Zionism

Zionism צִיּוֹנוּת (Tsiyyonut)
Theodor Herzl, founder of the Modern Zionist movement. In his 1896 pamphlet Der Judenstaat, he envisioned a sovereign Jewish state as a sanctuary from centuries of persecution.
Founder(s)	Theodor Herzl
Founded	1890s (1890s)
Headquarters	Basel, Switzerland (historical)
Ideology	Jewish nationalism, Self-determination
Goals	Establishment and support of a Jewish homeland
International affiliation	World Zionist Organization

Zionism (Hebrew: צִיּוֹנוּת Tsiyyonut [tsijoˈnut]) is a nationalist movement that emerged in the late 19th century to establish a Jewish homeland in the historic Land of Israel, a region integral to Jewish identity for millennia, as evidenced in the Hebrew Bible and archaeological findings.

Born from the urgent need to protect Jews from relentless antisemitism^[1] — marked by centuries of pogroms, expulsions, and systemic oppression in Europe and under Islamic rule in the Middle East, where Jews endured dhimmi subjugation, forced conversions, and massacres, the movement offered a pragmatic solution to secure Jewish survival.^[2] Led by Theodor Herzl, whose 1896 pamphlet Der Judenstaat called for a Jewish state, Zionism galvanized global Jewish communities to seek refuge and self-determination.^[3]

Overview[edit | edit source]

Anchored in the Jewish people’s enduring bond with their ancestral land, Zionism organized through the World Zionist Congress, founded in 1897, to promote immigration and settlement in Palestine (geographical region) despite Ottoman and later British constraints.^[4] The movement responded to historical atrocities, such as the 1066 Granada massacre and the 1903 Kishinev pogrom, which underscored the dire need for a safe haven.^[5]

Zionism encompassed diverse visions: political Zionism, pursuing statehood, and cultural Zionism, led by Ahad Ha'am, emphasizing a Jewish spiritual and cultural revival.^[6] From 1897 to the establishment of Israel in 1948, Zionism built the foundation for a Jewish state, driven by the imperative of survival, and continues to support Israel’s development and security amid persistent challenges.^[7]

Modern Israel’s founding was seen by her first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion as the only way to end the historical cycle of Jewish suffering^[1][8] as an alien minority in majority societies,^[9][10] a view shared by early Zionists like Theodor Herzl, Chaim Weizmann, Moses Leib Lilienblum, Leon Pinsker^[1][11] and Ze'ev Jabotinsky.^[1][12] Ben-Gurion believed that focusing on Zionism could “turn the calamity into a source of building the [ancestral] homeland” and “save the soul and properties of German Jews”.^[1][13] This formed Israel's early state policy, which did not change until the 1960s when the Swastika Epidemic happened.^[1][14]

Terminology[edit | edit source]

The term "Zionism" derives from Zion (Hebrew: ציון, Tzi-yon), a hill in Jerusalem symbolizing the Land of Israel in Jewish tradition.^[15] In the late 19th century, Jewish groups in Eastern Europe, known collectively as the Lovers of Zion, promoted resettlement in the Land of Israel and the revival of the Hebrew language to foster Jewish national identity.^[16] These efforts responded to rising antisemitism and sought to strengthen Jewish cultural and national cohesion.^[4]

The term "Zionism" was first used in 1890 by Austrian journalist Nathan Birnbaum in his journal Selbstemanzipation! (Self-Emancipation), echoing the title of Leon Pinsker’s 1882 book Auto-Emancipation.^[17] Birnbaum, founder of the Kadimah nationalist Jewish students’ movement, used the term to describe the growing call for Jewish self-determination and resettlement in the historical homeland.^[17]

Zionism developed through multiple ideological streams, including political Zionism led by Theodor Herzl, cultural Zionism associated with Ahad Ha’am, religious Zionism emphasizing messianic and halachic themes, and labor Zionism, which integrated socialist ideals with Jewish national revival. These variations reflected differing priorities—diplomatic, spiritual, cultural, or economic—but shared the foundational aim of securing a Jewish homeland in the Land of Israel.^[18]

During the mid-20th century, the term “Zionism” acquired increasingly polemical connotations. Arab nationalist movements employed the term in opposition to Jewish immigration and statehood claims, framing Zionism primarily as a political rival. During the Cold War, Soviet propaganda further recast Zionism as an extension of Western imperialism, a narrative that influenced political language in parts of the developing world. This trend culminated in United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379 (1975), which declared that “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.” The resolution was widely criticized as politically motivated and was formally revoked in 1991.^[19] In contemporary historical scholarship, the term retains its original meaning as the Jewish national movement, distinct from the ideological interpretations later attached to it.

