Proto-Romance is the comparatively reconstructed ancestor of all Romance languages. It reflects a late variety of spoken Latin prior to regional fragmentation.[1]
Vowels were lengthened in stressed open syllables.[3]
Stressed /ɛ ɔ/ may have yielded the incipient diphthongs [e͡ɛ o͡ɔ] when followed, in the same word, by a syllable containing a close vowel.[4]
Whatever the precise outcome, Maiden argues that this phenomenon would have been limited, at the Proto-Romance stage, to open syllables. That is, it would have applied only to instances of /ɛ ɔ/ subjected to stressed-open-syllable lengthening.[5]
Constraints
Neither a distinct /ɛ/ nor /ɔ/ occurred in unstressed position on account of having merged into /e/ and /o/ respectively.[6]
Neither a distinct /i/ nor /u/ occurred in the second syllable of words with the structure /ˌσσˈσσ/ (such as càntatóre 'singer') on account of having merged into /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ respectively.[7]
There is disagreement over whether Proto-Romance had phonemic palatalization.[9] For the purposes of this article, it is assumed that it did.[lower-roman 1]
Palatalized consonants tended to geminate in intervocalic position, though the extent of this varied by consonant.[10][lower-roman 2]
There appears to have been a tendency to merge /dʲ/, /ɡʲ/, and occasionally /βʲ/ into /j/.[12]
Some nouns were pluralized with -a or -ora, having originally been neuter in Classical Latin. Their singular was treated as grammatically masculine, while their plural was treated as feminine.[25]
Otherwise, the typical way to form a comparative seems to have been to add either plus or magis (meaning 'more') to a positive adjective.[27]
Superlative
With the exception of a few fossilized forms, such as /ˈpɛssɪmʊs/ 'worst', superlatives were formed by adding an intensifying adverb or prefix (/mʊltu, bɛne, per-, tras-/ etc.) to a positive adjective. Comparative forms could also have been made superlative by adding a demonstrative adjective.[28]
Possessive
Feminine singular forms shown below. In certain cases there was an opposition between 'strong' (stressed) and 'weak' (unstressed) variants.[29]
Numerous variant forms appear to have existed. For the third-person genitive-dative inflections, there appears to have been an opposition between 'strong' (stressed) and 'weak' (unstressed) variants, as also with the possessive adjectives.
The interrogative pronouns were the same, except that the neuter nominative-accusative form was quid.
Verbs
Proto-Romance verbs belonged to three main classes, each characterized by a different thematic vowel. Their conjugations were built on three stems and involved various combinations of mood, aspect, and tense.[30]
As in Latin, present participles had an active sense and inflected like class III adjectives, while past participles had a passive sense and inflected like class I/II adjectives. Regular forms would have been as follows (in the accusative feminine singular):
Phonological changes from Classical Latin to Proto-Romance
Notes
↑Following Burger 1955 and Petrovici 1956. Similarly, Pope 1934 reconstructs phonemic palatalization for both Late Latin and Early Gallo-Roman (§§258, 268). Gouvert 2015 prefers a phonetic palatalization rule for Proto-Romance, e.g. /basiˈare/ [baˈsʲaːɾe] (p. 83).
↑All palatalized consonants except /s/ show at least some sign of gemination in Romance.[11]Gouvert 2015 assumes regular (phonetic) gemination of palatalized intervocalic /n l k/ to [ɲɲ ʎʎ cc] (pp. 95, 111, 115).
↑Per the cited sources, the ultimate outcome of /ɡn/ in most of Romance is /ɲ/. Exceptions include Balkan Romance and Dalmatian, where it yielded /mn/; Sardinian, where it yielded /nn/; and certain dialects of southern Italy, where it yielded /u̯n/ or /i̯n/.
↑De Dardel & Gaeng (1992:104) differ from Lausberg on the following points: 1) They believe that the genitive-dative case was limited to animate nouns. 2) They reconstruct a universal GEN-DAT.PL ending -orum. 3) They reconstruct, for class I nouns, a NOM.PL -ae, albeit in competition with -as per De Dardel & Wüest (1993:57). They are in agreement with Lausberg regarding the remaining inflections.
