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Israeli–Palestinian conflict

From Justapedia - Reading time: 33 min



Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Part of the Arab–Israeli conflict
Occupied Palestinian Territories.jpg
Situation in the Israeli-occupied territories, as of December 2011, per the United Nations OCHA.[2]
See here for a more detailed and updated map.
DateLate 19th / early 20th century – present
Location
Status Ongoing
Territorial
changes
Since 1967:
Belligerents

 Israel and Zionist predecessors:
Pre–1948:

Yishuv

1948–present:
State of Israel

State of Palestine Palestinians:
Pre–1948:

1948–present:
1948:

1949–1956:

1964–2005:

2007–present:

Casualties and losses
9,901–10,239 killed 104,701–110,887 killed

More than 700,000 Palestinians displaced[3] with a further 413,000 Palestinians displaced in the Six-Day War;[4] 2,000+ Jews displaced in 1948[5]
6,373 Israeli[6] and 13,000–16,000 Palestinian deaths in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War.[7]
654 Israeli[8] and 19,085 Palestinian and Lebanese deaths in the 1982 Lebanon War in addition to 800–3,500 in the Sabra-Shatila massacre.[9]
1,962 Palestinians[10]
and 179–200 Israeli deaths[11] in the First Intifada.
1,010 Israelis[12] and 3,179–3,354 Palestinian deaths in the Second Intifada.[12]
402 Palestinians were killed in the 2006 Gazao–Israel conflict.[13]
1,116[14]–1,417[15] Palestinian deaths in the Gaza War (2008–2009).
2,125–2,310 Palestinian deaths in the 2014 Gaza War.[16]
285 Palestinian and 17 Israeli deaths in the 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis.[17]

As of 28 June 2025, at least 63,617+[18][19] Palestinians and 1,985+ Israelis killed in the Gaza war with a further 1,900,000 Palestinians displaced within Gaza[20] and 135,000 Israeli evacuees.[21] Indirect deaths[f] likely to be several times higher than those killed by violence,[23] with estimates for total Palestinian deaths in the Gaza war are between 186,000[24]– 335,500[g]

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is a protracted struggle over land, sovereignty, national identity, and political control in the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River. Its roots lie in the rise of competing nationalist movements, specifically Zionism and Arab nationalism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The conflict has evolved through periods of mass displacement, regional war, occupation, terrorism, and contested statehood.[26][27]

In the contemporary period the conflict centers on disputes over borders, the status of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements, Palestinian statehood, security, and the rights of refugees and civilians under occupation, and it has produced repeated cycles of large-scale violence affecting both Israelis and Palestinians.

Overview[edit | edit source]

A major actor in the conflict is Hamas, an Islamist movement founded in 1987 and designated as a terrorist organization by Israel, the United States, the European Union, and other states. Hamas’s original 1988 Covenant presents the conflict as a religious war, calls for the destruction of Israel, and invokes antisemitic conspiracy themes while denying any negotiated political solution in favor of armed struggle.[28] Over the years Hamas and other militant groups have carried out suicide bombings, rocket attacks, and cross-border raids targeting Israeli civilians, while Israel has launched major military operations in Gaza and the West Bank that it describes as efforts to degrade militant capabilities and protect its population.[29]

The October 7 attack on Israel in 2023, where militants crossed from Gaza into southern Israel and killed and abducted hundreds of civilians, marked one of the deadliest single days for Jews since The Holocaust and triggered an unprecedented Israeli military campaign in the Gaza Strip and along other fronts.[30] Hamas' actions are seen by some scholars as genocidal,[31] with Wikipedia accused of antisemitism over its biased coverage of the events[32][33] – after it had been accused of such in 2023.[34][35]

In the aftermath of these operations, and building on long-standing critiques that characterize Israel as a settler-colonial state, some states, human-rights organizations, and scholars have argued that Israeli policies and repeated military campaigns against Palestinians, including the Nakba, the Sabra and Shatila massacre, the blockade of the Gaza Strip, the 2014 Gaza War, and the destruction in Gaza during 2023–2024, amount to genocide or reveal genocidal intent.[36][37][38][39][40][41]

