018
Runoff Registration Deadline	April 2, 2019
Absentee Application Deadline	March 28, 2019, at 5 p.m.
Early Voting Deadline	April 1, 2019
General Election	February 26, 2019
Runoff Election	April 2, 2019
Voting information
Polling place hours	6 a.m. to 7 p.m.
Polling locations: Go to this page to find early voting locations and your assigned precinct for election day.

Candidates and election results[edit]

Withdrawn or disqualified candidates

• Roger Washington (Nonpartisan)
• Richard Mayers (Nonpartisan)
• Sandra Mallory (Nonpartisan)
• Conrien Hykes Clark (Nonpartisan)
• Ja'Mal Green (Nonpartisan)
• Dorothy Brown (Nonpartisan)
• Catherine Brown D'Tycoon (Nonpartisan)

Candidate profiles[edit]

See also: Editorial approach to writing about key campaign messages

Campaign finance[edit]

Analysis[edit]

The following were the largest contributors to each campaign, according to funds reported as of April 2, 2019.

• Preckwinkle's largest contributor was the SEIU Illinois Council PAC Fund, which had donated $2,041,000.00 through March 29, 2019. Her second-largest contributor was Service Employees Local #1 PEC, which donated $829,091.18 through March 22.^[14]
• Liuna Chicago Laborers' District Council PAC was Lightfoot's largest contributor, having donated $500,000.00 on March 20. Lightfoot was her own second-largest contributor; she donated and loaned a total of $316,532.95 to her campaign.^[15]

The following were the largest expenditures made by each campaign:

• Preckwinkle spent $3.1 million on broadcast, cable, and radio advertising through Canal Partners Media.^[14]
• Lightfoot spent $2.7 million on media through Sage Media Planning and Placement.^[15]

Satellite spending[edit]

Satellite spending, commonly referred to as outside spending, describes political spending not controlled by candidates or their campaigns; that is, any political expenditures made by groups or individuals that are not directly affiliated with a candidate. This includes spending by political party committees, super PACs, trade associations, and 501(c)(4) nonprofit groups.^[16][17][18]

This section lists satellite spending in this race reported by news outlets in alphabetical order. If you are aware of spending that should be included, please email us.

• United Working Families spent $3,000 on a digital ad campaign opposing Lightfoot, Politico reported on March 29.^[19] The group is affiliated with the Chicago Teachers Union and the Service Employees International Union, which endorsed Preckwinkle.^[20]

Polls[edit]

See also: Ballotpedia's approach to covering polls

Click "show" to the right to see polls conducted ahead of the Feb. 26, 2019, election.
Click "show" to the right to see hypothetical runoff matchup results from this poll.   Mendoza and Preckwinkle Mendoza: 44% Preckwinkle: 35% Undecided: 21% Daley and Preckwinkle Daley: 38% Preckwinkle: 40% Undecided: 22% McCarthy and Mendoza McCarthy: 24% Mendoza: 54% Undecided: 22%

Endorsements[edit]

If you are aware of endorsements that should be included, please email us.

Runoff election (endorsements made after Feb. 26, 2019)[edit]

Endorsements
Endorsement	Lightfoot	Preckwinkle
Elected officials
U.S. Rep. Jesus "Chuy" Garcia (D-Ill.)[21]	✔
State Rep. Kelly Cassidy (D)[22]	✔
State Rep. Ann M. Williams (D)[23]	✔
Ald. Matthew O'Shea, 19th Ward (backed Jerry Joyce in general election)[24]	✔
Ald. Brendan Reilly (42nd Ward)[25]	✔
Illinois Comptroller/former 2019 mayoral candidate Susana Mendoza[26]	✔
Ald. Deb Mell (33rd Ward)[27]	✔
U.S. Rep. Danny Davis (D-Ill.) (backed Willie Wilson in general election)[28]		✔
Illinois Secretary of State Jesse White (D)[29]		✔
Ald. Walter Burnett Jr. (27th Ward)[29]		✔
Newspapers and editorials
Chicago Tribune editorial board (backed Bill Daley in general election)[30]	✔
Crain's Chicago Business editorial board (backed Daley in general election)[31]	✔
Chicago Crusader (backed Daley in general election)[32]		✔
Chicago Defender[33]		✔
Individuals
Former 2019 mayoral candidate Willie Wilson[34]	✔
Former 2019 mayoral candidate Paul Vallas[35]	✔
Former 2019 mayoral candidate Gery Chico[36]	✔
Former 2019 mayoral candidate Jerry Joyce[21]	✔
Former 2019 mayoral candidate Ja'Mal Green[37]	✔
Former 2019 mayoral candidate John Kozlar[38]	✔
Former Ill. State Senator Miguel del Valle (D)[39]	✔
Gloria Steinem[40]	✔
Former Cook County Board of Commissioners Pres. Todd Stroger[41]		✔
Howard Tullman, executive director of Ed Kaplan Family Institute for Innovation and Tech Entrepreneurship[22]		✔
Chance the Rapper, local activist and rapper (backed Amara Enyia in general election)[42]		✔
Unions
Chicago Firefighters Union Local 2[43]	✔
Plumbers Union Local 130 (backed Bill Daley in general election)[44]	✔
Laborers' International Union of North America Chicago (backed Susana Mendoza in general election)[45]	✔
Amalgamated Transit Union Locals 241 and 308[46]	✔
Gas Workers Local 18007[46]	✔
Iron Workers District Council and Local 1[46]	✔
City College Contingent Labor Organizing Committee[46]	✔
International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Local 9[46]	✔
Sprinkler Fitters Local 281[46]	✔
Teamsters Local 705[46]	✔
United Steelworkers of America Local 9777[46]	✔
National Association of Letter Carriers Branch 11[46]	✔
UNITE HERE Local 1[47]	✔
Painters District Council No. 14[48]		✔
Teamsters Joint Council 25[49]		✔
Illinois Federation of Teachers[50]		✔
Teamsters Local 700[51]		✔
Organizations
Latino Leadership Council[52]	✔
Our Revolution Chicago[53]	✔
Human Rights Campaign[54]	✔
Chicagoland Chamber of Commerce[23]	✔
Personal PAC[48]		✔
Asian American Midwest Progressives[55]		✔
Italian American Political Coalition[56]		✔

General election (endorsements made before Feb. 26, 2019)[edit]

Endorsements
Endorsement	Lightfoot	Preckwinkle
Elected officials
U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly (D-Ill.)[57]	✔
Ald. Scott Waguespack (32nd Ward)[58]	✔
U.S. Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D)[59]		✔
State Rep. Will Guzzardi (D)[60]		✔
State Rep. Marcus Evans (D)[61]		✔
State Rep. Delia Ramirez (D)[61]		✔
State Rep. Lamont Robinson Jr. (D)[61]		✔
State Sen. Robert Peters (D)		✔
State Sen. Ram Villivalam (D)[62]		✔
1st District Cook County Commissioner Brandon Johnson[61]		✔
4th District Cook County Commissioner Stanley Moore[61]		✔
Ald. Carlos Ramirez-Rosa (35th Ward)[60]		✔
Ald. Roderick Sawyer (6th Ward)[62]		✔
Metropolitan Water Reclamation District Commissioner Josina Morita[61]		✔
Newspapers and editorials
Chicago Sun-Times editorial board[63]	✔
Gazette Chicago[64]	✔
Individuals
Former Ald. Dick Simpson (44th Ward)[65]	✔
Former Cook County Clerk David Orr[66]	✔
Former aide to Mayor Rahm Emanuel Ken Bennett[67]		✔
Former White House senior adviser under Obama (D) Valerie Jarrett[68]		✔
Former White House aide/Time's Up movement leader Tina Tchen[69]		✔
Planned Parenthood President Cecile Richards[69]		✔
Former Chicago Teachers Union President Karen Lewis[70]		✔
Unions
Illinois Education Association Region 67[71]	✔
Chicago Teachers Union[72]		✔
Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 1[73]		✔
United Food and Commercial Workers Union Local 881[74]		✔
SEIU Healthcare Illinois[75]		✔
SEIU Local 73[75]		✔
National Association of Social Workers, Illinois Chapter[76]		✔
Organizations
Victory Fund[77]	✔
LPAC[78]	✔
Equality Illinois PAC[79]	✔
Indivisible IL9[80]	✔
Indo-American Democratic Organization[81]		✔

Candidate survey[edit]

Ballotpedia invited all 2019 municipal candidates in Chicago to participate in our candidate survey, created through our partnership with the Robert R. McCormick Foundation, Interactivity Foundation, and City Bureau, as well as insights from more than one hundred diverse citizens living throughout Chicago’s wards.

Click here to view the survey.

Campaign ads[edit]

This section shows advertisements released in this race. Ads released by campaigns and, if applicable, satellite groups are embedded or linked below. If you are aware of advertisements that should be included, please email us.

