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United Russia Единая Россия | |
|---|---|
| Chairman | Dmitry Medvedev[1] |
| Secretary-General | Andrey Turchak |
| Parliamentary Leader | Vladimir Vasilyev |
| Founders | |
| Founded | 1 December 2001 |
| Merger of | |
| Headquarters | 39th Building, Kutuzovsky Prospekt, Moscow, Russia. 121170[2] |
| Youth wing | Young Guard of United Russia[3] |
| Membership (2013) | 2,073,772[4] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Big tent[A] |
| National affiliation | All-Russia People's Front |
| Colours | White, Blue, Red (Russian national colors) |
| Seats in the Federation Council[12] | 142 / 170 |
| Seats in the State Duma | 325 / 450 |
| Governors | 58 / 85 |
| Seats in the Regional Parliaments | 2,849 / 3,980 |
| Ministers | 20 / 31 |
United Russia (Russian: Единая Россия, tr. Yedinaya Rossiya, IPA: [(j)ɪˈdʲinəjə rɐˈsʲijə]) is a political party in the Russian Federation. Russia is constitutionally defined as a federal semi-presidential republic providing for multiparty elections, a directly elected president, and a bicameral legislature known as the Federal Assembly. Within that constitutional framework, United Russia has functioned since the early 2000s as the principal governing party aligned with the presidency and formally describes its ideology as "Russian conservatism," emphasizing state sovereignty, political stability, and continuity with national historical and cultural institutions.[13][14]
Formed in December 2001 through the merger of Unity and Fatherland – All Russia, the party consolidated pro-executive political factions during a period of post-Soviet centralization under President Vladimir Putin. Since the 2003 State Duma elections, it has held the largest bloc of seats in the lower house of parliament and has maintained a constitutional majority since 2007 according to official results certified by the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation and reported by the Inter-Parliamentary Union.[15][16]
Elections in the Russian Federation are conducted under domestic constitutional and electoral law and are officially certified by national authorities. International observation missions, including those associated with the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), have issued documented assessments in various election cycles identifying procedural and structural concerns, while Russian authorities have rejected allegations of systemic irregularities and maintain that elections comply with national law.[17]
United Russia emerged during a period of political fragmentation in the Russian Federation following the constitutional crisis of the 1990s and the transition from the presidency of Boris Yeltsin to Vladimir Putin. During the 1990s, the State Duma was characterized by shifting party blocs, regional political movements, and coalition instability, which limited the executive branch's ability to rely on a consistent parliamentary majority.[15][18]
In 1999, the pro-government political movement Unity was formed to support then-Prime Minister Putin in the parliamentary elections held later that year. Unity competed against the established Communist Party of the Russian Federation and other regional blocs, securing a significant parliamentary presence and aligning closely with the presidential administration.[15] In 2001, Unity merged with the political movement Fatherland – All Russia to create United Russia, consolidating pro-executive forces into a single national party organization.[15]
The formation of United Russia coincided with broader efforts to centralize federal authority, including reforms affecting regional governance and party registration requirements. By the time of the 2003 State Duma elections, the party had positioned itself as the primary legislative supporter of the presidency, securing the largest bloc of seats and establishing the foundation for sustained parliamentary control.[18][15]
Although Unity was initially formed as an electoral bloc to compete in the 1999 State Duma elections, its unexpectedly strong performance altered its trajectory. Following the election, senior political organizers and state-aligned officials moved to transform the temporary electoral movement into a permanent national party structure capable of providing consistent parliamentary support to the executive branch.[15]
Independent deputies elected in single-member districts were encouraged to affiliate with the Unity parliamentary delegation, increasing its legislative weight and reinforcing its position within the State Duma. Members of the rival bloc Fatherland – All Russia (OVR), including its leader Yury Luzhkov, subsequently entered negotiations toward unification in order to consolidate pro-executive forces within a single organizational framework.[15]
During the 1999–2000 electoral cycle, political messaging associated with the emerging party shifted away from the ideological confrontation between communism and capitalism that had characterized much of the 1990s. Campaign rhetoric instead emphasized stability, restoration of state authority and administrative coherence following a decade marked by economic volatility, fiscal crisis and regional fragmentation. Scholars have noted that this emphasis on order and continuity resonated with segments of the electorate seeking predictability after the institutional turbulence of the post-Soviet transition.[19]