Theodor Herzl[edit | edit source]

Zionism emerged as a response to the historical ties of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel, a region central to Jewish religious and cultural identity, as documented in ancient texts like the Hebrew Bible.^[4] In the late 19th century, rising antisemitism in Europe, exemplified by the Dreyfus Affair in France and pogroms in the Russian Empire, prompted Jewish intellectuals to seek a solution to persistent persecution.^[20] Theodor Herzl, an Austro-Hungarian journalist, formalized the movement with his 1896 publication Der Judenstaat, advocating for a Jewish state to secure Jewish self-determination and safety.^[3]

Historical estimates of the Jewish population in Palestine, indicate a significant decline during World War I. The Jewish population was recorded at 84,660 in 1914 but dropped to 56,000 due to epidemics, emigration, and deportations by the Turks.^[22] By 1922, it had recovered to approximately 83,790, matching pre-war levels, reflecting early resettlement efforts.^[22] The World Zionist Congress, established in 1897, became the movement’s organizational backbone, promoting Jewish immigration to Palestine, then under Ottoman rule.^[4]

Early efforts focused on settling Jewish communities in the region, with organizations like Hovevei Zion laying groundwork for agricultural colonies.^[6] Despite competing Jewish political movements, such as those advocating assimilation or socialism, Zionism gained traction after World War II, particularly following The Holocaust, which underscored the need for a Jewish homeland.^[7] The movement’s efforts culminated in the establishment of Israel on May 14, 1948, marking a significant milestone in achieving its goal of a Jewish state.^[4]

Beliefs[edit | edit source]

Zionism, as articulated by Theodor Herzl in his 1896 work Der Judenstaat, advocates for the establishment of a Jewish homeland to address persistent antisemitism faced by Jews in minority communities. Herzl argued that sovereignty over a territory sufficient for Jewish needs was essential to secure their safety and self-determination.^[24] This belief stemmed from the view that antisemitism was a persistent challenge in societies where Jews lacked political autonomy.^[25]

The concept of Aliyah, meaning "ascent" or migration to the Land of Israel, is central to Zionist ideology, rooted in Jewish religious tradition and prayers expressing a longing for return to their ancestral homeland.^[26] Zionism emphasizes the importance of Jewish self-determination in their historic homeland as a means to overcome the limitations imposed by life in the Diaspora, where Jews faced social and political constraints.^[26]

Zionists prioritized the revival of the Hebrew language, a Semitic language used in the ancient Kingdoms of Israel and Judah from approximately 1200 to 586 BCE, as a unifying element for the Jewish people.^[27] Efforts to modernize Hebrew for everyday use were driven by the desire to foster cultural and political cohesion among Jews in the emerging state. Many Zionists adopted Hebrew as their primary language, often rejecting Diaspora languages like Yiddish to emphasize a distinct national identity.^[27]

The Israeli Declaration of Independence, proclaimed in 1948, encapsulates key Zionist principles, stating that the Land of Israel is the birthplace of the Jewish people, where their spiritual, religious, and political identity was formed. It highlights the Jewish people's historical connection to the land, their continuous efforts to return despite exile, and their aspiration to restore political freedom through statehood.^[28]

History[edit | edit source]

The Zionist movement, rooted in the Jewish people’s ancient connection to the Land of Israel, emerged from a profound historical and religious yearning for a return to Zion, as described in the Hebrew Bible (e.g., Psalms 137:1–6, Jeremiah 31:10–17). For centuries, Jews faced relentless persecution—pogroms, expulsions, and systemic discrimination in Europe and the Middle East—fueling aspirations for a homeland where they could live free from antisemitism.^[29] Biblical promises of return to the land, tied to sites like Jerusalem and Hebron, sustained Jewish identity through the diaspora, with early migrations occurring despite opposition from some religious leaders who viewed redemption as divine rather than political.^[30]

Pre-Zionist efforts, such as those by Joseph Nasi in the 16th century and the Perushim in the 19th century, laid the groundwork for organized settlement in Palestine, driven by persecution like the Khmelnytsky pogroms and European antisemitism.^[31] The modern Zionist movement coalesced in 1897 with Theodor Herzl’s First Zionist Congress, establishing the World Zionist Organization to promote Jewish immigration and statehood.^[32] Facing pogroms, such as the 1903 Kishinev massacre, and later the Holocaust, Zionism gained urgency, culminating in Israel’s establishment in 1948.^[33]

The movement navigated challenges, including debates over alternative territories like Uganda and opposition from some Jewish and non-Jewish groups. Key milestones, such as the Balfour Declaration and the British Mandate, facilitated Jewish settlement, while institutions like the Jewish National Fund and Jewish Agency built the foundation for statehood.^[34] Zionism’s history reflects a response to existential threats, grounded in the Jewish people’s enduring ties to their ancestral land,^[1] detailed further in related articles.

Organization[edit | edit source]

Zionism developed from Proto-Zionist initiatives, such as Hovevei Zion. It coalesced and became organized in the form of the Zionist Congress, which created nation-building institutions and acted in Ottoman and British Palestine as well as internationally.