Lori Lightfoot[edit]

Support[edit]

"El Poder del Pueblo" - Lightfoot campaign ad, released March 24, 2019

"Moment" - Lightfoot campaign ad, released March 22, 2019

"Focus" - Lightfoot campaign ad, released March 18, 2019

"Change" - Lightfoot campaign ad, released February 28, 2019

Oppose[edit]

"#StopLightfoot Action" - United Working Families ad, released March 28, 2019

"#StopLightfoot Train Takeover" - United Working Families ad, released March 28, 2019

"Troubling" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released March 27, 2019

"Big Game" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released March 1, 2019

Click "show" to the right to see Lightfoot's ads prior to the Feb. 26 election.
"Light" - Lightfoot campaign ad, released February 6, 2019 "Lori Lightfoot Announcement for Mayor of Chicago" - Lightfoot campaign ad, released May 24, 2018

Toni Preckwinkle[edit]

Support[edit]

"Working Families Support Toni" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released March 26, 2019

Oppose[edit]

"WHY" - Lightfoot campaign ad, released March 6, 2019

Click "show" to the right to see Preckwinkle's ads prior to the Feb. 26 election.
"Always" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released February 14, 2019 "Mrs. Preckwinkle" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released February 4, 2019 "Ready" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released January 15, 2019 "Facts" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released January 9, 2019 "Toni Preckwinkle for Mayor" - Preckwinkle campaign ad, released November 21, 2018

Campaign themes[edit]

Lightfoot[edit]

The following themes were found on Lightfoot's 2019 campaign website.

Preckwinkle[edit]

The following themes were found on Preckwinkle's 2019 campaign website.

Major issues and candidate positions[edit]

Ballotpedia identified the following as major issues in the race based on candidate forums and statements, media reports, and events surrounding the election. Below, you will find overviews of each issue and a collection of candidate statements from campaign websites and questionnaires. To suggest other major issues for coverage, email editor@ballotpedia.org.

In this section:

• Pensions
• Ethics reform
• School closings
• School board selection method
• Affordable housing
• Crime
• Police consent decree
• Tax increment financing (TIF)

Pensions[edit]

Click "show" to the right to see an overview of the pension issue in Chicago.

The city of Chicago contributes to four public employee pension funds: the Firemen’s, Laborers’, Municipal Employees’, and Policemen’s Annuity and Benefit Funds.[85] The pension system is funded by a combination of employee contributions, employer (city) contributions, and returns on investments of those contributions.[86] In 2017, the city's unfunded pension liability—the amount needed to cover pension benefits minus the amount in the pension fund—was $28 billion. The four pension funds combined were 27 percent funded. Of 96 city- and county-sponsored pension systems analyzed by the investment management firm Wilshire Associates in 2017, 3 percent of those systems were below 30 percent funded.[87] Until 2015, the city's required annual contributions to the funds were set as a multiple of employee contributions and were not adjusted to match projected costs of pension benefits.[85] Between 2010 and 2017, state laws changed how the city's contributions to the pension funds were calculated.[88][89] Contributions were set to gradually increase between 2015 and 2021, at which point the city's contributions must equal the amount necessary for a 90 percent funded system by 2058.[86] Based on the legislative changes described above, the city's annual contribution was projected to double between 2018 and 2023, increasing by $1.1 billion.[85] In July 2018, the bond rating agency Moody's gave the city of Chicago a rating of Ba1, indicating high risk for bondholders.[90] Moody's changed its outlook from "negative" to "stable," citing "the expectation that Chicago will not face significant budgetary obstacles in the next two to three years given recently enacted tax increases to finance rapidly growing pension contribution requirements."[91] In February 2018, Standard & Poor's rated Chicago BBB+—a medium-risk rating—and changed its outlook from "negative" to "stable."[92] Most of Chicago's payments to the four pension funds come from property tax revenue. Between 2014 and 2017, property tax levies in Chicago increased from $861 million to $1.4 billion. In 2017, 62 percent of property tax revenue ($839 million) went toward pensions.[85] Mayor Rahm Emanuel sought to make changes to the Laborers' and Municipal Employees' pension funds. The state legislature passed a bill in 2014, supported by Emanuel and a group of labor unions, that made two major changes: 1) increased employee contributions to the system from 8.5 percent to 11 percent; and 2) ended 3 percent annual increases to benefit payments (known as compounded cost-of-living adjustments), which were established in 1999.[93][94][95] The legislation was challenged by a group of labor unions, workers, and retirees. In 2016, the Illinois Supreme Court struck down the law, saying it violated a 1970 state constitution clause asserting that pension benefits "shall not be diminished or impaired."[93][94] On December 12, 2018, Rahm Emanuel advanced proposals for addressing the city's pension shortfall, including a constitutional amendment to end the annual 3 percent benefit increases and borrowing $10 billion in pension obligation bonds.[96] (A pension obligation bond, or POB, is money borrowed by a government and invested with other pension contributions to pay pension benefits. A government's goal with POBs is to earn more from investments than it owes in debt and interest to bondholders.)

Lightfoot[edit]

Constitutional amendment[edit]

• "People spend their whole working lives figuring out what their magic number is, when they’re going to be able to retire, and we can’t pull the rug out from under them."^[97]

Pension obligation bonds[edit]

• "Mayor Emanuel has proposed a $10 billion pension obligation bond to solve the pension crisis. I do not support this plan for several reasons. First, the proposed plan will increase the city’s outstanding debt by approximately 50% and will constrain the city’s ability to borrow in the future. Second, despite Mayor Emanuel’s assertions, there is no guarantee the pension funds’ actual rates of return will exceed the city’s borrowing costs. In an effort to sell this plan, Mayor Emanuel and his staff have focused on the spread between the bond’s anticipated interest rate, which they claim would be roughly 6%, and the four funds’ actuarial rates of return, which average 7.25%. An actuarial rate of return is not the same thing as an actual rate of return. Between 2008 and 2017, the city’s four pension funds had an average annual rate of return of 6.4%, or 85 basis points below their average actuarial rate of return. While the 6.4% return exceeds the city’s claimed interest rate for the bond, the Civic Federation notes that the last taxable general obligation bond the city issued in 2017 had an interest rate of 7.045%. Third, Mayor Emanuel and his administration have not been transparent about the proposal’s details, and they have not shown a willingness to hold public hearings about the proposed plan. No one should support this plan until it has been fully and honestly been presented to the public."^[98]

Additional statements[edit]

“

Pensions are a promise. I grew up in a union household, and, in the old steel town we lived in, lots of workers lost their pensions. I’ve seen firsthand how working families plan their lives around these promises, and I’ll protect these promises as mayor. The next mayor’s first budget will have to find approximately $277 million in additional monies to fund the city’s four pension funds. In order to build the public case for additional revenue, the city must demonstrate to taxpayers that it takes seriously its obligation as a responsible fiscal steward of the public’s hard-earned tax dollars. The next mayor must look into reforms that can result in meaningful cost-savings without breaking our contractual obligations to workers. The city also needs to engage in TIF reform. There are numerous other areas in the city’s budget where my administration can and will look to save money, and we will look hard at other redundant or unnecessary expenses, but the reality is the city will need new revenue sources to address the pension crisis. In doing so, we will not balance the City budget on the backs of low-income and working class families, nor will we adopt measures that drive business out of Chicago.[99][82]

”

Preckwinkle[edit]

Constitutional amendment[edit]

• "I do not think the state Constitution should be amended to allow any reductions to promised pension benefits for current city workers or retirees. We owe it to our workers and retirees to fully fund our pension system. Relying on the state to help us with our pension crisis is a gamble we can not afford to take. We have to find creative ways to generate progressive and long term revenue to help fund our pension obligations."^[100]

Pension obligation bonds[edit]

• "At this time, I am not in favor of issuing bonds to pay pension costs. We need to first pursue more sustainable and less risky revenue sources that do not mortgage the city’s future earnings against a volatile equity market. In the event of an economic downturn, a pension obligation bond could put the city’s fiscal position in severe jeopardy. Therefore other options should be pursued prior to the POB."^[98]

Additional statements[edit]

“

City workers have held up their end of the bargain by paying into the pension system throughout their careers and we must seek opportunities to ensure they can have the secure retirement that they have earned. The next mayor must renew Chicago’s commitment to city workers and retirees by finding the revenue to meet our obligations instead of constantly seeking remedies in the form of increased employee contributions and COLA freezes. In addition, as mayor I will do everything in my power to fiercely oppose any attempt by the state to reduce current or future city retiree benefits. To solve our pension debt problem we must enact constitutionally permissible reforms that save money on the repayment of the debt, and access revenue in order to front-load that repayment. I will seek legislation that will permit Chicago pension funds to offer discounted benefit buyouts to tier 1 employees, as was enacted by the state last year. I would also seek to ensure that a portion of revenue raised by the adoption of progressive rates be diverted through the Local Government Distributive Fund, to all municipalities to be utilized for pension debt stabilization. Additionally, I will work with Springfield to pass legalization of recreational marijuana and gaming expansion with all revenues dedicated to pension debt stabilization.[99][82]

”

Ethics reform[edit]

Click "show" to the right for an overview of the ethics reform debate in Chicago.