In April 2001, leaders of Unity and OVR issued a joint declaration initiating the merger process. A founding congress was held in July 2001 under the name Union of Unity and Fatherland, and by December 2001 the organization formally adopted the title All-Russian Party of Unity and Fatherland, widely known as United Russia.[20]
The 2003 State Duma elections marked a decisive institutional shift in the relationship between the presidency and parliament. United Russia secured the largest bloc of seats in the State Duma, enabling the executive branch to rely on a stable and predictable legislative majority rather than negotiating shifting coalitions as had frequently occurred during the 1990s.[18][15]
During the presidency of Boris Yeltsin, the absence of a disciplined governing majority had often compelled the executive to rely on presidential decrees to implement major policy initiatives. The 1993 Constitution granted the president broad decree authority, and this power was used extensively during periods of legislative resistance or fragmentation.[18] By contrast, once United Russia consolidated its parliamentary strength after 2003, the need for routine reliance on decree governance diminished. Legislative passage rates increased substantially, and major reforms were enacted through formal parliamentary procedure rather than executive fiat.[18]
Between 1996 and 1999, a significant proportion of legislation adopted by the Duma required negotiation across factional lines and often stalled. After 2003, however, the governing majority enabled the passage of structural reforms including tax restructuring, changes to labor law, revisions to land codes and administrative reforms affecting federal and regional authority.[18][19] Supporters characterized this period as one of institutional stabilization and economic consolidation following the volatility of the previous decade, while critics argued that the growing alignment between party and executive reduced meaningful parliamentary pluralism.[15]
In the 2007 State Duma elections, United Russia secured a constitutional supermajority, obtaining more than two-thirds of the seats in the lower chamber.[16] Under Russian constitutional law, such a threshold permits the adoption of certain constitutional amendments and reduces the governing party's dependence on smaller factions for high-level legislative initiatives. This supermajority further institutionalized United Russia's role as the principal parliamentary vehicle of the presidency.[18]
The presidential election of 2008 marked the first formal leadership transition since the consolidation of United Russia's parliamentary dominance. Because the Constitution limited presidents to two consecutive terms, Vladimir Putin did not seek immediate re-election and instead supported the candidacy of Dmitry Medvedev, who was nominated with the backing of United Russia and other aligned political organizations.[19] Medvedev won the election with a substantial majority of the vote, and shortly after assuming office he nominated Putin as Prime Minister, creating what Russian political commentators described as a "tandem" leadership structure.[15]
Although Putin accepted the position of chairman of United Russia in 2008, he did not formally join the party as a registered member. This arrangement preserved the constitutional distinction between the presidency and party membership while maintaining close alignment between the executive and the governing parliamentary majority.[15] Unlike the Soviet-era Communist Party of the Soviet Union, where party membership was structurally fused with state leadership, the Russian constitutional framework retained a formal separation between state office and party organization, even as political alignment remained pronounced.[9]
During this period, United Russia continued to dominate federal and regional legislatures. Regional elections in 2009 resulted in strong performances for the party across multiple jurisdictions.[21] Opposition groups and election monitoring organizations raised concerns regarding campaign access, media exposure and allegations of administrative pressure, while federal authorities rejected claims of systemic fraud and certified the results in accordance with electoral law.[21]
Public opinion polling during 2009–2011 indicated that support for United Russia fluctuated in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. Surveys conducted during this period showed periods of declining approval ratings followed by partial recovery, reflecting economic conditions and shifting public perceptions of governance performance.[22]
In 2011, at the party's congress ahead of the 2012 presidential election, Medvedev publicly supported Putin's return to the presidency, while Putin endorsed Medvedev's leadership of the party list for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The arrangement reaffirmed the central role of United Russia as the primary electoral vehicle associated with the executive branch.[15]
The return of Vladimir Putin to the presidency in 2012 occurred amid large public demonstrations in Moscow and other urban centers following the 2011 State Duma elections. Protest participants alleged electoral irregularities and called for political reforms, while federal authorities rejected claims of systemic fraud and certified the election results.[23][17] The episode marked one of the most visible periods of organized political dissent during United Russia's tenure as the dominant parliamentary party.