Pre-state institutions[edit | edit source]

• Zionist Organization (ZO), est. 1897
  • Zionist Congress (est. 1897), the supreme organ of the ZO
  • Palestine Office (est. 1908), the executive arm of the ZO in Palestine
  • Jewish National Fund (JNF), est. 1901 to buy and develop land in Palestine
  • Keren Hayesod, est. 1920 to collect funds
  • Jewish Agency, est. 1929 as the worldwide operative branch of the ZO

Funding[edit | edit source]

The Zionist enterprise was mainly funded by major benefactors who made large contributions, sympathisers from Jewish communities across the world (see for instance the Jewish National Fund's collection boxes), and the settlers themselves. The movement established a bank for administering its finances, the Jewish Colonial Trust (est. 1888, incorporated in London in 1899). A local subsidiary was formed in 1902 in Palestine, the Anglo-Palestine Bank. 

A list of pre-state large contributors to Pre-Zionist and Zionist enterprises would include, alphabetically,

• Isaac Leib Goldberg (1860–1935), Zionist leader and philanthropist from Russia
• Maurice de Hirsch (1831–1896), German Jewish financier and philanthropist, founder of the Jewish Colonization Association
• Moses Montefiore (1784–1885), British Jewish banker and philanthropist in Britain and the Levant, initiator and financier of Proto-Zionism
• Edmond James de Rothschild (1845–1934), French Jewish banker and major donor of the Zionist project

Pre-state self-defense[edit | edit source]

A list of Jewish pre-state self-defense organizations in Palestine would include

• Bar-Giora (organization) (1907-1909)
• HaMagen, "The Shield" (1915–17)^[35]
• HaNoter, "The Guard" (pre-WWI, distinct from the British Madate-period Notrim)^[35]
• Hashomer (1909-1920)
• Haganah (1920-1948)
  • Palmach (1941-1948)

Anti-Zionism[edit | edit source]

Anti-Zionism encompasses opposition to the Jewish nationalist movement for a homeland in the historic Land of Israel, rooted in diverse ideological, political, and religious perspectives. Opponents include Palestinian nationalists, many Arab League and Muslim-majority states, some secular Jews, and certain Jewish religious groups, such as Satmar Hasidim and Neturei Karta.^[37]

Opposition often stems from land disputes, the 1948 Palestinian displacement, or allegations of injustice, though such critiques frequently overlook the historical context of Jewish persecution—centuries of pogroms, expulsions, and systemic oppression in Europe and under Islamic rule in the Middle East—that drove Zionism as a refuge for Jews facing existential threats.^[38] For example, events like the 1066 Granada massacre highlight the violent antisemitism that underscored Zionism’s urgency.^[39]

Some Arab states have historically portrayed Zionism as a colonial imposition, disregarding the Jewish diaspora’s ancient connection to the land and their need for self-determination amid relentless persecution.^[40] The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, ratified by 53 African nations by 2014, equates Zionism with colonialism and apartheid, often without acknowledging the unique context of Jewish statelessness and survival.^[41] In 1945, Saudi Arabia’s King Ibn Saud told U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt that Palestinians should not lose land due to Germany’s crimes against Jews, a view Roosevelt echoed by suggesting a Jewish state might require force, reflecting early tensions over Zionism’s aims.^[42] Such critiques often sideline the dire circumstances—pogroms, forced conversions, and genocidal threats—that necessitated Zionism’s mission to secure a safe haven for Jews.^[43]

Zamaswazi Dlamini-Mandela and Zaziwe Dlamini-Manaway, the granddaughters of Nelson Mandela, have rejected the allegation that Israel was an apartheid state.^[44]

Rise of Nazism and the Holocaust[edit | edit source]

In 1933, Hitler came to power in Germany, and in 1935 the Nuremberg Laws made German Jews (and later Austrian and Czech Jews) stateless refugees. Similar rules were applied by the many Nazi allies in Europe. The subsequent growth in Jewish migration and the impact of Nazi propaganda aimed at the Arab world fostered to the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine. Britain established the Peel Commission to investigate the situation. The commission called for a two-state solution and compulsory transfer of populations. The Arabs opposed the partition plan and Britain later rejected this solution and instead implemented the White Paper of 1939. This planned to end Jewish immigration by 1944 and to allow no more than 75,000 additional Jewish migrants. At the end of the five-year period in 1944, only 51,000 of the 75,000 immigration certificates provided for had been utilized, and the British offered to allow immigration to continue beyond cutoff date of 1944, at a rate of 1500 per month, until the remaining quota was filled.^[45][46] According to Arieh Kochavi, at the end of the war, the Mandatory Government had 10,938 certificates remaining and gives more details about government policy at the time.^[45] The British maintained the policies of the 1939 White Paper until the end of the Mandate.^[47]

The growth of the Jewish community in Palestine and the devastation of European Jewish life sidelined the World Zionist Organization. The Jewish Agency for Palestine under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion increasingly dictated policy with support from American Zionists who provided funding and influence in Washington, D.C., including via the highly effective American Palestine Committee.^{[citation needed]}