On February 11, 2019, the University of Illinois at Chicago released a report finding that between 1976 and 2017, 1,731 individuals in the Northern District of Illinois (the northern third of Illinois including Chicago, the nation's third-largest city) were convicted of public corruption—the most of any metropolitan area in the country.[101] The Central District of California (including Los Angeles, the nation's second-largest city), was second with 1,534 individual convictions for public corruption. Ethics reforms, especially those related to the city council, became a prominent theme in the mayoral race after Ald. Edward Burke was charged with attempted extortion on Jan. 2, 2019, of which he said he was not guilty. Click here to learn more.

Lightfoot and Preckwinkle disagree on the following three areas of ethics reform:

Lightfoot[edit]

Lightfoot proposed a nine-point plan entitled Cleaning Up City Government, including: two-term limit for mayor; limiting outside employment for city officials; shifting responsibility for the workers' compensation program from the council finance committee to the executive branch; centralizing the Office of Inspector General; complying with the Freedom of Information Act; increasing transparency in the tax increment financing program; merging the Chicago and Cook County boards of election; requiring separate counsel for the legislative and executive branches; and holding public town hall meetings during the budget season. Read the full plan here.

Additional statements:

• "I support imposing a two term limit on mayor. And as set forth in my People First Pledge, I support limiting an alderman to serving two terms as chairperson of a city council committee."

• "I support moving the city’s workers’ compensation program from city council to the executive branch and giving the inspector general authority to investigate and oversee the program. I also support limiting aldermen to serving two terms as chairman of any committee and curbing the aldermanic prerogative."

• "I support fixing Rule 14 to ensure that if an alderman has a conflict of interest, he or she immediately disclose the conflict, and on the record, and immediately recuse him or herself from any city council proceedings related to the conflict."^[98]

• Lightfoot said she supports a three-term limit for aldermen.^[102]

• "If you go back in our sad history of aldermen who have been prosecuted, every single one of those prosecutions relates to aldermanic prerogative, (also called) aldermanic privilege. It is a corrosive and corrupting influence."^[103]

Preckwinkle[edit]

• "I do not believe that term limits should be imposed by law, as voters are given the opportunity to choose their elected officials with each election."

• "Voters elect their aldermen with the trust that they will make informed decisions for their ward and constituents. For this reason, I do not believe the practice of “aldermanic privilege” should end. However, in light of the charges against Alderman Burke, I have proposed a ban on dual employment in City Council. It’s clear that there are too many conflicts of interest posed from dual employment, so this policy should instill a greater sense of transparency and accountability to taxpayers. I also would support a limit on the number of recusals committee chairpersons are allowed for votes in their committees. Given the influence that chairpersons wield in steering debate, they should not be engaged in activities that give them vested interest in matters under their committee’s jurisdiction."

• "Government best serves the people when it is transparent and accessible. I will make sure the Mayor’s Office is transparent in its processes and that there is adequate community input. As Cook County Board President, my office follows strict adherence to the Freedom of Information Act policies, digitally streams all meetings for public viewing and opened up the budget process to be more transparent and engaged with residents. County employees are also barred from donating to my Mayoral campaign. We should always be striving more greater transparency and accountability in government. However, in my 28 years as a public servant, I have found that there are many good people in government and local government can have meaningful positive impacts in the lives of residents."^[98]

School closings[edit]

Click "show" to the right to see information on the school closing debate.

In 2013, the Chicago Board of Education voted to close 50 schools—around 7 percent of the city's total number of schools.[104] Mayor Emanuel supported the action. He and the board cited under-enrollment and poor academic performance as reasons for school closures.[105] The Chicago Teachers Union opposed the closings, with then-President Karen Lewis stating that the move would destabilize neighborhoods in which the closures took place and put students sent to other neighborhoods' schools at risk of gang violence.[106] Chicago Public Schools CEO Barbara Byrd-Bennett instituted a five-year moratorium on district-run school closings in the city that began in the fall of 2013 and ended in the fall of 2018.[107] In December 2018, local news outlet WBEZ released a report containing the following figures, covering from 2002 to the report's release:[108] 169 schools were closed 34 schools had complete staff turnarounds 193 new schools were opened (including 105 charter schools) 36 newly opened schools were closed 88 percent of the 70,160 students who experienced a closing or staff turnaround were black Total district enrollment declined from 437,618 in 2002 to 361,314 in 2017 A 2018 Chicago Public Schools report deemed 229 of the city's schools underutilized, meaning they had less than 70 percent of the target number of enrolled students.[109] CPS also released a School Quality Rating Policy report in 2018 saying that about 20 percent of schools were low performers; factors considered included test scores, attendance, and graduation rates.[110]

Lightfoot[edit]

• WBEZ asked candidates if they supported:
  

1. Closing low-performing schools; 2. Closing schools more than 50 percent under-enrolled; 3. Opening new schools/constructing new buildings in years when enrollment has declined. The following is the candidate's extended answer:

“

1. Closing a school for “chronic low-performance” says that we have failed. It means we have failed to help children learn, failed to save a community anchor, and in recent cases has meant we failed to provide black and brown children with the good quality, stable educational environment they deserve. A Lightfoot administration will engage in a respectful partnership with parents, teachers, and other stakeholders to support and maintain clean, safe, quality public schools for every student in every neighborhood. In this collaborative environment, a closure would be the very last resort after all other options have been exhausted and after a transparent and engaged dialogue with all stakeholders. I would never agree to such a hard and fast rule that does not allow for nuance or community input to help turn a school around or give our kids the best quality public education in their neighborhood. 2. As with the first question, I would not commit to a rule that does not allow for community engagement in these critical decisions. Of course, our children should learn in an environment where they can enjoy a full range of educational experiences and resources. Those objectives become challenging to meet where there is material under-enrollment. However, our first reaction should not be to close those schools, which places the burden of failed economic development and disinvestment on our students and often on black and brown students in particular. Instead, we must increase enrollment by addressing the root causes of flight and working collaboratively with all stakeholders to turn our schools around. 3. As with the first two questions, I would make critical decisions about our schools collaboratively with stakeholders. Every student in every neighborhood deserves a safe, clean, quality school nearby; however, this is not the case in every neighborhood right now. I would work with parents, students, teachers, and other stakeholders to make this vision for a more equitable CPS a reality.[111][82]

”

• Lightfoot also responded to the following question from WBEZ: "On what to do about severely underenrolled schools, such as 26 high schools with fewer than 250 students?"

“

Closure should be the absolute last resort, after a process of engagement with people who are stakeholders around that particular school. Nobody benefits from a school that is severely under-enrolled. We are not going to have enough programming. The offerings for the students are going to be diminished as compared to other fully populated schools. But we have to be much more transparent about the demographics and the trends and engage the parents and the teachers and other stakeholders around that school and what the future looks like. We have to come up with a process in which we think creatively about how to further enrich that school. Now, if at the end of the day the population continues to dwindle, then that is a problem we have to reckon with.[112][82]

”

Preckwinkle[edit]

• WBEZ asked candidates if they supported:
  

1. Closing low-performing schools; 2. Closing schools more than 50 percent under-enrolled; 3. Opening new schools/constructing new buildings in years when enrollment has declined. The following is the candidate's extended answer:

“

1. No. The schools labeled as "chronically low-performing" are in the same neighborhoods on the South and West sides subject to massive disinvestment, over-policing, the destruction of affordable housing, and Great Depression-era unemployment. The answer, then, isn't to take even more from the same folks. Instead, my first steps as mayor will be investing in schools so they have the things they deserve based on the elements of the state's new evidence-based funding formula: additional social workers, nurses and school counselors; lower class sizes; early childhood education; and the resources and supports for a broad and rich curriculum. And I will address the structural issues that impact what happens in schools: build additional affordable housing, expand job opportunities for people outside of downtown, and criminal justice changes that make it possible for people to make it on the outside. 2. No. Rahm's school closures were an abject failure, as a recent University of Chicago report made clear. The school closures unnecessarily harmed students and destroyed community centers, and demonstrated a key problem with policy by formula - if the formula elements change, the outcomes change, too. Those same so-called underenrolled schools under CPS' numbers would be optimally used if we made tweaks to the formula, such as lowering class sizes, especially in the early grades, and expanding the sustainable community schools model to provide additional wraparound supports for students, healthcare access, and adult education opportunities. The problem with school closures is the austerity they forced on only some residents in Chicago. To be clear, the decline in students in CPS is almost entirely attributed to the decline in Black students. Their families were pushed out of the city by unaffordable housing, a lack of jobs, and regressive fines and fees. And in the past year, that pushout spread to Latino families, as those same factors and the Trump Justice Department's immigration enforcement forced untenable choices on greater numbers of people. The city's school enrollment and population are linked. Closing schools doesn't fix either. 3. Yes. We can't foreclose the need to build new schools to replace ones that are in need of replacing. But I do commit to few important ideas. First, I dramatically favor investing capital in existing schools to make sure that they have what they need: engaging learning environments, technology infrastructure, appropriate climate controls so students aren't sweltering or freezing, and health and safety repairs that ensure our children don't get lead poisoning or mold poisoning at school. Second, we need a freeze on new charter schools, which only made the enrollment issues worse as more schools served fewer students, thereby forcing a hunger games scenario on children and families. Third, the new schools over the last ten years have been predominantly built for selective enrollment students who are disproportionately white and higher income. That's an inequity that must end. Test scores should not determine the facility you learn in. Finally, I commit to having a capital plan that is an actual plan rather than a series of political favors to be doled out. School repairs should be allocated on basis of need, not based on access.[111][82]

”

• Preckwinkle also responded to the following question from WBEZ: "On what to do about severely underenrolled schools, such as 26 high schools with fewer than 250 students?"