Israel and a number of legal analysts reject the genocide characterization, arguing that its actions are directed against organizations such as Hamas within an armed conflict and that, while Palestinian civilians have suffered extensive harm, the legal threshold of genocide is not met under the 1948 Genocide Convention.[42][43] These disputes have become a central legal and diplomatic front in the conflict, exemplified by proceedings such as South Africa’s 2023 case against Israel before the International Court of Justice.[44]

Origins of the conflict[edit | edit source]

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict began in the late 19th and early 20th centuries with the emergence of Zionism, a Jewish nationalist movement advocating for a homeland in Palestine, and Arab nationalism, which sought Arab sovereignty in the region.[45] The 1917 Balfour Declaration, issued by the British government, endorsed a "national home for the Jewish people" in Palestine, escalating tensions with the Arab population under British control.[46] Palestinian Arab nationalism gained momentum in the 1920s, particularly after the Franco-Syrian War, leading to efforts to establish an Arab state and resist Jewish immigration.[45] Violence erupted in the 1920 Nebi Musa riots, 1921 Jaffa riots, and 1929 Palestine riots, resulting in significant casualties and prompting the formation of Jewish paramilitary groups like the Haganah.[47]

The 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, led by figures like Haj Amin al-Husseini and Izz ad-Din al-Qassam, opposed British policies and Jewish immigration, resulting in thousands of Arab casualties and the exile of key leaders after British suppression.[48] The 1937 Peel Commission proposed partitioning Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, accepted by some Jewish leaders but rejected by Arab leadership.[49][50] Tensions persisted into the 1940s, culminating in the 1947 UN Resolution 181(II), which recommended dividing Palestine into Jewish and Arab states.[51][52] The plan triggered widespread violence, including attacks by the Arab Liberation Army and Palestinian militias, countered by Jewish forces like the Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi.[45] In later decades, groups like Hamas, founded in 1987 and designated a terrorist organization by several countries, explicitly called for Israel’s destruction in its original charter, contributing to ongoing conflict.[53]

Key historical events[edit | edit source]

The 1948 Arab–Israeli War began after Israel’s declaration of independence on 14 May 1948, when the Arab League intervened on behalf of Palestinian Arabs, invading former British Palestine.[52] The conflict resulted in approximately 15,000 casualties, ending with 1949 armistice agreements that left Israel controlling most of the former Mandate territory, Jordan annexing the West Bank, and Egypt occupying the Gaza Strip, where the All-Palestine Government was established but later abandoned by Egypt in 1959.[48] Through the 1950s, Jordan and Egypt supported Palestinian Fedayeen attacks on Israel, prompting Israeli reprisal operations. The 1956 Suez Crisis led to a brief Israeli occupation of Gaza, followed by withdrawal.[52]

In 1964, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), led by Yasser Arafat, was founded, gaining Arab League support.[52] The 1967 Six-Day War saw Israel capture the West Bank and Gaza Strip, fueling Palestinian nationalism.[45] The PLO, based in Jordan, faced defeat in the 1970 Jordanian–Palestinian civil war, relocating to Lebanon and establishing "Fatahland".[45] In the 1970s, Palestinian militants launched attacks on Israel from Lebanon, including the 1978 Coastal Road massacre, prompting Israel’s Operation Litani and the 1982 Lebanon War, which expelled the PLO to Tunisia.[48]

The First Intifada (1987–1993) erupted over ongoing occupation, leading to the 1993 Oslo Accords, which established the Palestinian National Authority in parts of the West Bank and Gaza.[45] Hamas, a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction, opposed the peace process and launched attacks, contributing to the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin by an Israeli extremist.[53][45] The Second Intifada (2000–2005) caused significant casualties, followed by Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from Gaza, though the United Nations and others consider Israel the occupying power due to control over Gaza’s borders and airspace.[54][55]

