Conservative populism[1] is a political movement in the United States and worldwide which rejects the liberal media, globalism, environmentalism, the homosexual agenda, gun control, mandatory vaccination, and the Deep State.
Examples include President Donald Trump, entrepreneur Elon Musk, Arizona gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake, Rep. Madison Cawthorn (R-NC), Sen. Ron Johnson (R-WI), Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA), Rep. Mary Miller (R-IL), and Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-CO). Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-AZ), who grew up impoverished in a gas station, opposes increasing the minimum wage, and has run for office as an independent, may be more of a conservative populist than a Leftist. Numerous Trump-endorsed candidates for 2022 are additional examples of conservative populism, including J.D. Vance and Dr. Mehmet Oz. In South Korea, the new "People Power Party" embodies conservative populism and its nominee Yoon Suk-yeol won the presidency in March 2022.
The Gospel of Mark is also an example of conservative populism, as is the best of the public since then. A Choice Not An Echo by Phyllis Schlafly, which sold 3 million copies in 1964, provided the intellectual and political foundation for conservative populism.
Conservative populism opposes allowing unelected career bureaucrats such as Anthony Fauci to run the country with their biased claims of expertise or scientism.
Great authors who can be viewed as conservative populists include Charles Dickens, Shakespeare, G.K. Chesterton and Fyodor Dostoyevsky. The great poet Robert Frost was a conservative populist. Hollywood actresses Marilyn Monroe and Jane Russell could be considered conservative populists. Midwest-raised director Orson Welles was a conservative populist.
Car designs, such as the Ford Mustang, could be considered as conservative populist. An issue of conservative populism is a restriction on water flow in new homes, thereby forcing frustrated occupants to run the water longer or the dishwasher multiple times.
National populism takes nationalist positions on issues such as patriotism, national sovereignty, law and order, and support for less immigration.[2] Like most other populists, they emphasize anti-elitism and opposition to the establishment.[2] Right-wing populism is very similar ideologically to national conservatism and paleoconservatism, and it tends to be Euroskeptic. Right-wing populism claims to believe in equality, and rejects racism, bigotry, anti-Semitism, totalitarianism and other leftist beliefs.
The term "right-wing populism" is often used pejoratively by liberals to smear or discredit conservatives who hold the above positions. Thus, conservatives often avoid using the term to describe their beliefs. Marxists define right-wing populism as "proto-fascist."[3]
Right-wing populism is seeing massive growth in Europe in the early 21st century,[4][5][6] with parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party, Lega Nord, and the Alternative for Germany, among numerous others. Many of these parties have made it into the governments of their respective countries. In the United States, figures such as Pat Buchanan and Donald Trump have been labeled right-wing populist. Other leading right-populists are Steve Bannon, Alex Jones, Milo Yiannopoulos, Paul Joseph Watson, and Mike Cernovich.
Professor Eric Kaufmann says about a graph showing the correlation between the projected growth of the Muslim propulation and the rise of right-wing nationalism in a country:
“ | Figure 1 shows an important relationship between projected Muslim population share in 2030 and support for the populist right across 16 countries in Western Europe. Having worked with IIASA World Population Program researchers who generated cohort-component projections of Europe’s Muslim population for Pew in 2011, I am confident their projections are the most accurate and rigorous available. I put this together with election and polling data for the main West European populist right parties using the highest vote share or polling result I could find. Note the striking 78 percent correlation (R2 of .61) between projected Muslim share in 2030, a measure of both the level and rate of change of the Muslim population, and the best national result each country’s populist right has attained."[7] | ” |
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