“

You have to look at it on a case-by-case basis. What is the reason for the decline in enrollment? ... Are there possibilities of enhancing enrollment through additional programming or changing school boundaries? There are a variety of options that you might pursue. Schools are neighborhood anchors, in addition to being educational institutions, and we should be very, very cautious about closing them. I am in favor of a moratorium on school closing and a moratorium on charter schools. That doesn't mean we would never close schools. I am in favor of a moratorium now because the school district, prior to five years ago when it closed 50 schools in one year, was closing 10 to 12 schools a year and able to manage that. But what they did in that one year, closing 50 schools, they clearly were not able to manage very well. I think your reporters have said 38 of those 50 schools are still vacant.[112][82]

”

School board selection method[edit]

Click "show" to the right for an overview of the school board selection method debate in Chicago.

In 1872, the state legislature gave the mayor the power to appoint members of the Chicago Board of Education. In 1988, the state legislature established a 23-member school board nominating commission, which generated a list of proposed members from which the mayor chose. In 1995, direct appointment power was restored to the mayor.[113][114] The mayor was also given authority to select the board's president and the CEO of Chicago Public Schools. The Chicago Board of Education "is responsible for the governance, organizational and financial oversight of Chicago Public Schools (CPS)," according to its website.[115] CPS' proposed budget for 2019 was $7.6 billion.[116] As of 2018, there were seven seats on the board. The Chicago Teachers Union supported an elected school board, saying an elected board would allow for greater transparency, accountability, community input, and representation of Chicago residents.[117][118] Former board of education vice president Jesse Ruiz argued against an effort to establish a 21-member elected school board in 2017, saying that it would disperse accountability among 21 politicians as opposed to having one person—the mayor—accountable.[119] While running for re-election in 2015, Rahm Emanuel said that residents have local-level elected school boards in the form of Local School Councils, which have input on budgets, school improvement plans, and the hiring of principals.[120][121]

Lightfoot[edit]

• "My mother was an elected school board member, so I understand the importance of giving parents and stakeholders a real voice in how our children are educated. That is why I support a fully independent, elected school board. I am currently evaluating proposals for electing a school board, including whether candidates should first be required to serve on a Local School Council (LSC)."^[122]

Preckwinkle[edit]

• "Feeling valued goes hand in hand with being heard. Currently, Chicago Public Schools has the only appointed school board in Illinois. That means that the Chicago Board of Education answers only to the Mayor and has no direct accountability to the communities, students, and educators it is supposed to serve. Toni supports an elected school board for Chicago Public Schools to make sure that every family in Chicago has a voice in the direction and future of their child’s education."^[123]

Affordable housing[edit]

Click "show" to the right to see background on affordable housing issues.

Affordable housing requirements for developers According to the 2003 Affordable Requirements Ordinance and subsequent amendments to it, developers with residential projects in the city meeting certain criteria (such as those receiving public funding) must: Include a specified percentage of their units as affordable housing units (meaning they are deemed affordable to low- and middle-income families based on U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development calculations); build the required units offsite; pay an in-lieu fee to the city's Affordable Housing Opportunity Fund instead of building the units; or do some combination of these options. The required percentage of units (at least 10 percent), regulations around offsite construction, and amount of in-lieu fees vary by area.[124] In 2017, the city council approved pilot programs in two areas of the city (Milwaukee Corridor and Near North/Near West) increasing the required percentage of affordable housing units for residential projects within these areas and removing the in-lieu fee option.[124] In December 2018, the city council approved another pilot program increasing in-lieu fees and the percentage of required affordable units for developers with projects in Pilsen and Little Village.[125][126] Proponents of increasing affordable housing requirements for developers argued that it is necessary both to meet affordable housing needs and to have some of those units located in neighborhoods that are economically thriving rather than concentrated in poorer neighborhoods.[127] The mayor and aldermen who proposed the Pilsen/Little Village pilot program described above cited concerns around gentrification in two of the city's predominantly Latino neighborhoods as a reason to increase affordable housing requirements.[125] Developers argued that increasing affordable housing requirements would increase the cost of their projects.[128] The Home Builders Association of Greater Chicago stated that increasing in-lieu fees or requiring onsite unit construction would result in less affordable housing in the city by inhibiting investors from financing projects and causing developers to choose other cities.[129] Rent control In 1997, the Illinois General Assembly banned rent control in the state, prohibiting municipalities from regulating how much landlords could charge for rent. In January and February 2019, three bills were introduced into the general assembly that would repeal the ban on rent control.[130][131][132] Lift the Ban, a Chicago-based group advocating for the repeal of the rent control ban, argued that wages had not increased at the same rate as rents; that rising rents were driving minority families out of Chicago; that about half of Chicago renter households paid more than 30 percent of their income on rent; and that rent control would increase the affordable housing supply in the city.[133] SHAPE Illinois, an advocacy group of which the Chicagoland Apartment Association is a partner, opposed lifting the ban on rent control. According to the group, regulating rent increases would reduce the affordable housing supply as investors would choose other locations for their residential development projects and as people without financial need remain in rent-controlled housing. The group also said rent control would diminish landlords' ability to perform needed maintenance and that it would increase property taxes on homeowners.[134]

Lightfoot[edit]

Requirements for developers[edit]

WBEZ asked: "Will you force developers of new projects to build affordable housing units in gentrifying communities where long-time residents are being displaced?" Lightfoot answered with the following:

"Yes. As set forth in my housing plan, I support amending the Affordable Requirements Ordinance to increase the number of affordable units built, including requiring affordable units to be built within market rate developments, and shrinking the radius where affordable units can be built so developers are forced to build affordable units in gentrifying neighborhoods. I also support limiting an alderman's ability to keep affordable housing from being built in his or her ward."^[135]

Click to read Lightfoot's Plan to Create Affordable Housing and Prevent Homelessness.

Rent control[edit]

"I don’t think rent control is the issue we need to be focused on right now. We have a huge affordable-housing crisis in the city. In two-thirds of the city, not a single affordable unit has been built."^[136]

Preckwinkle[edit]

Requirements for developers[edit]

WBEZ asked: "Will you force developers of new projects to build affordable housing units in gentrifying communities where long-time residents are being displaced?" The candidate answered with the following:

"Yes. Families who have occupied their homes and neighborhoods for generations find themselves pushed out due to gentrification and rising costs of living. It is important that there are affordable housing options in gentrifying areas to ensure that longtime residents can stay in the communities they've called home long before the demographic change."^[135]

Preckwinkle said in a Crain's Chicago Business questionnaire, "With ARO, I support increasing the set aside to 20% and possibly creating a rebate system to developers if they actually create affordable housing or community assets instead of just paying the fee."^[98]

Rent control[edit]

"I support lifting the city’s ban on rent control. When considering city legislation to establish a rent control, I believe this power should be given back to local municipalities so they can decide how rent control would best work for them. This decision should not be implemented solely from the power of the Mayor’s office, but should be an engaging process between activists, elected officials and all stakeholders."^[136]

Crime[edit]

Click "show" to the right to learn more about crime in the city.

Reported murders in Chicago increased 60 percent between 2015 and 2016. The Federal Bureau of Investigation reported 765 murders in 2016 compared to 478 in 2015. The 2016 total represented the city's highest number of reported murders since 789 were reported in 1996. From 1985 to 2016, Chicago's annual murder totals peaked at 939 in 1992 and hit a low of 415 in 2014.[137] In 2017, there were 653 murders. A Pew Research Center report stated that Chicago had the 14th highest murder rate, at 24.1 murders per 100,000 people, among cities with more than 100,000 residents in 2017.[138] The following table shows the city's murder totals as reported by the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting Statistics database from 1985 to 2017.[137] Incidents of murder and other violent crimes were more prevalent in the city's West and South sides. Chicago Police Department data showed that, from mid-December 2017 to mid-December 2018, 50 percent of reported violent crimes took place in 12 of the city's 50 wards.[139]

Lighfoot[edit]

Lightfoot released a six-part public safety plan. The following are excerpts. Read the full plan here.