In 2006, Hamas won the 2006 Palestinian legislative election, rejecting Israel’s right to exist and prior agreements, prompting Israeli economic sanctions.[56] Hamas seized control of Gaza in 2007 after the Battle of Gaza (2007), leading to Israel’s blockade, supported by Egypt.[57] The 2008–2009 Operation Cast Lead aimed to stop Hamas rocket attacks, resulting in significant civilian casualties and a ceasefire.[58] Sporadic violence, including Hamas rocket attacks and Israeli airstrikes, continued, with Palestine gaining UN non-member observer status in 2012.[59][60]

Peace efforts[edit | edit source]

The Oslo Accords of 1993, signed by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) leader Yasser Arafat, aimed to establish peace by gradually transferring control of Palestinian territories to the PLO in exchange for security guarantees and recognition of Israel’s right to exist.[45] The accords led to the creation of the Palestinian National Authority, but progress stalled after the 1995 assassination of Rabin by an Israeli extremist and ongoing attacks by Hamas, a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction, which opposed the peace process.[53][45]

In July 2000, the Camp David Summit, convened by US President Bill Clinton, sought a final peace agreement between Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Barak proposed a Palestinian state on 87–92% of the West Bank, including parts of East Jerusalem and all of Gaza, with no right of return to Israel and continued Israeli control over key areas.[61][62] Arafat rejected the offer without presenting a counterproposal, leading to the summit’s failure.[61][63][64] Clinton attributed the collapse to Arafat’s refusal to engage.[65] The Mitchell Report of 2001 recommended dismantling Israeli settlements and curbing Palestinian militant activity to revive negotiations, but violence, including Hamas-led attacks, continued to undermine peace efforts.[66]

Later peace attempts[edit | edit source]

Following the failed 2000 Camp David Summit, negotiations continued in 2000 to address unresolved issues, but the outbreak of the Second Intifada in September delayed progress.[62] In December 2000, US President Bill Clinton proposed the Clinton Parameters, offering a Palestinian state in Gaza and 94–96% of the West Bank, with land swaps, Palestinian sovereignty over the Temple Mount, Israeli control of the Western Wall, and a limited right of return to the Palestinian state.[62][67] Both sides accepted the plan with reservations, leading to the January 2001 Taba Summit, where progress was made but no agreement was reached before Israeli elections halted talks.[62][68]

In 2002, the Quartet on the Middle East proposed the Road map for peace, aiming to halt Israeli settlement expansion and Palestinian violence, but neither goal was achieved, stalling the initiative.[69][70] The Arab Peace Initiative, introduced by Saudi Arabia in 2002 and reaffirmed in 2007, offered normalized relations with Israel in exchange for withdrawal from occupied territories, a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, and a solution for Palestinian refugees.[71] Israel expressed reservations over issues like refugees and Jerusalem, and no agreement was reached.[72][73] Ongoing violence, including attacks by Hamas, a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction, continued to undermine peace efforts.[53]

Ongoing challenges[edit | edit source]

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict remains unresolved, with the two-state solution facing obstacles from ongoing violence and settlement expansion.[74] Israel’s settlement growth in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, has been criticized by the European Union and United Nations for undermining peace prospects, with 2011–2012 reports noting settler violence as a barrier to negotiations.[75][76]

Hamas, a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction, has continued attacks, including rocket fire from Gaza, prompting Israeli military responses.[53] A 2014 Amnesty International report alleged Israeli forces used excessive force in the West Bank, causing Palestinian casualties, though Israel stated it adhered to professional standards and investigated misconduct.[77][78] Demographic shifts, with Jews and Arabs each comprising roughly half the population in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza, complicate the two-state framework.[79]

Incitement and propaganda[edit | edit source]

Israeli and Palestinian media and textbooks have faced accusations of promoting hostility, with Palestinian materials criticized by the European Union for antisemitic content and Israeli materials accused of minimizing Palestinian historical ties.[80][81] Hamas, a terrorist organization, has contributed to tensions by glorifying attacks on Israelis.[53][60]

