Deafness in Soviet Russia

Deafness in Soviet Russia experienced a cultural transformation following the Russian Revolution. The Soviet's collectivist ideology, termed New Soviet, promoted the integration of deaf people within a predominantly hearing civilization. Thus, state-sponsored organizations, such as All-Russian Society of the Deaf, fostered cultural and professional opportunities for Russia's deaf population.

Background

Prerevolutionary Russian culture considered deafness a crippling condition comparable with insanity and mental retardation.^[1][2] Birthed from the prerevolutionary establishment of deaf schools, Russian deaf culture communalized said minority.^[3] However, Russia's deaf education system struggled due to inconsistent government funding.^[3] Thus, deaf schools relied on philanthropic contributions.^[3][1] The lack of government financing helped preserve Russian Sign Language during an oralist era.^[3] Marginalized by the tsarist legal system, Russia's deaf population supported the Bolshevik revolution.^[1] Soviet socialism promoted economic participation, thereby favoring physically able beings.^[3]

Deaf Cultural Identity

The New Soviet ideology promoted unity through the personal surmounting of physical and social obstacles.^[2] Thus, societal contribution superseded physical defects.^[2] A dire need for laborers and an affirmative outlook on disabilities strengthened Russia's deaf communities.^[2][3] Furthermore, the deaf established themselves as able-bodied workers by highlighting the invisible nature of their disorder. ^[3][2] Soviet ideologies allowed for the politicization of deaf community members.^[4][2] As a result, political collaboration fostered the development of deaf community identity.^[2] However, the strengthening of Russia's deaf movement brought the invisible disorder to light.^[2] The establishment of deaf-accessible spaces highlighted the deaf communities' otherness.^[2] Furthermore, the deaf labeled themselves as medically handicapped.^[3] Thus, Russia's hearing communities lacked faith that the deaf could successfully overcome their impairment and become ideal New Soviet people.^[4][2]

To combat such stigma, deaf communities developed a social identity focused on self-sufficiency.^[4][2] The self-establishment of deaf culture highlights deaf community members' embracement of New Soviet values.^[2][4] In 1962, the Soviet government recognized deaf peoples' future capability of embodying the New Soviet ideal.^[2] Thus, the late 1940s through 1970s represent a high point in Russian deaf history.^[4][2] However, Russia's deaf population struggled to prove their self-sufficiency.^[2] A 1957 Izvestia article highlights the deaf population's acceptance of social welfare.^[2] Furthermore, the deaf's ability to achieve New Soviet ideals came into question following Izvestia's publication of "Pygmalion."^[2] This article reveals an unwillingness to assimilate into New Soviet culture among some of Russia's deaf population.^[2] Additionally, "Pygmalion" notes comparatively increased deviance and economic nonparticipation among Russia's deaf.^[2]

Ultimately, Russia's deaf population failed to transition into New Soviet culture.^[2] In the 1960s, the deaf population's focus shifted to strengthening deaf communities, falling further into social seclusion.^[2] Thus, a clear societal division saw the return of prerevolutionary deaf marginalization.^[2] An article published in 1984 notes the medical use of "GN—UO," a prerevolutionary term meaning "Deaf-mute—Mentally Retarded."^[2]

Education

Deaf education stabilized following consistent financial backing from the Soviet regime.^[3] Additionally, the Soviet Union partitioned deaf schooling into the following categories: born entirely deaf, born partly deaf, late-deafened.^[3] Such division increased social interaction and tailored language modalities to account for students' needs.^[3] However, prerevolutionary oralism extended into the Soviet era.^[3] The New Soviet's commitment to social and economic participation favored the speaking modality.^[3] Russia's deaf population recognized the economic implications of sign-only communication.^[3] Thus, Russia's deaf embraced both spoken and signed language modalities.^[3]

Higher education was accessible to deaf students.^[3] Furthermore, VOG organized vocational training workshops for the deaf.^[2] With the state's support, VOG established deaf-only alternatives for on-site industrial-educational programs termed Rabfaks.^[3]