During World War II, as the horrors of the Holocaust became known, the Zionist leadership formulated the One Million Plan, a reduction from Ben-Gurion's previous target of two million immigrants. Following the end of the war, many stateless refugees, mainly Holocaust survivors, began migrating to Palestine in small boats in defiance of British rules. The Holocaust united much of the rest of world Jewry behind the Zionist project.^[49]

The British either imprisoned these Jews in Cyprus or sent them to the British-controlled Allied Occupation Zones in Germany. The British, having faced Arab revolts, were now facing opposition by Zionist groups in Palestine for subsequent restrictions on Jewish immigration. In January 1946 the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry was a joint British and American committee was tasked to examine political, economic and social conditions in Mandatory Palestine and the well-being of the peoples now living there; to consult representatives of Arabs and Jews, and to make other recommendations 'as necessary' for an interim handling of these problems as well as for their eventual solution.^[50] Following the failure of the 1946–47 London Conference on Palestine, at which the United States refused to support the British leading to both the Morrison–Grady Plan and the Bevin Plan being rejected by all parties, the British decided to refer the question to the UN on February 14, 1947.^{[51][fn 1]}

Post-World War II[edit | edit source]

With the German invasion of the USSR in 1941, Stalin reversed his long-standing opposition to Zionism, and tried to mobilize worldwide Jewish support for the Soviet war effort. A Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee was set up in Moscow. Many thousands of Jewish refugees fled the Nazis and entered the Soviet Union during the war, where they reinvigorated Jewish religious activities and opened new synagogues.^[52]

In May 1947 Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko told the United Nations that the USSR supported the partition of Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state. The USSR formally voted that way in the UN in November 1947.^[53] However once Israel was established, Stalin reversed positions, favoured the Arabs, arrested the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, and launched attacks on Jews in the USSR.^[54]

In 1947, the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine recommended that western Palestine should be partitioned into a Jewish state, an Arab state and a UN-controlled territory, Corpus separatum, around Jerusalem.^[55] This partition plan was adopted on November 29, 1947, with UN GA Resolution 181, 33 votes in favor, 13 against, and 10 abstentions. The vote led to celebrations in Jewish communities and protests in Arab communities throughout Palestine.^[56]

Violence throughout the country, previously an Arab and Jewish insurgency against the British, Jewish-Arab communal violence, spiralled into the 1947–1949 Palestine war. The conflict led to an exodus of about 711,000 Palestinian Arabs,^[57] outside of Israel's territories. More than a quarter had already fled prior to the Israeli Declaration of Independence and the start of the war. After the 1949 Armistice Agreements, a series of laws passed by the first Israeli government prevented displaced Palestinians from claiming private property or returning on the state's territories. They and many of their descendants remain refugees supported by UNRWA.^[58][59]

Since the creation of the State of Israel, the World Zionist Organization has functioned mainly as an organization dedicated to assisting and encouraging Jews to migrate to Israel. It has provided political support for Israel in other countries but plays little role in internal Israeli politics. The movement's major success since 1948 was in providing logistical support for Jewish migrants and refugees and, most importantly, in assisting Soviet Jews in their struggle with the authorities over the right to leave the USSR and to practice their religion in freedom, and the exodus of 850,000 Jews from the Arab world, mostly to Israel. In 1944–45, Ben-Gurion described the One Million Plan to foreign officials as being the "primary goal and top priority of the Zionist movement."^[60]

The immigration restrictions of the British White Paper of 1939 meant that such a plan could not be put into large scale effect until the Israeli Declaration of Independence in May 1948. The new country's immigration policy had some opposition within the new Israeli government, such as those who argued that there was "no justification for organizing large-scale emigration among Jews whose lives were not in danger, particularly when the desire and motivation were not their own"^[61] as well as those who argued that the absorption process caused "undue hardship".^[62] However, the force of Ben-Gurion's influence and insistence ensured that his immigration policy was carried out.^[63][64]

Catholic Church and Zionism[edit | edit source]

Shortly after the First Zionist Congress, the semi-official Vatican periodical (edited by the Jesuits) Civiltà Cattolica gave its biblical-theological judgement on political Zionism: "1827 years have passed since the prediction of Jesus of Nazareth was fulfilled ... that [after the destruction of Jerusalem] the Jews would be led away to be slaves among all the nations and that they would remain in the dispersion [diaspora, galut] until the end of the world." The Jews should not be permitted to return to Palestine with sovereignty: "According to the Sacred Scriptures, the Jewish people must always live dispersed and vagabondo [vagrant, wandering] among the other nations, so that they may render witness to Christ not only by the Scriptures ... but by their very existence".^{[citation needed]}