In May 2012, Dmitry Medvedev was elected chairman of United Russia, formalizing his leadership role within the party after serving as president. Under his chairmanship, the party continued to function as the principal legislative support structure for the executive branch while also seeking to broaden its internal policy platforms and regional outreach.[9]
The 2016 State Duma elections resulted in United Russia retaining a constitutional supermajority. International observers again reported concerns regarding the electoral environment, including media access and administrative neutrality, while acknowledging that voting procedures on election day were generally organized in accordance with established procedures.[17] Russian authorities maintained that the election reflected the will of voters and complied with national law.
In the 2021 State Duma elections, United Russia retained a constitutional supermajority despite pre-election polling indicating lower approval ratings than in earlier cycles.[16] Analytical reports from research institutions described allegations of irregularities and administrative pressure, while the Central Election Commission certified the results and dismissed claims of systemic manipulation.[24] Certified results compiled by the Inter-Parliamentary Union state that the party secured 326 of 450 seats for the 2021–2026 term, down from 343 in 2016.[16] Initial projections indicated 324 mandates; two deputies elected as independents subsequently joined the United Russia faction, raising its total to 326 seats.[16] Throughout this period, scholars have attributed the party's organizational durability to institutional stability and administrative continuity, while critics have characterized its sustained dominance as reinforced by structural features of Russia's electoral framework and media environment.[15][9][25] Reporting by Interfax indicated that the State Duma adopted 564 federal laws in 2024, reflecting continued legislative activity under the existing parliamentary configuration.[26]
United Russia's organizational structure is defined by its party charter,[27] and is built around a hierarchical system consisting of the Party Congress, the Supreme Council, the General Council, and a nationwide network of regional and local branches.[15][9] The Party Congress functions as the highest governing authority and is responsible for adopting amendments to the charter, approving federal candidate lists for State Duma elections, and electing senior party organs. Congresses are convened periodically and serve both as formal decision-making assemblies and as public demonstrations of party unity and leadership alignment.[9]
Between congresses, strategic direction is exercised by the Supreme Council, which defines long-term political priorities and supervises the development of party policy.[9] The Supreme Council is chaired by a senior political figure and operates as a coordinating body linking national leadership with regional elites. Its role is distinct from the General Council, which serves as the primary operational organ responsible for day-to-day political management, electoral coordination, and implementation of party programs across federal subjects.[28]
The General Council, supported by its Presidium, oversees candidate selection processes, campaign organization, and coordination with regional branches.[28] This structure allows United Russia to maintain centralized control over messaging and electoral strategy while simultaneously operating an extensive territorial infrastructure. Scholars have identified this organizational breadth as a key factor contributing to the party's capacity to sustain dominance across multiple electoral cycles.[15]
In April 2008, the party amended its charter to formalize the post of Chairman of the Party as a supreme elective office, shortly before Vladimir Putin assumed that position after completing his second presidential term.[29] The creation of this role institutionalized the close association between the party's leadership and the federal executive branch while maintaining formal distinctions between party membership and state office. Analysts have interpreted this development as reinforcing the party's function as a legislative support mechanism for presidential authority rather than as an autonomous ideological organization.[15]
At the regional level, United Russia maintains party organizations in all federal subjects of the Russian Federation and operates thousands of primary offices.[9] This territorial structure facilitates mobilization in single-member constituencies, coordination of proportional party-list campaigns, and alignment with regional executive authorities. Political scientists have observed that such integration between party organization and state-administrative networks contributes to the durability of dominant governing parties within hybrid political systems.[15][28]
Elections to the State Duma are conducted under a mixed electoral system in which 225 deputies are elected in single-member districts and 225 are elected by proportional representation from party lists, with a 5 percent threshold for representation. Analysts have noted that this electoral formula, combined with administrative control over election management institutions, confers a structural advantage on the governing party.[25]
| Election | Leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Rank | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2003 | Boris Gryzlov | 22,779,279 | 37.57 | 223 / 450
|
Increase 122[a] | Increase 1st | Majority |
| 2007 | 44,714,241 | 64.30 | 315 / 450
|
Increase 92 | Steady 1st | Supermajority | |
| 2011 | Vladimir Putin | 32,379,135 | 49.32 | 238 / 450
|
Decrease 77 | Steady 1st | Majority |
| 2016 | Dmitry Medvedev | 28,527,828 | 54.20 | 343 / 450
|
Increase 105 | Steady 1st | Supermajority |
| 2021 | Sergey Shoigu | 28,064,258 | 49.82 | 326 / 450
|
Decrease 19 | Steady 1st | Supermajority |
United Russia has secured either a majority or constitutional supermajority in every State Duma election since 2003. A constitutional supermajority in the 450-seat chamber requires at least 300 seats, permitting the passage of federal constitutional laws and certain amendments without reliance on coalition partners. Variations in vote share across election cycles reflect shifts in turnout, party-list performance and single-member district outcomes within the mixed electoral system.[25]
In 2004, Vladimir Putin was registered as a self-nominated candidate. In 2018 he again ran as an independent while receiving public support from pro-Kremlin political structures including United Russia.[30][31] In 2024, Russia's Central Election Commission registered Putin as an independent candidate for the March 15–17 election, which he won according to official results reported by Reuters.[32][33][a]