Palestinian statehood efforts[edit | edit source]

The Palestine Liberation Organization has pursued UN recognition for a Palestinian state based on 1967 borders, gaining non-member observer state status in 2012 but failing to secure full membership due to US and Israeli objections over bypassing bilateral talks.[82][83] Israeli settlement expansion has been cited as a barrier to these efforts.[84]

Key disputes[edit | edit source]

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is driven by mutual distrust, fueled by unilateral actions and violence.[85] Support for Hamas, a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction, raises Israeli security concerns, while Israel’s settlement expansion in the West Bank undermines Palestinian confidence in peace efforts.[53][75]

Jerusalem[edit | edit source]

Jerusalem’s control is a core dispute, with Israel and Palestinians both claiming the city.[86] Israel administers Jerusalem as its capital following the 1967 Six-Day War and the 1980 Jerusalem Law, but most UN members and the International Court of Justice view East Jerusalem as occupied territory.[86][87][88] Palestinians seek East Jerusalem as their future state’s capital.[84] Proposals at the 2000 Camp David Summit and Taba Summits to divide Jerusalem’s Arab and Jewish areas failed to resolve the issue.[62]

Holy sites[edit | edit source]

Both sides express concerns over access to religious sites under the other’s control.[89] Israel cites restricted Jewish access to the Western Wall under past Jordanian control, while Palestinians raise issues about Muslim and Christian sites, including the Al-Aqsa Mosque, under Israeli administration.[89][90] Israel grants the Muslim Waqf autonomy over the Temple Mount, but tensions persist due to extremist acts, including by Hamas, which promotes violence against Israel, and Jewish extremists monitored by Israeli authorities.[89][53][91][60]

Palestinian refugees[edit | edit source]

The Palestinian refugee issue stems from displacements during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War and 1967 Six-Day War, with an estimated 711,000 Palestinians displaced in 1948 and 350,000–400,000 in 1967.[92][93] As of 2023, over 5.9 million descendants are registered with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).[94] Palestinians claim a right of return or compensation, citing UN General Assembly Resolution 194, while Israel argues that such a return would threaten its demographic stability and that Arab states’ refusal to grant citizenship exacerbates refugee conditions.[95][96] Negotiations, including the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, have proposed limited returns or compensation, but no agreement has been reached.[71]

Israeli security concerns[edit | edit source]

Palestinian militant attacks, including suicide bombings and rocket fire from Gaza by groups like Hamas, a terrorist organization committed to Israel’s destruction, have targeted Israeli civilians and military, raising significant security concerns.[53][97] Israel’s responses, including the West Bank Barrier constructed in 2003, reduced attacks by approximately 90%, though Palestinians argue these measures restrict movement and economic activity.[98][78] Since 2007, cooperation with U.S.-trained Palestinian Authority forces has helped curb violence in the West Bank, though intra-Palestinian conflicts, such as Hamas-Fatah clashes, complicate security efforts.[99][100]

Territorial control and statehood[edit | edit source]

The Oslo Accords divided the West Bank into Areas A, B, and C, granting the Palestinian Authority control over cities (Area A) and civil administration in parts (Area B), while Israel retains security control in Area B and full control in Area C.[101] Israel controls all border crossings, citing security needs to regulate materials and persons, while Palestinians argue this restricts economic viability and sovereignty.[101][78] The fragmented areas, unchanged by later agreements like the Wye River and Sharm el-Sheikh Memoranda, hinder Palestinian statehood efforts, which Israel views as unilateral and inconsistent with the Oslo framework.[84][71] Negotiations have failed to resolve these disputes, with Palestinians seeking a contiguous state and Israel prioritizing security control.[85]