↑All comparatives inflected the same way. Further examples are peior, maior, minor, fortior, gentior; meaning 'worse, greater, lesser, stronger, nobler' Hall (1983:32, 120).
↑Nearly all of the below is per Van Den Bussche (1985), a critique of, and elaboration on, Hall (1983). Since the former does not discuss the inflections of essere 'to be', those have been taken unchanged from Hall (p. 55). Van Den Bussche leaves out the 1PL and 2PL inflections of vadere 'to go' because there was suppletion with forms of Latin ire, as indicated more explicitly by Maiden (1995:135).
Burger, André (1955). "Phonématique et diachronie a propos de la palatalisation des consonnes romanes" (in fr). Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure (Librairie Droz) (13): 19–33.
Chambon, Jean-Pierre (2013). "Notes sur un problème de la reconstruction phonétique et phonologique du protoroman: Le groupe */ɡn/". Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de ParisCVIII: 273–282.
De Dardel, R.; Gaeng, P. A. (1992). "La declinaison nominale du latin non classique: Essai d'une methode de synthese" (in fr). Probus4 (2): 91–125. doi:10.1515/prbs.1992.4.2.91.
De Dardel, R.; Wüest, Jakob (1993). "Les systèmes casuels du protoroman: Les deux cycles de simplification". Vox Romanica (52): 25–65.
Elcock, W. D. (1960). The Romance languages. London: Faber and Faber.
Ferguson, Thaddeus (1976). A history of the Romance vowel systems through paradigmatic reconstruction. Berlin: De Gruyter.
Gouvert, Xavier (2015). "Le système phonologique du protoroman: essai de reconstruction". Dictionnaire Étymologique Roman. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie. 381. De Gruyter. ISBN9783110453614.
Gouvert, Xavier (2016). "Du protoitalique au protoroman: deux problèmes de reconstruction phonologique". Dictionnaire Étymologique Roman 2. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie. 402. De Gruyter. pp. 27–51.
Grandgent, C. H. (1907). An introduction to Vulgar Latin. Boston: D.C. Heath & Co.
Hall, Robert Anderson (1976). Proto-Romance phonology. New York: Elsevier.
Hall, Robert Anderson (1983). Proto-Romance morphology. Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Lausberg, Heinrich (1970). Lingüística románica. I: Fonética. Madrid: Gredos.
Lausberg, Heinrich (1973). Lingüística románica. II: Morfología.. Madrid: Gredos.
Leppänen, V.; Alho, T. (2018). "On the mergers of Latin close-mid vowels". Transactions of the Philological Society116 (3): 460–483. doi:10.1111/1467-968X.12130.
Loporcaro, Michele (2015). Vowel length from Latin to Romance. Oxford University Press.
Lloyd, Paul M. (1987). From Latin to Spanish. Philadelphia: American Philological Society.
Lyons, Christopher (1986). "On the origin of the Old French strong-weak possessive distinction". Transactions of the Philological Society84 (1): 1–41. doi:10.1111/j.1467-968X.1986.tb01046.x.
Maiden, Marten (1995). A linguistic history of Italian. New York: Routledge.
Maiden, Martin (2016). "Diphthongization". in Ledgeway, Adam; Maiden, Martin. The Oxford guide to the Romance languages. Oxford University Press. pp. 647–57.
Maltby, Robert (2016). "Analytic and synthetic forms of the comparative and superlative from early to late Latin". Early and Late Latin: Continuity or Change?. Cambridge University Press. pp. 340–366.
Operstein, Natalie (2010). Consonant structure and prevocalization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Repetti, Lori (2016). "Chapter 39: Palatalization". in Ledgeway, Adam. The Oxford guide to the Romance languages. Oxford University Press. pp. 658–668.
Van Den Bussche, H. (1985). "Proto-Romance inflectional morphology. Review of Proto-Romance morphology by Robert Hall.". Lingua66 (2–3): 225–260. doi:10.1016/S0024-3841(85)90336-5.
Zampaulo, André (2019). Palatal sound change in the Romance languages: Diachronic and synchronic perspectives. Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics. 38. Oxford University Press. ISBN9780192534293.
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