“

1. Addressing Violence as a Public Health Crisis First, in order to tackle the violence, we must address it as a public health crisis. Framing the challenges in this way will compel the City to address the root causes of the violence and meet those challenges head on with a toolkit that extends beyond law enforcement. ... 2. New Mayor’s Office for Public Safety To ensure that the city has a comprehensive public health approach to addressing violence and overall public safety, I will create a Mayor’s Office of Public Safety (“MOPS”), a first of its kind in Chicago. ... 3. The Role of Law Enforcement to Address Illegal Guns and Violence ... We must solve the illegal gun problem if we are going to reduce the crime and violence that plague the city. And we will do that through a proactive, coordinated response led by federal law enforcement officials, strengthening state and federal gun laws, creating a centralized department within CPD responsible for tracking illegal guns throughout the city, and strategically deploying police cameras in neighborhoods. ... 4. Rebuild Community Relations and Reform Police Practices If Chicago is to succeed, then CPD must succeed. And for far too long, and despite the efforts of the vast number of current and former officers who are dedicated public servants committed to lawful policing, CPD has not succeeded at bridging the gap between it and the communities it serves. ... 5. Other Efforts to Address Violence and Help Ex-Offenders Reintegrate into Society We cannot rely exclusively on “hard powers,” like arrests, prosecutions and imprisonment, to reduce crime and violence. This “hard” power only strategy has not worked and it has led to the mass incarceration of minorities. As a result, the city and its partners must also use “soft powers” to address the root causes of violence. ... 6. Develop Relevant Educational Programming for CPS Students ...[A]s mayor I will ask Chicago Public Schools to begin developing a K-12 curriculum that teaches children about the dangers of guns and gun violence, and how they can work within their communities to end violence and the scourge of illegal guns. The curriculum will also include sections devoted to conflict resolution, social justice and identifying and treating trauma associated with guns and violence.[82]

”

Preckwinkle[edit]

Preckwinkle released a "Building a Safer Chicago" agenda with 15 steps. To see the full agenda, click here.

She summarized the agenda in the following way:

“

There is no greater responsibility for any government than ensuring the safety of its constituents. For far too long, for far too many, the City of Chicago has failed to meet this basic need. As an educator and elected official, I’ve known and mourned too many lives cut short by the devastating violence that plagues our city. As a mother and grandmother, Toni empathizes deeply with the toll and trauma this violence has imposed on generations of families, many of whom have lost multiple loved ones to violence. There is no pain worse than that of a parent forced to bury a child. Though none of our city’s communities have been immune, it is no secret that violence has been concentrated in roughly 15 communities, almost exclusively on the south and west side; the same communities struggling with high unemployment, under-resourced or closed schools, and overall lack of investment. And while the CountyCare program Toni helped create as Cook County Board President has brought unprecedented behavioral and physical health care into our communities, we still face deficits due to years of neglect. The violence, combined with these underlying factors, has contributed to a growing exodus of families from these communities, removing critical economic and social resources, and making the devastating cycle of disinvestment and decline worse. Even in the city’s more affluent neighborhoods, other types of violent crime, such as armed robbery, assault, and vehicular hijacking, have undermined many resident’s sense of personal safety. If elected, nothing will be more important to my administration than ending fear and restoring safety to all of Chicago’s neighborhoods. My approach to public safety will enhance racial justice and equity. Contrary to what some argue, these goals actually work together. When we over-incarcerate for nonviolent offenses, we destabilize communities, increasing the likelihood for criminality and violence. That’s why as Cook County Board President, Toni worked with criminal justice stakeholders to reform the practice of keeping people behind bars waiting for trial for minor, non-violent offenses. Those reforms reduced the County jail population by thousands without negatively impacting public safety. Toni will build upon this work as mayor by focusing on three areas. First, Toni will take direct ownership of various aspects of the city’s criminal justice and public safety efforts through the creation of the Mayor’s Office of Criminal Justice, which will ensure a holistic and collaborative approach to public safety throughout the city. Secondly, Toni will work with community stakeholders and the Chicago Police Department to restore trust and accountability between city’s police and the people of Chicago. This means enforcing the consent decree, implementing a system of civilian oversight, and integrating community in every aspect of CPD’s operations, from training to crime prevention. Thirdly, Toni will ensure that Chicago Police Department strives to become the most effective police department in the country, by improving training, supervision, promotion, collaboration and crime-solving capacity within the department and demanding real improvement in homicide clearance and overall crime reduction. All of these efforts must work in tandem with robust investment in our public schools, our neighborhoods, and our access to mental health services. Our bold agenda on these fronts will be just as critical, if not more so, to the security of our city as the reforms we make to policing. Therefore, as mayor Toni will see to it that our investments in these key areas match with their value to the public safety of all Chicagoans.[82]

”

Police consent decree[edit]

Click "show" to the right for an overview of the police consent decree.

Several significant events around policing occurred ahead of and alongside the 2019 election. Laquan McDonald, a black teenager, was shot 16 times and killed by white police officer Jason Van Dyke in 2014. Van Dyke was convicted of second-degree murder and 16 counts of aggravated battery in October 2018. He was sentenced in January 2019 to six years and nine months in prison.[140] Also in January 2019, three other officers were acquitted of conspiracy, misconduct, and obstruction of justice charges that alleged the officers attempted to falsify reports related to the shooting.[141] In December 2015, the U.S. Department of Justice under President Barack Obama (D) began an investigation into the Chicago Police Department. The department released a report in January 2017 concluding that "CPD officers engage in a pattern or practice of using force, including deadly force, that is unreasonable," attributing this partly to a lack of adequate training and lack of accountability measures for officers who commit misconduct. The report recommended that the city enter a consent decree—a court-ordered plan to reform the police department's policies that would be enacted by a federal judge, who would appoint an independent monitor to oversee the plan's implementation.[142] In 2017, after President Donald Trump's (R) election, then-U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions (R) opposed entering a consent decree with the city of Chicago, saying police department reforms should be a local and state effort. Mayor Rahm Emanuel said he would continue to pursue police reforms without federal involvement. Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan (D) sued the city of Chicago to continue negotiating a consent decree with federal oversight in August 2017 and Emanuel agreed to do so.[143][144] The local Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) union had attempted to get the lawsuit between the state attorney general and the city dismissed. The FOP questioned the methodology used by the Department of Justice in its investigation leading to the proposed decree and called its findings biased against police. The FOP said the consent decree would have a "devastating impact on the ability of our members to protect the public."[145] The city of Chicago and the state attorney general office drafted a consent decree that "requires changes in the areas of community policing; impartial policing; crisis intervention; use of force; recruitment, hiring, and promotions; training; supervision; officer wellness and support; accountability and transparency; and data collection, analysis, and management."[146] Federal judge Robert Dow Jr. approved the drafted consent decree on January 31, 2019. The decree went into effect on March 1, 2019, when Dow appointed former Illinois executive inspector general Maggie Hickey as the independent monitor.[147][148][149]

Lightfoot[edit]

“

The consent decree proposed by the parties has yet to be approved by the federal court. I support a police consent decree because given CPD’s history, it is the only tool currently available to make the systemic reforms necessary, in a responsible time frame, in an environment of review and accountability. However, I have been clear that the draft prepared by the parties needs substantive changes and I have shared the changes that I believe are needed with the parties, and the federal court and they can be found on the campaign website, Lightfootforchicago.com. I am the only candidate in this race that has a broad depth of experience in dealing with issues related to police excess force and abuse, accountability and reform. My perspective on these issues stems from my roles as a federal prosecutor and the head of the former Office of Professional Standards, in which I made countless recommendations to terminate police officers who failed to properly perform their duties, including in police-involved shootings. More recently, I led the Police Accountability Task Force (PATF), whose report served as the underpinnings for both the Obama DOJ report and recommendations on the Chicago Police Department (CPD) and the consent decree. There would be no consent decree without the PATF. I also served as the president of Chicago Police Board, where I held officers accountable for misconduct. Before resigning from the police board to run for mayor, I significantly increased the number of officers that were terminated for serious misconduct or received lengthy suspensions. My body of work demonstrates my commitment to ensuring that public safety is available to everyone and in every neighborhood, that officers must be held accountable for misconduct and that taxpayers cannot continue to shoulder the burden of unchecked misconduct manifested in settlements, judgments, and attorneys’ fees currently totaling over $500 million in the last seven years.[122][82]

”

Preckwinkle[edit]

“

The consent decree is much needed and long overdue. It is essential to the difficult, but necessary, work of rebuilding the relationship between police and the communities they are sworn to protect and serve. A lack of accountability and an inability to develop strong relationships in Chicago’s communities are leading factors in CPD being one of the least effective large police forces in the United States in solving and preventing homicides and shootings. In 2017, CPD identified a suspect in only 17% of homicides and 5% of shootings. This is far lower than the national averages. Restoring trust between officers and communities will help improve these numbers, because more officers will develop relationships that yield the information that helps solve crimes. The consent decree will also lead to better supervision and more appropriate, consistent training, both of which are necessary to create effective, constitutional policing at the CPD. As Mayor, I will make sure that the Chicago Police Department fully complies with the mandates of the consent decree. However, police reform will require more than the consent decree. True and sustainable public safety requires a multi-faceted and coordinated approach. The Chicago Police Department must work closely with other local and federal law enforcement agencies, as well as other city departments, social service organizations and public health officials.[100][82]

”

Tax increment financing (TIF)[edit]

Click "show" to the right to learn more about tax increment financing (TIF) in Chicago.