Nonetheless, Theodor Herzl travelled to Rome in late January 1904, after the sixth Zionist Congress (August 1903) and six months before his death, looking for support. On January 22, Herzl first met the Papal Secretary of State, Cardinal Rafael Merry del Val. According to Herzl's private diary notes, the Cardinal's interpretation of the history of Israel was the same as that of the Catholic Church, but he also asked for the conversion of the Jews to Catholicism. Three days later, Herzl met Pope Pius X, who replied to his request of support for a Jewish return to Israel in the same terms, saying that "we are unable to favor this movement. We cannot prevent the Jews from going to Jerusalem, but we could never sanction it ... The Jews have not recognized our Lord, therefore we cannot recognize the Jewish people." In 1922, the same periodical published a piece by its Viennese correspondent, "anti-Semitism is nothing but the absolutely necessary and natural reaction to the Jews' arrogance... Catholic anti-Semitism – while never going beyond the moral law – adopts all necessary means to emancipate the Christian people from the abuse they suffer from their sworn enemy".^[65] This initial attitude changed over the next 50 years, until 1997, when at the Vatican symposium of that year, Pope John Paul II rejected the Christian roots of antisemitism, stating that "... the wrong and unjust interpretations of the New Testament relating to the Jewish people and their supposed guilt [in Christ's death] circulated for too long, engendering sentiments of hostility toward this people."^[66]

Allegations of colonialism[edit | edit source]

David Ben-Gurion stated that "There will be no discrimination among citizens of the Jewish state on the basis of race, religion, sex, or class."^[67] Likewise, Vladimir Jabotinsky avowed "the minority will not be rendered defenseless... [the] aim of democracy is to guarantee that the minority too has influence on matters of state policy."^[68] Supporters of Zionism, such as Chaim Herzog, argue that the movement is non-discriminatory and contains no racist aspects.^[69]

However, some anti-Zionists consider it a colonialist^[70] or racist^[71] movement. According to historian Avi Shlaim, throughout its history up to present day, Zionism "is replete with manifestations of deep hostility and contempt towards the indigenous population." Shlaim balances this by pointing out that there have always been individuals within the Zionist movement that have criticized such attitudes. He cites the example of Ahad Ha'am, who after visiting Palestine in 1891, published a series of articles criticizing the aggressive behaviour and political ethnocentrism of Zionist settlers. Ha'am reportedly wrote that the Yishuv "behave towards the Arabs with hostility and cruelty, trespass unjustly upon their boundaries, beat them shamefully without reason and even brag about it, and nobody stands to check this contemptible and dangerous tendency" and that they believed that "the only language that the Arabs understand is that of force."^[72]

Some anti-Zionists claimed, based on their own interpretations, that Judaism's notion that the "chosen people" is the "source of racism in Zionism",^[73] despite, according to Gustavo Perednik, that being a religious concept unrelated to Zionism.^[74] This characterization of Zionism as a colonialism has been made by, among others, Nur Masalha, Gershon Shafir, Michael Prior, Ilan Pappe, and Baruch Kimmerling.^[70] Noam Chomsky, John P. Quigly, Nur Masalha, and Cheryl Rubenberg have criticized Zionism, saying that it unfairly confiscates land and expels Palestinians.^[75] Isaac Deutscher has called Israelis the 'Prussians of the Middle East', who have achieved a 'totsieg', a 'victorious rush into the grave' as a result of dispossessing 1.5 million Palestinians. Israel had become the 'last remaining colonial power' of the twentieth century.^[76] Saleh Abdel Jawad, Nur Masalha, Michael Prior, Ian Lustick, and John Rose have criticized Zionism for having been responsible for violence against Palestinians, such as the Deir Yassin massacre, Sabra and Shatila massacre, and Cave of the Patriarchs massacre.^[77] Others, such as Shlomo Avineri and Mitchell Bard, view Zionism as a national movement that is contending with the Palestinian one.^[78] South African rabbi David Hoffman rejected the claim that Zionism is a 'settler-colonial undertaking' and instead characterized Zionism as a national program of affirmative action, adding that there is unbroken Jewish presence in Israel back to antiquity.^[79]

Mahatma Gandhi[edit | edit source]

In 1938, Mahatma Gandhi said in the letter "The Jews", that the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine must be performed by non-violence against the Arabs, comparing it to the Partition of India into Hindu and Muslim countries, he proposed to the Jews to "offer themselves to be shot or thrown into the Dead Sea without raising a little finger against them.".^[80] He expressed his "sympathy" for the Jewish aspirations, but however said : "The cry for the national home for the Jews does not make much appeal to me. The sanction for it is sought in the Bible and the tenacity with which the Jews have hankered after return to Palestine. Why should they not, like other peoples of the earth, make that country their home where they are born and where they earn their livelihood?",^[81] and warned them against violence: "It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs ... Surely it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the proud Arabs so that Palestine can be restored to the Jews partly or wholly as their national home ... They can settle in Palestine only by the goodwill of the Arabs. They should seek to convert the Arab heart."^[82] Gandhi later told American journalist Louis Fischer in 1946 that "Jews have a good case in Palestine. If the Arabs have a claim to Palestine, the Jews have a prior claim".^[83]