| Election | Candidate | First round | Second round | Result | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | |||
| 2004 | Supported Vladimir Putin[a] | 49,565,238 | 71.31 | Won | ||
| 2008 | Dmitry Medvedev | 52,530,712 | 70.28 | Won | ||
| 2012 | Vladimir Putin | 46,602,075 | 63.60 | Won | ||
| 2018 | Supported Vladimir Putin[a] | 56,430,712 | 76.69 | Won | ||
| 2024 | Supported Vladimir Putin[33][a] | 76,277,708 | 87.28 | Won | ||
The Federal Assembly is the national legislature of the Russian Federation and consists of two chambers: the State Duma, the lower house, and the Federation Council, the upper house. Deputies to the State Duma are elected through a mixed electoral system, while members of the Federation Council are appointed by regional executive and legislative authorities in accordance with federal law.[25]
Following the 2021 elections (see Electoral results table above), United Russia holds 326 of the 450 seats in the State Duma, making it the largest parliamentary faction.[16][16] A simple majority requires 226 deputies, while a constitutional majority requires at least 300 seats. United Russia's representation therefore exceeds both thresholds for the 2021–2026 term.[16]
United Russia deputies hold a majority of committee chairmanships and key leadership positions within the chamber, including the office of Speaker of the State Duma, currently held by Vyacheslav Volodin.[34]
The Federation Council does not operate on the basis of formal party factions in the same manner as the State Duma. Senators are appointed by regional authorities and serve as representatives of federal subjects rather than as members of party delegations. While many Federation Council members are politically aligned with United Russia, the chamber's procedural rules do not formally organize senators by party affiliation.[18]
United Russia has reported membership figures in the millions since the mid-2000s, making it one of the largest political parties in Europe by formal enrollment. Scholarly analyses have noted that the party's membership base includes a substantial share of public-sector employees, regional administrators and individuals whose professional roles are connected to state institutions.[15][35]
United Russia formally describes its ideological orientation as "Russian conservatism," a doctrine emphasizing state sovereignty, political stability, national continuity and the preservation of historical and cultural institutions.[9][8] Party documents and public statements have framed this orientation as a rejection of both radical left-wing and radical right-wing ideological models, presenting the party instead as a centrist force prioritizing institutional order and gradual reform.[20]
Since the mid-2000s, senior political figures associated with the presidential administration have advanced the concept of "sovereign democracy," describing a model of governance adapted to Russia's historical development and geopolitical circumstances.[36] Scholars have interpreted this formulation as emphasizing national sovereignty, centralized authority and resistance to external political influence, while maintaining the formal constitutional structures of electoral democracy.[37]
Analysts have variously classified United Russia as a dominant-party organization, a presidential support party, or a "party of power," reflecting its sustained alignment with the executive branch and its control of parliamentary majorities since the early 2000s.[15] Comparative political research distinguishes such parties from competitive alternation systems by noting their long-term legislative dominance and structural integration with governing institutions.[15]
Scholarly studies of United Russia's electorate have identified a heterogeneous coalition composed of public-sector employees, regional administrators, pensioners and voters whose livelihoods are connected to state institutions.[38][15] Analysts have observed that the party's support base has historically included a significant share of voters employed in government services, state-owned enterprises and security-related institutions, reflecting its close association with administrative structures.[38]
Survey data from the mid-2000s indicated that women constituted a majority of the party's supporters and that older voters were more consistently represented among its electorate than among liberal opposition parties.[38] At the same time, support for the party has varied across economic cycles, with fluctuations corresponding to broader economic performance and perceptions of governmental stability.[39]
Regional voting patterns have also reflected the mixed electoral system in which half of the deputies are elected from single-member districts. Analysts have argued that this electoral formula, combined with administrative coordination at the regional level, confers structural advantages on the governing party.[25]
Political scientists have described United Russia as a dominant-party organization within a formally competitive electoral framework, distinguishing it from fully competitive alternation systems while also differentiating it from the single-party structure of the Soviet era.[15] In comparative political analysis, dominant-party systems are characterized by repeated electoral victories by a single party over extended periods, often accompanied by structural advantages in media access, candidate registration and administrative coordination.[15]
Scholars have debated the degree to which United Russia functions primarily as an ideological party versus a pragmatic governing coalition. Some analyses emphasize its role as a vehicle for executive policy implementation rather than as a programmatically rigid ideological movement.[40] Others highlight its adoption of conservative rhetoric centered on sovereignty, traditional institutions and centralized authority as constitutive elements of its political identity.[36]
Comparative research has also drawn distinctions between United Russia and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. While the Soviet system institutionalized one-party rule through constitutional monopoly, the post-1993 Russian constitutional framework formally permits multiparty competition, even as United Russia has maintained sustained parliamentary dominance.[15]
United Russia has concluded formal cooperation agreements with a number of foreign political parties and governing movements. These agreements have included Austria's Freedom Party of Austria,[41] Italy's League,[42] Japan's Liberal Democratic Party,[43] and several ruling parties in Asia, Eastern Europe, Africa and Latin America.