The information below was current through the 2019 election. The purpose of TIF programs is to fund development with increases in property tax revenue that arise from an increase in property values due to the development itself. The Chicago Department of Planning and Development explains TIF in the following way:[150] “ When an area is declared a TIF district, the amount of property tax the area generates is set as a base... As property values increase, all property tax growth above that amount can be used to fund redevelopment projects within the district. The increase, or increment, can be used to pay back bonds issued to pay upfront costs, or can be used on a pay-as-you-go basis for individual projects.[82] ” Most TIF districts retain that designation for 23 years, during which various tax-funded bodies (such as Chicago Public Schools) receive their proportion of property tax revenue from the base amount set at the time of designation, while property tax revenues above that amount go into the TIF fund. Once TIF district designation has expired, all property tax revenues are distributed among the various tax-funded bodies as they were before the area was designated a TIF district.[150] TIF districts, according to state law, must qualify as blighted areas or as being at risk of becoming blighted (conservation areas). A number of factors are considered when determining whether an area counts as blighted or at risk, including: obsolescence, excessive vacancies, code violations, inadequate utilities, and lack of physical maintenance.[150] State law also says that TIF districts are to be established only in areas where development is not expected to occur without the implementation of the program.[151] Chicago first began using tax increment financing in 1984. In 2017, Chicago had 143 TIF districts, and 31 percent ($660 million) of total property taxes collected by the city went to the TIF program. Most TIF districts that generated the highest revenue and saw the most TIF spending were in the city's downtown area (the central business district); TIFs on the West and South sides generated less revenue, according to a July 2018 report from then-Cook County Clerk David Orr.[152] What is the debate surrounding TIF? As of 2018, the Chicago Department of Planning and Development stated that the TIF program had created jobs in Chicago; that TIF assistance incentivizes private developers to invest in the city's development; that funds are distributed around the city, including to small businesses and housing projects, and not just concentrated in the downtown area; and that TIF does not take funding away from other property tax-funded bodies such as Chicago Public Schools (CPS) and the Chicago Transit Authority (CTA), since 1) those bodies continue to receive their portion of revenue from the base amount that was assessed when the district received its TIF designation, and 2) some TIF funds go toward projects undertaken by those bodies, such as transit improvement and school building repairs.[153] Critics of how the TIF program had been implemented, including several 2019 mayoral candidates, argued that the definitions of blighted area and conservation area are too broad and that TIF funds often go toward projects in affluent areas as opposed to truly blighted neighborhoods; that TIF funds are often used to subsidize private development projects that may have been carried out without public financing; that any growth in property tax revenues not attributed to TIF development is unfairly kept from tax-funded bodies; and that the program lacks transparency and accountability.[154][155][156] How is the money spent? TIF funds may be used by the city for public works projects, issued in the form of reimbursements to private developers for certain project-related costs, or paid to developers as projects take place, among other possible uses.[157] The following chart shows TIF fund commitments from 2009 to 2017 by purpose of expenditure, as categorized by the city of Chicago. The city categorizes TIF spending in a number of ways. Some TIF funds are used toward projects undertaken by sister agencies—the CTA, CPS, and the Chicago Park District—such as repairing schools, improving public transit systems, and building parks. Some funds go toward economic development, such as the renovation or construction of buildings for businesses. Infrastructure concerns the building and repair of roads, sewers, bridges, and more. The SBIF/NIP/TIF Works category includes small business improvement, neighborhood improvement, and job training projects.[158] Click here to see a map of TIF districts, projects, and approved funding amounts for each project. Who decides where and how TIF funds are spent? A number of city government bodies are involved in the designation of TIF districts and in deciding what projects will receive TIF funding. Among them are the city council, the department of planning and development, and the community development commission. All three must approve the designation of new TIF districts.[151] All three groups must also approve funding for private TIF projects. Funding for other types of projects are decided on differently; for example, public infrastructure project funding is determined by a group of city department leaders.[151] The mayor appoints the commissioner of the department of planning and development as well as the 15 members of the community development commission.[151]

Lightfoot[edit]

“

Chicago must bring real transparency to all aspects of tax increment financing (“TIF”), an economic development tool that diverts more than $650 million in property taxes annually. When I am mayor, the city will not create new TIF districts until we have fully analyzed the performance of existing districts to ensure that they are meeting their intended objectives and that private recipients of TIF funds are satisfying their contractual obligations. The city will set performance thresholds for each TIF district, and each district will be reviewed at least every five years to determine whether those thresholds are being met. If they are not being met, then the city will, after soliciting public input, determine whether to close a district, revise its objectives or make other changes. In addition, the city will impose penalties on private recipients of TIF funds that do not meet their contractual obligations. Before any new TIF is created, the city must strengthen the standards for determining whether a district qualifies for TIF. The city will no longer loosely apply the test for determining whether an area is “blighted,” and it will raise the bar for clearing the “but for” test, which requires one to show that private projects and investment would not happen without TIF investment. Only then will the city consider creating new TIF districts that meet these more rigorous standards. For any new TIF district, the city will clearly describe the justifications for creating the TIF, and it will do so in publicly available documents and in town hall meetings in the proposed district where citizens can provide input. In addition, the city will closely monitor private developers to ensure they are meeting their obligations under redevelopment agreements, including those related to job creation and minority and women business enterprise requirements. If a private developer fails to meet its obligations, the city will enforce penalty provisions contained in the redevelopment agreement, including clawing back TIF funds. I will address additional TIF-related reforms as the campaign progresses.[150][82]

”

Preckwinkle[edit]

• The Chicago Sun-Times wrote:

“

Preckwinkle wants the annual TIF surplus earmarked exclusively for CPS, instead of giving city government a cut of that money. That would continue until all 144 TIFs are abolished, if she is elected mayor. “About a third of our property taxes go into TIF districts. We’ve really got to look at unwinding as many of those TIFs as we possibly can and turning the resources back to Chicago Public Schools,” she told the Sun-Times.[150][82]

”

• "Presently, 31 percent of our property tax revenue goes into TIF districts,” Preckwinkle said. “Tax increment financing districts. This was supposed to be an economic development tool to kickstart struggling neighborhoods, and yet, most of the Loop is in one TIF District or another, and some of the most valuable property in our city is in a TIF district, so that doesn`t make sense."^[159]

Debates and forums[edit]

March 29, 2019[edit]

WBEZ and the League of Women Voters hosted a debate. Among the topics discussed were race and policing. View WBEZ's coverage of the debate here.

March 27, 2019[edit]

CBS2 hosted a televised forum. Topics discussed included the city's murder clearance rate, whether to keep the Chicago Public Schools leadership in place, and Chicago police contracts and leadership.

Click here to view a video and coverage of the event.

March 26, 2019[edit]

Lightfoot and Preckwinkle participated in a televised forum sponsored by FOX32 and The Lincoln Forum. The candidates discussed violence in the city, police issues, racial gaps in educational achievement, taxes, and more.

View a video of the event here.

March 25, 2019[edit]

On March 25, the candidates participated in a televised debate and in interviews with Crain's Chicago Business. The publication endorsed Bill Daley in the general election on Feb. 26.

WGN hosted a mayoral debate. Candidates discussed several issues, including taxes, pension payments, crime, and policing. Candidates also responded to various criticisms each campaign has launched against the other.

View a video of the event here.

Coverage: Chicago Sun-Times

Crain's Chicago Business held separate interviews with Lightfoot and Preckwinkle.

• View Lightfoot's interview video here.
• View Preckwinkle's interview video here.

March 21, 2019[edit]

WTTW hosted a televised candidate forum. Lightfoot and Preckwinkle discussed their backgrounds and defended themselves against criticisms from one another, in addition to discussing crime, policing, economic development, and other policy issues.

Click here to view a video of the event.

Coverage:

• Chicago Sun-Times
• Chicago Tribune

March 20, 2019[edit]

ABC Chicago hosted a televised forum. The candidates discussed a range of issues, including pensions, city employee contracts, policing, and education. They also discussed their backgrounds and criticized each other's. During the forum, the candidates each asked the other a question: Preckwinkle asked Lightfoot about her experience working with budgets, and Lightfoot asked Preckwinkle what it would mean to her to be the first female African-American mayor.

Click here for a video of the event.

Coverage:

• Chicago Tribune

March 19, 2019[edit]

Preckwinkle and Lightfoot participated in a candidate forum at Malcolm X High School. Topics discussed included policing and education.

Coverage:
Chicago Sun-Times

March 13, 2019[edit]

Two forums were held on March 13.

Lightfoot and Preckwinkle spoke during the last 20 minutes of a community forum hosted by the Chicago Sun-Times and AARP. The candidates discussed their backgrounds, economic opportunity in the South and West sides, and community-police relations.

Click here for videos of the event.

The University of Chicago hosted a mayoral forum focused on public safety. Lightfoot and Preckwinkle appeared separately for about 45 minutes each.

Click here to view a video of the event.

Coverage: CBS Chicago

March 12, 2019[edit]

The Chicago Tribune editorial board hosted a forum as part of its endorsement process. (The Tribune endorsed Bill Daley ahead of the Feb. 26 general election.)

Click here to view a video of the forum.

Analysis[edit]

Many of the board's questions concerned economic growth and the city's finances—specifically, its pension shortfalls and debt.