Map of West Bank Areas A, B, and C under the Oslo Accords, showing Palestinian and Israeli control]] The Oslo Accords divided the West Bank into Areas A, B, and C, granting the Palestinian Authority control over cities (Area A) and civil administration in parts (Area B), while Israel retains security control in Area B and full control in Area C.[101] Israel controls all border crossings, citing security needs to regulate materials and persons, while Palestinians argue this restricts economic viability and sovereignty.[101][78] The fragmented areas, unchanged by later agreements like the Wye River and Sharm el-Sheikh Memoranda, hinder Palestinian statehood efforts, which Israel views as unilateral and inconsistent with the Oslo framework.[84][71] Negotiations have failed to resolve these disputes, with Palestinians seeking a contiguous state and Israel prioritizing security control.[85]

Water resources[edit | edit source]

Control over water resources, including shared aquifers and the Jordan River system, is a key dispute, with Israel drawing significant water from these sources while supplying the West Bank with part of its needs.[102] The Oslo II Accord established a Joint Water Committee to manage usage, but Palestinians argue Israeli restrictions limit access, hindering agriculture and daily life, while Israel cites security and resource sustainability concerns.[101][78] International aid supports water infrastructure, but disputes over equitable distribution persist in negotiations.[102]

West Bank occupation[edit | edit source]

The West Bank, which came under Israeli control in the 1967 Six-Day War, is a core dispute, with the UN and Palestinians calling it occupied territory, while Israel terms it disputed, citing unclear pre-1967 sovereignty.[103][85] Israel annexed East Jerusalem in 1980, a move unrecognized by most UN members, and maintains control over most of the West Bank, arguing security and historical claims.[86][87] Palestinians seek the entire West Bank and Gaza for a state, viewing Israeli control as a barrier to sovereignty.[84] Negotiations, including Camp David 2000 and the Arab Peace Initiative, proposed land swaps but failed to resolve the status, with Hamas opposing any compromise.[62][71][104]

Settlements[edit | edit source]

Israeli settlements in the West Bank, housing over 600,000 settlers in Area C by 2023, are a major dispute, deemed illegal by most UN members.[85][105] Palestinians argue settlements fragment their territory, hindering statehood, while Israel views them as strategic and tied to historical claims.[75][78] Negotiations, including the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, have proposed land swaps to address settlement blocs, but no agreement has been reached.[71][106]

Gaza Strip blockade[edit | edit source]

Israel’s blockade of Gaza, intensified after Hamas’s 2007 takeover, is a core dispute, with Israel citing security needs to counter rocket attacks and arms smuggling by Hamas, a terrorist organization.[53][85] Palestinians argue the blockade causes humanitarian crises, restricting goods, movement, and economic activity.[107][108] International efforts, including easing measures in 2010, have not resolved the dispute, with Hamas’s opposition to peace complicating negotiations.[71][104]

West Bank barrier[edit | edit source]

The West Bank barrier, constructed by Israel in 2003, is a key dispute, reducing militant attacks by about 90% but restricting Palestinian movement and economic activity.[98][78] Palestinians argue the barrier fragments their territory, hindering statehood, while Israel cites security needs against groups like Hamas, a terrorist organization.[108][53] Negotiations have failed to resolve disputes over the barrier’s route and impact.[85]

Mutual recognition[edit | edit source]

Mutual recognition is a core dispute, with Israel recognizing the PLO as the Palestinian representative since the 1993 Oslo Accords, while some Palestinian groups, including Hamas, a terrorist organization, refuse to recognize Israel’s legitimacy.[53][101] Palestinians argue Israeli restrictions on political and economic freedoms hinder acceptance of Israel, while Israel cites ongoing militant violence and incitement as barriers to recognizing Palestinian statehood.[85][108] Negotiations, including the Oslo process, have failed to resolve these issues.[104]

Societal attitudes[edit | edit source]

Societal attitudes fuel the conflict, with many Palestinians supporting armed struggle as a means to end Israeli control, while Israelis cite widespread Palestinian incitement, often promoted by Hamas, a terrorist organization, as a barrier to peace.[85][53][109] Palestinians view Israeli policies, including settlements and restrictions, as undermining trust, while Israel highlights its security measures against violence.[108] These attitudes complicate negotiations for coexistence.[104]