He expressed himself again in 1946, nuancing his views : "Hitherto I have refrained practically from saying anything in public regarding the Jew-Arab controversy. I have done so for good reasons. That does not mean any want of interest in the question, but it does mean that I do not consider myself sufficiently equipped with knowledge for the purpose." He concluded: If they were to adopt the matchless weapon of non-violence ... their case would be the world's and I have no doubt that among the many things that the Jews have given to the world, this would be the best and the brightest.".^[84]

Edward Said and Michael Prior[edit | edit source]

Edward Said and Michael Prior claim that the notion of expelling the Palestinians was an early component of Zionism, citing Herzl's diary from 1895 which states "we shall endeavour to expel the poor population across the border unnoticed—the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discreetly and circumspectly."^[85] This quotation has been critiqued by Efraim Karsh for misrepresenting Herzl's purpose.^[86] He describes it as "a feature of Palestinian propaganda", writing that Herzl was referring to the voluntary resettlement of squatters living on land purchased by Jews, and that the full diary entry stated, "It goes without saying that we shall respectfully tolerate persons of other faiths and protect their property, their honor, and their freedom with the harshest means of coercion. This is another area in which we shall set the entire world a wonderful example ... Should there be many such immovable owners in individual areas [who would not sell their property to us], we shall simply leave them there and develop our commerce in the direction of other areas which belong to us."^[87][88] Derek Penslar says that Herzl may have been considering either South America or Palestine when he wrote the diary entry about expropriation.^[89] According to Walter Laqueur, although many Zionists proposed transfer, it was never official Zionist policy and in 1918 Ben-Gurion "emphatically rejected" it.^[90]

New Historians[edit | edit source]

The exodus of the Arab Palestinians during the 1947-1949 war has been controversially described as having involved ethnic cleansing.^[91][92] According to a growing consensus between 'new historians' in Israel and Palestinian historians, expulsion and destruction of villages played a part in the origin of the Palestinian refugees.^[93] While British scholar Efraim Karsh states that most of the Arabs who fled left of their own accord or were pressured to leave by their fellow Arabs, despite Israeli attempts to convince them to stay,^[94][95][96]

'New historians' dismiss this claim,^[97] and as such, Beny Morris concur that Arab instigation was not the major cause of the refugees' flight,^[98] and state that the major cause of Palestinian flight was instead military actions by the Israeli Defence Force and fear of them and that Arab instigation can only explain a small part of the exodus and not a large part of it.^{[99][100][101][102][103][104]} Ilan Pappe said that Zionism resulted in ethnic cleansing.^[105] This view diverges from other New Historians, such as Benny Morris, who place the Palestinian exodus in the context of war, not ethnic cleansing.^[106] When Benny Morris was asked about the Expulsion of Palestinians from Lydda and Ramle, he responded "There are circumstances in history that justify ethnic cleansing. I know that this term is completely negative in the discourse of the 21st century, but when the choice is between ethnic cleansing and genocide—the annihilation of your people—I prefer ethnic cleansing."^[107]

United Nations[edit | edit source]

In December 1973, the UN passed a series of resolutions condemning South Africa and included a reference to an "unholy alliance between Portuguese colonialism, Apartheid and Zionism."^[108] At the time there was little cooperation between Israel and South Africa,^[109] although the two countries would develop a close relationship during the 1970s.^[110] Parallels have also been drawn between aspects of South Africa's apartheid regime and certain Israeli policies toward the Palestinians, which are seen as manifestations of racism in Zionist thinking.^[111][112]

In 1975, the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 3379, alleging that "Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination". According to the resolution, "any doctrine of racial differentiation of superiority is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust, and dangerous." The resolution named the occupied territory of Palestine, Zimbabwe, and South Africa as examples of racist regimes. Resolution 3379 was pioneered by the Soviet Union and passed with numerical support from Arab and African states amidst accusations that Israel was supportive of the apartheid regime in South Africa.^[113] The resolution was robustly criticised by the US representative, Daniel Patrick Moynihan as an 'obscenity' and a 'harm ... done to the United Nations'.^[114] 'In 1991 the resolution was repealed with UN General Assembly Resolution 46/86,^[115] after Israel declared that it would only participate in the Madrid Conference of 1991 if the resolution were revoked.^[116]

The United States ... does not acknowledge, it will not abide by, it will never acquiesce in this infamous act... The lie is that Zionism is a form of racism. The overwhelmingly clear truth is that it is not.