Asked about encouraging economic growth in Chicago:

Both candidates agreed efforts should be focused both on the city's downtown area and in neighborhoods on the South and West sides they say have been neglected. Both also said the Neighborhood Opportunity Fund should be a full grant program as opposed to requiring upfront money from small businesses that would like to apply.

Lightfoot said the city should give some of its contracts to small businesses, provide opportunities for women-owned and minority-owned businesses, and increase access to credit, loans, and other support for small businesses.

Preckwinkle highlighted her plan to implement a $15 minimum wage in Chicago by 2021, saying this would bring a diverse and talented workforce to the city. She also said the city should triple its investment in microloans for small businesses.

Regarding pension shortfalls and debt:

Lightfoot said the city must first cut spending. She referred to the amount the city spends on settlements and attorney fees related to police misconduct and asked whether the city needs separate city clerk and treasurer offices. Lightfoot said consolidating administrative and investment functions among the four city pension funds could also save money. She also said the city needs a risk manager.

Lightfoot said she supports new revenue streams such as a Chicago casino, a marijuana tax, and a progressive income tax, but that none of these changes would be implemented in time to address immediate budgetary issues. She said the mayor's direct revenue-raising options are a soda tax and property taxes. Lightfoot opposed a soda tax and said the property tax system was unfair to working families and needed to be fixed before those taxes could be raised again.

Preckwinkle emphasized her support for a progressive state income tax, saying the property tax system local governments rely on for revenue was inequitable. She also said the city should unwind downtown tax increment financing (TIF) districts to have access to more property tax revenue.

Preckwinkle said making government more efficient would save the city money. She said Chicago could rein in spending on its workers’ compensation program, which Preckwinkle said is five times greater than what the county spends on its workers’ comp. Preckwinkle said the city could reduce the money spent on settlements for police misconduct through better training and supervision but that this would not address the city's budget issues in time.

Experience

Preckwinkle referred to her experience working with budgets, saying that as Cook County board president, she closed a $487 million budget gap through a combination of cutting budgets, refinancing debt, and a difficult decision to lay off 1,500 people.

Lightfoot pointed to her experience as a senior equity partner at Mayer Brown, saying she advised CEOs and C-Suite personnel. She said this gave her an understanding of what businesses want.

Ethics reform

Lightfoot frequently mentioned her opposition to aldermanic privilege—aldermen's power over zoning, licensing, and permitting in their wards—which was an area of ethics reform on which the candidates disagreed.

Preckwinkle mentioned her proposal to ban outside employment for aldermen. Lightfoot supported limiting outside employment as opposed to banning it outright.

March 7, 2019[edit]

NBC 5 hosted a candidate forum with Lightfoot and Preckwinkle. Candidates criticized each other's backgrounds and discussed topics including education, city employee contracts, policing, and city finances.

Click here for to view videos of the event.

Analysis[edit]

The first televised forum of the mayoral runoff saw the candidates echoing the charges they had made in early runoff campaign ads.

"I think it’s interesting and frankly disappointing that Toni Preckwinkle and her people would try to criticize me for being successful," Lightfoot said. Preckwinkle's campaign began airing an ad March 1 criticizing Lightfoot's former position as senior equity partner of the law firm Mayer Brown.

Lightfoot said, "I’m not a person who decided that I would climb the ladder of...the corrupt political party," referring to Preckwinkle's roles as Democratic committeewoman and chair of the Cook County Democratic Party.

Preckwinkle said Lightfoot worked for a firm that "defends Big Tobacco, that defends Big Pharma, that defends environmental polluters. She herself was one of the attorneys that defended Merrill Lynch against discrimination suits by African-American folks."

Preckwinkle said she's worked for more than 20 years to make the Democratic Party more diverse and inclusive.

Later in the forum, Lightfoot and Preckwinkle were given time to respond to specific criticisms each candidate made in early runoff opposition ads.

Preckwinkle discussed Lightfoot's criticism about her administration hiring Ald. Ed Burke's son, Edward Burke Jr., as a training and exercise manager for the Cook County Homeland Security and Emergency Emergency.^[160] Preckwinkle said Edward Burke Jr. was a county employee for 20 years and "his resume was sent to the Department of Homeland Security and they hired him." She added, "As I go around the city, what people are really concerned about is their own neighborhood."

Lightfoot responded to Preckwinkle's criticism of her work on the Merrill Lynch suit, saying she secured a comfortable settlement for plaintiffs in the racial discrimination suit and that the lead plaintiff from that case supported her bid for mayor.

Preckwinkle and Lightfoot also answered a host of policy questions—from an elected school board to addressing homelessness, to teacher and city employee contract negotiations.

For a list of candidate forums that were held prior to the Feb. 26, 2019, general election, click here.

Timeline[edit]

• March 29, 2019: WBEZ and the League of Women Voters hosted a forum.

• March 27, 2019: CBS2 hosted a televised forum.

• March 26, 2019: Lightfoot and Preckwinkle participated in a televised forum sponsored by FOX32 and The Lincoln Forum.

• March 25, 2019: WGN TV hosted a televised forum.

• March 25, 2019: Crain's Chicago Business conducted interviews with each candidate.

• March 20-21, 2019: ABC Chicago and WTTW hosted televised forums.

• March 20, 2019: A poll found Lightfoot leading Preckwinkle 47 percent to 14 percent, with 29 percent undecided. See more here.

• March 12, 2019: The Chicago Tribune editorial board hosted a forum as part of its endorsement process.

• March 7, 2019: NBC 5 hosted a televised forum between Lightfoot and Preckwinkle.

• March 1, 2019: Lightfoot and Preckwinkle aired their first TV ads of the runoff.

Noteworthy events[edit]

Argument over whether Sposato, Napolitano endorsed Lightfoot[edit]

At the first televised forum of the runoff on March 7, Preckwinkle responded to a question about Chicago's immigration policy with the following:

"Well, I think it’s interesting to note that [Lightfoot] accepted today the endorsement from Ald. [Nicholas] Sposato and Ald. [Anthony] Napolitano, both of whom are Trump supporters, and both of whom voted against giving legal aid to immigrants in the city of Chicago — to having a legal-aid program for the city of Chicago. Sposato and Napolitano are both Trump supporters. And actually, Sposato left the Progressive Caucus because Chicago is a welcoming city."

Lightfoot responded that Preckwinkle was lying, and Preckwinkle said Lightfoot was disrespectful. Lightfoot then said, "There was no endorsement today. Nick Sposato and Napolitano showed up when I was endorsed by the firefighter’s union, which I welcomed that endorsement. They are apparently both members of that. But if you check our records and our values, I've been highly critical of both of those aldermen."

The aldermen stood with other union members and Lightfoot holding Lightfoot campaign signs as she accepted the Chicago Firefighters Union Local 2 endorsement at a press conference on March 7.^[161][162]

Mayoral partisanship[edit]

At the end of 2019, Democrats held mayorships in 63 of the 100 largest cities in the country. Out of the 31 mayoral elections that were held in 2019 in the 100 largest cities, four partisan changes occurred. Democrats gained three mayorships, two from Republicans and one from an independent. Republicans gained one seat previously held by an unaffiliated mayor.

In the elections in Phoenix, Arizona and Wichita, Kansas, Democrats won seats with Republican incumbents. In Wichita, Democrat Brandon Whipple defeated Republican incumbent Jeff Longwell. In Raleigh, North Carolina, a Democrat won a seat previously held by an independent. And in Aurora, Colorado, a Republican succeeded an unaffiliated mayor. Incumbents did not seek re-election in Phoenix, Raleigh, or Aurora.

Click here to learn more.

Election history[edit]

In 1995, the city switched from holding plurality-winner primary and general elections for citywide offices to holding general elections that require a candidate to receive more than 50 percent of the vote to win without a runoff.^[163]

2015[edit]

In 2015, Chicago saw its first mayoral runoff election. From a general election candidate field of five, Emanuel and Jesus "Chuy" Garcia advanced to a runoff, where Emanuel won by 12 percentage points.

Key issues in the 2015 mayoral race included the closing of 50 schools during Emanuel's first term, whether the school board of Chicago Public Schools should be elected or remain appointed by the mayor, and the city's downgraded debt rating. In February 2015, the bond-rating service Moody's downgraded Chicago to Baa2, a mid-to-low level rating that sits two positions up from what financial analysts call “junk,” a status that indicates high risks for bondholders. Moody's cited unfunded pension obligations as the main reason for the downgrade.