Economic

The Soviet's collectivist ideologies alleviated economic competition, thereby easing the deaf population's employment barriers.^[3] In addition, by highlighting their physical capabilities, the deaf population realized greater employment opportunities than those with other disabilities.^[3] According to Soviet theorist Lev Vygotsky, deaf laborers exhibit comparable working abilities to their hearing counterparts.^[2] Thus, the deaf disorder's invisible nature aided in the economic advancement of Russia's deaf.^[3][2]

Through employment, the deaf approached New Soviet idealisms.^[2] Thus, oralism's vocational advantages encouraged its acceptance among Russia's deaf population.^[3]

Social

Following the Russian Revolution, communal urban areas saw an increased presence of deaf beings.^[2] However, public signing illuminated the naturally invisible disorder that is deafness.^[2] Thus, social disparities and public inaccessibility prompted the creation of deaf spaces.^[2] Such spaces demonstrated the deaf's cultural, self-sufficient, and economic advancements.^[2] Additionally, hearing people were encouraged to use these spaces.^[2] Through social integration, the deaf wished to highlight their capability of New Soviet transformation.^[2]

The deaf population benefited from Russia's cultural enthusiasm toward mime and theater.^[4][3][2] Viewed as a natural setting for the deaf, theater highlighted deaf cultural sophistication.^[4]

Deafness in Public Space

Distinguishable by a dense signing presence, deaf spaces encouraged public collaboration among Russia's deaf community members.^[2] Language accessibility fostered a unique deaf identity that overlooked their physical inabilities.^[2] Additionally, the deaf identity embodied labor capability, cultural advancement, and self-sufficiency.^[4][2] The construction of deaf spaces strengthened internal community ties and encouraged social engagement.^[2] Furthermore, deaf spaces represented the deaf population's embracement of New Soviet values. However, congregated public signing illuminated the deaf disorder.^[2] Thus, deaf spaces negatively influenced hearing society's impressions of the deaf by challenging Soviet uniformity.^[2]

Deafness in Theater

Theater represented a significant segment of Soviet culture.^[2][3][4] Viewed as a natural atmosphere for the hard of hearing, theaters provided employment opportunities for Russia's deaf.^[4][3] Founded in 1957 with VOG's support, the Theatre Studio of Sign and Gesture trained deaf actors in various theatrical crafts.^[4] Renamed Theatre of Sign and Gesture following governmental support in 1963, the theater highlighted the deaf population's cultural refinement.^[4][3] Through training, deaf actors proved skillfully equivalent to their hearing counterparts.^[4] For example, deaf actors learned rhythm through musical vibrations.^[4] Thus, through cultural advancements and showcasing their artistic capabilities, Russia's deaf population approached New Soviet idealisms.^[4][2]

Organizations

All-Russian Society of the Deaf (VOG)

Founded in 1926 by Ivan Savel'ev, VOG is a deaf-run organization initially backed by the Soviet state.^[5][3][2] Originally centered around employment services, VOG established vocational training centers.^[3][2] Additionally, VOG's social clubs strengthened internal deaf community relations.^[2] Striving to achieve New Soviet transformation, VOG extended its focus to include cultural advancement.^[2][3][4] With governmental funding, VOG hosted deaf-only sporting events and art exhibitions.^[3] Additionally, VOG organized the construction of various deaf spaces and cultural centers.^[2][3] Membership rates soared, reaching 96% among deaf Muscovites in 1949.^[2] Valuing self-sufficiency, in 1954, VOG refused governmental funding after citing sufficient revenue.^[5][2] Self-sufficiency remained a reoccurring theme among VOG's projects through deaf-funding, deaf-labor, and deaf-leadership.^[2][4]

Furthermore, VOG worked closely with state officials to influence social politics on the deaf's behalf.^[5][3] In 1926, the Soviet government sponsored a deaf-for-deaf newspaper called The Life of a Deaf-Mute.^[3][5] The paper highlighted the deaf's political advancements by repeatedly criticizing the Soviet state without reprimand.^[3] However, a lack of governmental pushback may represent a non-threatening perception of the deaf community.^[3]

References

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