These agreements have varied in scope, ranging from symbolic declarations of dialogue to structured cooperation protocols involving policy exchanges and parliamentary coordination. Observers have interpreted such partnerships as part of Russia's broader strategy of cultivating relationships with governing parties and nationalist movements abroad, particularly those critical of Western liberal institutional frameworks.[44]
Until 2014, United Russia participated in the European Democrat Group within the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, alongside parties including the British Conservative Party and Poland's Law and Justice.[45]
Under the charter of United Russia, the supreme governing authority of the party is the Party Congress, which has the power, upon the proposal of the Chairman of the Supreme Council, to establish the highest elective office within the party, the Chairman of the Party.[27] This position was formally introduced at the 5th Party Congress on 27 November 2004, transforming what had previously been a more collective leadership model into a centralized chairmanship structure.[27]
The Chairman of the Party is elected by open vote at the Party Congress and must receive at least two-thirds of the votes cast by delegates in order to assume office.[27] According to the charter, the Chairman represents the party in relations with Russian state bodies, foreign governments, international organizations, public associations, and the media. The Chairman also convenes Party Congresses, presides over meetings of the party's governing bodies, and proposes candidates for election or appointment to certain internal positions, thereby exercising both symbolic and procedural authority within the organization.[27]
Boris Gryzlov became the first individual to hold the formal title of Chairman of United Russia following the institutionalization of the office in 2004.[46] On 7 May 2008, at the 9th Party Congress, Vladimir Putin, who at that time was not formally a party member, was elected Chairman after amendments to the party charter permitted a non-member to assume the role.[47] On 26 May 2012, at the 13th Party Congress, Dmitry Medvedev was elected Chairman after formally joining the party.[48]
| № | Leader | Portrait | Took Office | Left Office | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| — | Collective leadership
|
1 December 2001 | 27 November 2004 | |||||||
| 1 | Boris Gryzlov | 27 November 2004 | 7 May 2008 | |||||||
| 2 | Vladimir Putin[49][50] | 7 May 2008 | 26 May 2012 | |||||||
| 3 | Dmitry Medvedev[51] | 26 May 2012 | Incumbent | |||||||
Beginning in the late 2000s and intensifying during the 2011 State Duma election cycle, opposition activists and independent media outlets alleged that United Russia had become closely associated with systemic corruption within Russian state institutions. The phrase "party of crooks and thieves" (партия жуликов и воров) was popularized in 2011 by anti-corruption activist Alexey Navalny and subsequently appeared in public demonstrations and online discourse.[52]
During protests following the December 2011 parliamentary elections, demonstrators publicly displayed the slogan, and contemporaneous reporting indicated that the phrase had entered broader political vocabulary. A poll conducted in November 2011 found that more than one-third of respondents agreed with the characterization of United Russia using that label.[53]
President Vladimir Putin rejected the characterization, stating in December 2011 that corruption was a systemic issue affecting state authority more broadly rather than being confined to a single political party, and emphasized that the responsibility of the government was to address such practices through institutional reform.[54]
Following the 2011 State Duma elections, domestic opposition figures and international observers raised concerns regarding alleged irregularities, including reports of ballot-box stuffing and administrative pressure in certain regions. Independent media coverage documented public demonstrations in Moscow and other cities calling for investigation of the election process.[55]
Russian election authorities certified the results and rejected claims of systemic fraud. Official statements from the Central Election Commission maintained that the election reflected the will of voters under applicable legal procedures, while independent research institutions and foreign policy analysts characterized the electoral environment as favoring the incumbent political structure.[56]
Similar criticisms were raised following the 2021 parliamentary elections, with analytical reports describing alleged administrative pressure and procedural irregularities, while official bodies certified the results and dismissed claims of systemic manipulation.[56]