Election results[edit]

Mayor of Chicago, Runoff Election, 2015
Candidate	Vote %	Votes
Rahm Emanuel Incumbent	56.2%	332,171
Jesus "Chuy" Garcia	43.8%	258,562
Total Votes		590,733
Source: Chicago Board of Election Commissioners, "Official runoff election results," accessed July 9, 2015

Mayor of Chicago, General Election, 2015
Candidate	Vote %	Votes
Rahm Emanuel Incumbent	45.6%	218,217
Jesus "Chuy" Garcia	33.5%	160,414
Willie Wilson	10.7%	50,960
Robert W. "Bob" Fioretti	7.4%	35,363
William "Dock" Walls, III	2.8%	13,250
Total Votes		478,204
Source: Chicago Board of Election Commissioners, "Official general election results," accessed July 9, 2015

2011[edit]

The mayoral seat was open in 2011 as longtime incumbent Richard M. Daley did not seek re-election. Major issues in the election included how to approach the city's $655 million budget deficit and the city's growing unfunded pension obligation. Candidates debated how to reduce the cost of city services and raise revenues.^{[164][165][166]}

Mayor of Chicago, General Election, 2011
Candidate	Vote %	Votes
Rahm Emanuel	55.3%	326,331
Gery Chico	23.9%	141,228
Miguel Del Valle	9.3%	54,689
Carol Moseley Braun	9%	53,062
Patricia Van Pelt-Watkins	1.6%	9,704
Dock Walls	0.9%	5,343
Total Votes		585,014
Source: Chicago Board of Election Commissioners, "Official general election results," accessed July 9, 2015

2007[edit]

Mayor of Chicago, General Election, 2007
Candidate	Vote %	Votes
Richard M. Daley Incumbent	71%	324,519
Dorothy Brown	20.1%	91,878
William "Dock" Walls, III	8.8%	40,368
Total Votes		456,765
Source: Chicago Board of Election Commissioners, "Election results," accessed December 7, 2018

Click here to see election results going back to 1975.

History of the office[edit]

See our page on the history of Chicago's mayoral office for a deep historical dive.

Evolution of the office[edit]

Chicago's municipal charter of 1837 established the office of mayor as an elected office with one-year terms. In 1863, the term was extended to two years, then to four years in 1907.^[167]

The mayor's powers have grown over time, with significant expansions occurring within the first decades of the office's existence. ... Click here to learn more about how mayoral powers expanded over time.

Prominence of the Democratic Party[edit]

For the first 90 years during which Chicago had a mayor, voters elected mayors from a variety of parties; Democrats, Republicans, Whigs and more all held the city's top position. That changed after 1927, the year Chicagoans elected their last non-Democratic mayor for at least 90 years.^[168] The first in a long line of consecutive Democratic mayors was Anton Cermak, elected in 1931. Political observers and historians give at least partial credit to Cermak for what they refer to as "the machine"—the Democratic Party organization in Chicago and Cook County more broadly that lasted into the late 1970s or early 1980s.^[169][170] "The ascendancy of the Democratic Party was not secured until Anton Cermak built a broad coalition of ethnic and working-class voters that secured his election," according to the Encyclopedia of Chicago.^[171] By 1890, when the census first found Chicago to be the nation's second-largest city, immigrants and the children of immigrants made up three-quarters of its population.^[172] Cermak was a Czech immigrant.

After Cermak's death in 1933, Cook County Democratic Central Committee chairman Patrick Nash appointed his replacement: Edward Kelly, who served as mayor until 1947. During Kelly's tenure, the city's growing black population increasingly voted Democratic. Kelly was a proponent of desegregated schools and housing. He worked with Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt (D) to secure New Deal funding for Chicago.^[173][174] ... Click here to continue reading.

National significance[edit]

Chicago was the nation's second-largest city from 1890 to 1982.^[175] Its population peaked at 3.6 million in the 1950 census.^[176] As of 2017, Chicago was the third-largest city in the U.S. (population of 2.7 million) behind New York City (8.6 million) and Los Angeles (4 million).^[177]

Due to the city's size and the strength of its Democratic Party organization, Chicago and its mayors have exerted influence beyond city boundaries. The following is a sampling of ways in which Chicago and its mayors have demonstrated national political significance throughout history:

• Through 2016, Chicago hosted more major-party conventions than any other U.S. city. It hosted 25 total—11 Democratic National Conventions and 14 Republican National Conventions between 1860 and 1996.^[178] Philadelphia hosted nine total through 2016, and Baltimore hosted 10 (the last one being in 1912).^[179]

• Anton Cermak, elected mayor in 1931, was an influential campaigner for Franklin D. Roosevelt in Cook County, which FDR won along with the 1932 presidential election overall. Cermak met with FDR in Miami ahead of the inauguration to discuss Roosevelt's appointments and New Deal funding for Chicago. Cermak was shot in a failed assassination attempt on FDR and died weeks later.^[180][181]

• In 1960, Mayor Richard J. Daley campaigned for John F. Kennedy (D) during his presidential bid. Daley was also the chair of the Cook County Democratic Central Committee, which History.com referred to as "the strongest political organization in the country." Kennedy won Illinois' delegates at the party convention and the state's electoral votes in the general election.^[182] In 1960, Illinois had 27 electoral votes—the fourth-highest share of any state.^[183]

Click here to read more examples of the mayor's role on the national stage.

Additional elections on the ballot[edit]

See also: Illinois elections, 2019

About the city[edit]

See also: Chicago, Illinois

Chicago is a city in Illinois. It is the seat of Cook County and the center of the Chicago Metropolitan Area. As of 2015, its population was 2.7 million.^[184]

City government[edit]

See also: Mayor-council government

The city of Chicago uses a strong mayor and city council system. In this form of municipal government, the city council serves as the city's primary legislative body and the mayor serves as the city's chief executive.^[185] The mayor and city council each serve four-year terms.

Demographics[edit]

The following table displays demographic data provided by the United States Census Bureau.

Demographic data for Chicago, Illinois (2015)
	Chicago	Illinois
Total population:	2,717,534	12,839,047
Land area (square miles):	228	55,519
Race and ethnicity[186]
White:	48.7%	72.3%
Black/African American:	31.3%	14.3%
Asian:	6%	5%
Native American:	0.3%	0.2%
Pacific Islander:	0%	0%
Two or more:	2.4%	2.2%
Hispanic/Latino:	29.1%	16.5%
Education
High school graduation rate:	82.3%	87.9%
College graduation rate:	35.6%	32.3%
Income
Median household income:	$48,522	$57,574
Persons below poverty level:	22.3%	16.8%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, "American Community Survey" (5-year estimates 2010-2015)

State profile[edit]

See also: Illinois and Illinois elections, 2019

Partisan data[edit]

The information in this section was current as of May 7, 2019

Presidential voting pattern

• Illinois voted for the Democratic candidate in all five presidential elections between 2000 and 2016.

Congressional delegation

• Following the 2018 elections, the two U.S. senators from Illinois were Democrats.
• Illinois had 13 Democratic and five Republican U.S. representatives.

State executives

• Democrats held six of 13 state executive offices. The Illinois Commerce Commission was composed of individuals with different affiliations. Elections for the other six offices were nonpartisan.
• Illinois' governor was Democrat J.B. Pritzker.

State legislature

• Democrats had a veto-proof majority in the Illinois State Senate of 40 members to Republicans' 19 members.
• Democrats had a veto-proof majority in the Illinois House of Representatives of 74 members to Republicans' 44 members.

Illinois Party Control: 1992-2021
Fifteen years of Democratic trifectas  •  Two years of Republican trifectas
Scroll left and right on the table below to view more years.

Year	92	93	94	95	96	97	98	99	00	01	02	03	04	05	06	07	08	09	10	11	12	13	14	15	16	17	18	19	20	21
Governor	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	R	R	R	R	D	D	D
Senate	D	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	R	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D
House	D	D	D	R	R	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D	D

Illinois quick stats Became a state in 1818 21st state admitted to the United States Illinois' population doubled every 10 years between 1820 and 1860, making it one of the fastest-growing places in the world at the time.[187] Members of the Illinois State Senate: 59 Members of the Illinois House of Representatives: 118 U.S. senators: 2 U.S. representatives: 18

More Illinois coverage on Ballotpedia: Illinois elections, 2019 Presidential voting trends in Illinois United States congressional delegations from Illinois Public policy in Illinois Influencers in Illinois Almanac of American Politics state profile More...

Demographic data for Illinois
	Illinois	U.S.
Total population:	12,839,047	316,515,021
Land area (sq mi):	55,519	3,531,905
Race and ethnicity**
White:	72.3%	73.6%
Black/African American:	14.3%	12.6%
Asian:	5%	5.1%
Native American:	0.2%	0.8%
Pacific Islander:	0%	0.2%
Two or more:	2.2%	3%
Hispanic/Latino:	16.5%	17.1%
Education
High school graduation rate:	87.9%	86.7%
College graduation rate:	32.3%	29.8%
Income
Median household income:	$57,574	$53,889
Persons below poverty level:	16.8%	11.3%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, "American Community Survey" (5-year estimates 2010-2015) Click here for more information on the 2020 census and here for more on its impact on the redistricting process in Illinois. **Note: Percentages for race and ethnicity may add up to more than 100 percent because respondents may report more than one race and the Hispanic/Latino ethnicity may be selected in conjunction with any race. Read more about race and ethnicity in the census here.

See also[edit]

Chicago, Illinois	Illinois	Municipal government	Other local coverage
2017 Chicago elections Chicago, Illinois Cities in Illinois	2019 Illinois elections Public policy in Illinois Influencers in Illinois Illinois	Top counties 100 largest cities Current mayors Current council officials	2019 municipal elections 2019 school board elections 2019 local ballot measure elections 2019 local judicial elections

External links[edit]

• City of Chicago

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