— Daniel Patrick Moynihan, speaking in the UN General Assembly after Resolution 3379 was passed, 1975.^[114]

Arab world[edit | edit source]

Arab countries sought to associate Zionism with racism in connection with a 2001 UN conference on racism, which took place in Durban, South Africa,^[117] which caused the United States and Israel to walk away from the conference as a response. The final text of the conference did not connect Zionism with racism. A human rights forum arranged in connection with the conference, on the other hand, did equate Zionism with racism and censured Israel for what it called "racist crimes, including acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing".^[118]

Haredi Judaism and Zionism[edit | edit source]

Some Haredi Orthodox organizations reject Zionism as they view it as a secular movement and reject nationalism as a doctrine. Hasidic groups in Jerusalem, most famously the Satmar Hasidim, as well as the larger movement they are part of, the Edah HaChareidis, are opposing its ideology for religious reasons. They number in the tens of thousands in Jerusalem, and hundreds of thousands worldwide.^{[citation needed]} One of the best known Hasidic opponents of political Zionism was Hungarian rebbe and Talmudic scholar Joel Teitelbaum.

The Neturei Karta, an Orthodox Haredi sect viewed as a cult on the "farthest fringes of Judaism" by most mainstream Jews, reject Zionism.^[119] The Anti-Defamation League estimates that fewer than 100 members of the community (around 5,000 members^[120]), actually take part in anti-Israel activism.^[119] Some have said that Israel is a "racist regime",^[121] compared Zionists to Nazis,^[122] claimed that Zionism is contrary to the teachings of the Torah,^[123] or accused it of promoting antisemitism.^[124] Members of Neturei Karta have a long history of extremist statements and support for notable anti-Semites and Islamic extremists.^[119]

Anti-Zionism as antisemitism[edit | edit source]

Some anti-Zionists have argued that anti-Zionism can be hard to distinguish from antisemitism,^{[125][126][127][128][129]} and that criticism of Israel may be used as an excuse to express viewpoints that might otherwise be considered antisemitic.^[130][131] Other scholars argue that certain forms of opposition to Zionism constitute antisemitism.^[128] A number of scholars have argued that opposition to Zionism or the State of Israel's policies at the more extreme fringes often overlaps with antisemitism.^[128] In the Arab world, the words "Jew" and "Zionist" are often used interchangeably. To avoid accusations of antisemitism, the Palestine Liberation Organization has historically avoided using the word "Jewish" in favor of using "Zionist," though PLO officials have sometimes slipped.^[132]

Some antisemites have alleged that Zionism was, or is, part of a Jewish plot to take control of the world.^[133] One particular version of these allegations, "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion" (subtitle "Protocols extracted from the secret archives of the central chancery of Zion") achieved global notability. The protocols are fictional minutes of an imaginary meeting by Jewish leaders of this plot. Analysis and proof of their fraudulent origin goes as far back as 1921.^[134] A 1920 German version renamed them "The Zionist Protocols".^[135] The protocols were extensively used as propaganda by the Nazis and remain widely distributed in the Arab world. They are referred to in the 1988 Hamas charter.^[136]

There are examples of anti-Zionists using accusations, slanders, imagery and tactics previously associated with antisemites. On October 21, 1973, the then-Soviet ambassador to the United Nations Yakov Malik declared: "The Zionists have come forth with the theory of the Chosen People, an absurd ideology." Similarly, an exhibit about Zionism and Israel in the former Museum of Religion and Atheism in Saint Petersburg designated the following as Soviet Zionist material: Jewish prayer shawls, tefillin and Passover Hagaddahs,^[137] even though these are all religious items used by Jews for thousands of years.^[138]

On the other hand, anti-Zionist writers such as Noam Chomsky, Norman Finkelstein, Michael Marder, and Tariq Ali have disputed the characterization of anti-Zionism as antisemitic, claiming that it could stifle criticism of Israel.

• Linguist Noam Chomsky argues: "There have long been efforts to identify anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in an effort to exploit anti-racist sentiment for political ends; "one of the chief tasks of any dialogue with the Gentile world is to prove that the distinction between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is not a distinction at all," Israeli diplomat Abba Eban argued, in a typical expression of this intellectually and morally disreputable position (Eban, Congress Bi-Weekly, March 30, 1973). But that no longer suffices. It is now necessary to identify criticism of Israeli policies as anti-Semitism — or in the case of Jews, as "self-hatred," so that all possible cases are covered." — Chomsky, 1989 "Necessary Illusions".
• Philosopher Michael Marder argues: "To deconstruct Zionism is ... to demand justice for its victims - not only for the Palestinians, who are suffering from it, but also for the anti-Zionist Jews, 'erased' from the officially consecrated account of Zionist history. By deconstructing its ideology, we shed light on the context it strives to repress and on the violence it legitimises with a mix of theological or metaphysical reasoning and affective appeals to historical guilt for the undeniably horrific persecution of Jewish people in Europe and elsewhere."^[139][140]
• American political scientist Norman Finkelstein argues that anti-Zionism and often just criticism of Israeli policies have been conflated with antisemitism, sometimes called new antisemitism for political gain: "Whenever Israel faces a public relations débâcle such as the Intifada or international pressure to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict, American Jewish organizations orchestrate this extravaganza called the 'new anti-Semitism.' The purpose is several-fold. First, it is to discredit any charges by claiming the person is an anti-Semite. It's to turn Jews into the victims, so that the victims are not the Palestinians any longer. As people like Abraham Foxman of the ADL put it, the Jews are being threatened by a new holocaust. It's a role reversal — the Jews are now the victims, not the Palestinians. So it serves the function of discrediting the people leveling the charge. It's no longer Israel that needs to leave the Occupied Territories; it's the Arabs who need to free themselves of the anti-Semitism. — ^[141]