Fatalities[edit | edit source]

Fatalities are a core aspect of the conflict, with approximately 14,500 Palestinians and Israelis killed between 1948 and 2020, including significant losses during the First (1987–1993) and Second (2000–2005) Intifadas and Gaza conflicts involving Hamas.[85][110] Palestinians report higher casualties, particularly civilians, due to Israeli military operations, while Israel cites losses from militant attacks.[110][107] Disparities in casualty figures and their causes remain contested, complicating peace efforts.[104]

See also[edit | edit source]

Explanatory notes[edit | edit source]

  1. ^ The 1949–1956 Palestinian fedayeen insurgency culminated in the 1956 Suez Crisis.
  2. ^ The Palestinian Authority was created by and is ultimately accountable to the PLO (see Palestinian Authority#Government and politics). Under the administration of Mahmoud Abbas (2005–present), the PA has coordinated security with Israel and worked to suppress anti-Israel militants.[1]
  3. ^ During the First Intifada.
  4. ^ Under the administration of Mahmoud Abbas (2005–present), the PA has coordinated security with Israel and worked to suppress anti-Israel militants.[1]
  5. ^ Consists of the armed wings of Hamas and allied Palestinian militant organizations.
  6. ^ In addition to direct deaths, armed conflicts result in indirect deaths "attributable to the conflict". Mortality due to indirect deaths could be due to a variety of causes, such as infectious diseases.[22]
  7. ^ estimate for year end 2024[25]

References[edit | edit source]

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  3. ^ Morris 2004, pp. 602–604
  4. ^ Brown, Jeremy (2003). Six Days: How the 1967 War Shaped the Middle East. Simon & Schuster, 2012. ISBN 978-1-4711-1475-5. UNRWA put the figure at 413000
  5. ^ Dumper, Michael (1997). The Politics of Jerusalem Since 1967. Columbia University Press. p. 67. ISBN 9780585388717.
  6. ^ Garfinkle, Adam M. (2000). Politics and Society in Modern Israel: Myths and Realities. M. E. Sharpe. p. 61. ISBN 978-0-7656-0514-6.
  7. ^ Laurens, Henry (2005). La question de Palestine [The Question of Palestine] (in French). Fayard. p. 194. ISBN 9789953455211. Retrieved 4 October 2024.
  8. ^ Uri Ben-Eliezer, War over Peace: One Hundred Years of Israel's Militaristic Nationalism, University of California Press (2019)
  9. ^ "The 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon: the casualties". Race & Class. 24 (4): 340–343. 1983. doi:10.1177/030639688302400404. S2CID 220910633.
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  11. ^ Nasrallah, Nami (2013). "The First and Second Palestinian intifadas". In Newman, David; Peters, Joel (eds.). Routledge Handbook on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Routledge. pp. 56–68. ISBN 978-0-415-77862-6.
  12. ^ a b "Fatalities since the outbreak of the second intifada and until operation "Cast Lead"". B'Tselem. Archived from the original on 2010-07-01.
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  29. ^ Gelvin, James (2014). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (3 ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 233–240. ISBN 978-0-521-85289-0.
  30. ^ Kingsley, Patrick (10 November 2023). "How the Hamas Attack Unfolded". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 2023-11-15. Retrieved 27 November 2025.
  31. ^ Shalev, Avraham Russell (August 10, 2025). "Hamas' October 7th Genocide: Legal Analysis and the Weaponization of Reverse Accusations: A Study in Modern Genocide Recognition and Denial". Israel Law Review. doi:10.2139/ssrn.5183482. Retrieved September 29, 2025. Drawing on international case law, the analysis demonstrates how Hamas' actions meet both the physical element and specific intent requirements for genocide, evidenced by its ideology, systematic policies, and leadership statements. The paper also examines how reverse accusations of genocide against Israel have functioned as a rhetorical shield to deflect recognition of Hamas' own genocidal actions.
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  33. ^
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