Political analysts and commentators have periodically questioned the party's programmatic clarity, describing United Russia as functioning primarily as a governing vehicle rather than as an ideologically cohesive movement. In 2011, political scientist Gleb Pavlovsky stated that the party lacked a clearly articulated program in the lead-up to parliamentary elections, characterizing its political messaging as uncertain.[57]
Opposition leaders, including Gennady Zyuganov of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, publicly criticized the party's congress proceedings in 2011 as lacking substantive policy proposals for the subsequent parliamentary term.[58]
The party reportedly supports the policies of incumbent president Vladimir Putin, who previously served as party leader during the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev; despite not currently being the official leader or a member of the party, Putin reportedly operates as its de facto leader.[59] The party reportedly peaked in the 2007 Russian legislative election with 64.3% of the vote, while in recent years it has seen its popularity decline.[60] Some sources said that the party's ideology has been inconsistent but embraces specific politicians and officials,[61] who hold a variety of political views, who support Putin.[62] According to some sources including a publication by the Wilson Center, the party appeals mainly to pro-Putin and non-ideological voters,[63][64] and is often classified by political scientists as a "big-tent party",[65][66][67][68] or as a "party of power".[69][70]
The party reportedly does not have a coherent ideology but has been described by various sources as centrist,[5][71] centre-right,[72][73] or right-wing.[74][75] According to some sources including a book by Ukrainian political scientist Anton Shekhovtsov, while United Russia is not considered a far-right party, there is controversy over its support for far-right parties in Western Europe.[76][77][78]
Party representatives have generally described United Russia as a broad governing coalition representing multiple social and economic constituencies within the Russian Federation rather than as a narrowly ideological formation, emphasizing institutional continuity and policy stability.[15]
In 2018, the Russian government advanced legislation raising the statutory retirement age, a reform publicly supported by United Russia deputies in the State Duma. The measure generated significant public opposition and led to protests in multiple cities across the country.[79]
Subsequent reporting indicated that public approval ratings for United Russia declined following the reform debate, and party representatives acknowledged that the pension legislation influenced the party's electoral performance in certain regional elections later that year.[80]
The party of power in Russia has not achieved ... single-minded mastery of the power and wealth associated with the control of patronage. The party is united only in its support for and dependence on the Kremlin; it is divided when its principal clients take opposing sides. ... United Russia is not a programmatic party, but a mechanism for extracting rents and distributing patronage. ... In Russia, the party is the creature of the presidency. ... [T]he construction of a lasting party of power such as united Russia requires a sustained commitment on the part of the authorities, one which president Putin has been willing to undertake. ... [T]he concerted effort by President Putin's administration to build up a lasting party of power is a significant development in post-1993 Russian politics ... .
With the March 2000 election of President Vladimir Putin, ... the suspicion was that ... institutional changes 'could resurrect a system dominated by a single "party of power"' (McFaul 2000, 30). ... Still, Russia's electoral system remained largely unchanged for the 2003 Duma election, although the results certainly fuelled speculation that a dominant-party-state had begun to emerge. ... With the union of Fatherland-All Russia and Unity, Russia's party of power had changed once again, this time emerging as United Russia. The 2003 Duma election provided some evidence that the electoral system was working in the party of power's favour.
Meanwhile, the State Duma, the lower house of the Federal Assembly of Russia, is currently dominated by members of the current ruling right-wing political party United Russia.
Here are the two main parties, the 'Right-Wing' United Russia and the 'Statist' CPRF (Communist Party). United Russia was created in 2001 from the union of the Unity and Fatherland parties. Their 'Right-Wing' position in the frontier of 'Leftist' groups shows how hard it is to define United Russia but it is definitely trying to move Russia toward capitalism with stability.