Marcus Garvey and Black Zionism[edit | edit source]

Zionist success in winning British support for the formation of a Jewish National Home in Palestine helped inspire the Jamaican Black nationalist Marcus Garvey to form a movement dedicated to returning Americans of African origin to Africa. During a speech in Harlem in 1920, Garvey stated: "other races were engaged in seeing their cause through—the Jews through their Zionist movement and the Irish through their Irish movement—and I decided that, cost what it might, I would make this a favorable time to see the Negro's interest through."^[142] Garvey established a shipping company, the Black Star Line, to allow Black Americans to emigrate to Africa, but for various reasons he failed in his endeavor.

Garvey helped inspire the Rastafari movement in Jamaica, the Black Jews^[143] and the African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalem who initially moved to Liberia before settling in Israel.

See also[edit | edit source]

References[edit | edit source]

Explanatory notes

Citations

Bibliography[edit | edit source]

Primary sources

• Herzl, Theodor. A Jewish state: an attempt at a modern solution of the Jewish question (1896) full text online
• Herzl, Theodor. Theodor Herzl: Excerpts from His Diaries (2006) excerpt and text search Archived July 8, 2014, at the Wayback Machine

Secondary sources

• Armborst-Weihs, Kerstin: The Formation of the Jewish National Movement Through Transnational Exchange: Zionism in Europe up to the First World War, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: August 17, 2011.
• A. B. Masilamani, Zionism in Melu Kolupu (Telugu), Navajeevana Publications, Vijayanagar Colony, Hyderabad, 1984, pp. 121–126.
• Beller, Steven. Herzl (2004)
• Brenner, Michael, and Shelley Frisch. Zionism: A Brief History (2003) excerpt and text search
• Butler, Judith: Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism. Columbia University Press, 2013. ISBN 978-0231146111
• Cohen, Naomi. The Americanization of Zionism, 1897–1948 (2003). 304 pp. essays on specialized topics
• Friedman, Isaiah. "Theodor Herzl: Political Activity and Achievements," Israel Studies 2004 9(3): 46–79, online in EBSCO
• Hacohen, Dvorah (1991), "BenGurion and the Second World War", in Jonathan Frankel (ed.), Studies in Contemporary Jewry : Volume VII: Jews and Messianism in the Modern Era: Metaphor and Meaning, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0195361988
• Hakohen, Devorah (2003), Immigrants in Turmoil: Mass Immigration to Israel and Its Repercussions in the 1950s and After, Syracuse University Press, ISBN 978-0815629696
• David Hazony, Yoram Hazony, and Michael B. Oren, eds., "New Essays on Zionism," Shalem Press, 2007.
• Kloke, Martin: The Development of Zionism Until the Founding of the State of Israel, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2010, retrieved: June 13, 2012.
• Laqueur, Walter. A History of Zionism: From the French Revolution to the Establishment of the State of Israel (2003) survey by a leading scholar excerpt and text search
• Medoff, Rafael (1998). "Review Essay: Recent Trends in the Historiography of American Zionism". American Jewish History. 86: 117–134. doi:10.1353/ajh.1998.0002. S2CID 143834470.
• Motyl, Alexander J. (2001). Encyclopedia of Nationalism, Volume II. Academic Press. ISBN 978-0-12-227230-1.
• Pawel, Ernst. The Labyrinth of Exile: A Life of Theodor Herzl (1992) excerpt and text search
• Sachar, Howard M. A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time (2007) excerpt and text search
• Shimoni, Gideon. The Zionist Ideology (1995)
• Taub, Gadi. The Settlers and the Struggle over the Meaning of Zionism (2010, Hebrew, English)
• Taylor, A.R., 1971, "Vision and intent in Zionist Thought'" in The transformation of Palestine, ed. by I. Abu-Lughod, ISBN 0-8101-0345-1, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, IL
• Urofsky, Melvin I. American Zionism from Herzl to the Holocaust (1995), a standard history
• Wigoder, Geoffrey, ed. New Encyclopedia of Zionism and Israel (2nd ed. 2 vol. 1994); 1521 pp

External links[edit | edit source]

• Works related to Zionism at Wikisource
• Works related to Zionism an Affirmation of Judaism at Wikisource
• Central Zionist Archives site in Jerusalem
• WZO website
• Exodus1947.com PBS Documentary Film focusing on the secret American involvement in Aliyah Bet, narrated by Morley Safer
• Reverend William H. Hechler - The Christian minister who legitimized Theodor Herzl by Jerry Klinger. Jewish Magazine, July 2010
• Newspaper clippings about Zionism in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW