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“”We, the Black Panther Party, see ourselves as a nation within a nation, but not for any racist reasons. We see it as a necessity for us to progress as human beings and live on the face of this earth along with other people. We do not fight racism with racism. We fight racism with solidarity. We do not fight exploitative capitalism with black capitalism. We fight capitalism with basic socialism. And we do not fight imperialism with more imperialism. We fight imperialism with proletarian internationalism.
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—Bobby Seale[1] |
The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was an anti-racist, anti-imperialist, and hard leftist group, founded in Oakland, California before spreading across the country and becoming a major force in New Left politics. It was founded by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale, who met at Merritt College, in 1966.[2] The party had a major focus on ending police brutality against Black people and on promoting Black self-defense via the right to bear arms. Its chapters across the US also provided various free services and resources through their "Survival Programs", including free health clinics, childcare,[3] free groceries, advice on public benefits, free legal services,[4] and breakfast for children.[5] It is estimated that the party had as many as 51 chapters before it was disbanded in 1980.[6][7]
The legacy of the Party is mixed, attracting both veneration and antagonism from contemporary and modern thinkers. At one point, J. Edgar Hoover launched the COINTELPRO (COunter-INTELligence and PROpaganda) operation to sabotage the Party while simultaneously major leaders were killed by law enforcement agencies (such as Fred Hampton at the hands of the Chicago police in 1969).[2][5] The history of the Panthers is both a story of what happened after the assassinations of leaders in the civil rights movement, like Martin Luther King or Malcolm X, left a vacuum, and of a mutually-reinforcing cycle of paranoia between the more radical elements of the left and the federal government. The precedent of COINTELPRO was reflected in the Nixon Administration's private version, the White House Plumbers, who were involved in dirty tricks against political opponents leading up to the Watergate burglary.
When they were founded, the original leaders of the Panthers needed funds, so they began to buy in bulk cheap copies of The Little Red Book by Mao. At that time, Maoism was the du jour Communist line of thinking for politically-active students in Berkeley, so selling a book that cost fifty cents for two dollars to rich college students was, to say the least, a highly successful fundraising effort. Bobby Seale, in an interview some 20-odd years later, shown in the movie Berkeley in the '60s, recounted that episode with a great deal of humor. With this fundraising method the Panthers began their pattern of raising funds from white idealists, which later turned quite lucrative.
Like other parties,[2] this program was formulated into a platform, called the 10-Point Program, which stated:[8][9]:
The Panthers believed that classism was responsible for the suffering of both Black and non-Black individuals, although capitalism disproportionately hurt Black people and other people of color in a racist society; consequently, the Panthers devoted many of their resources to its survival programs. The Party operated several food programs, which were open to people of all races, from Free Breakfast for School Children Program and the People's Free Food Program. For context, hunger was a major problem in impoverished communities in Oakland at the time' according to a 1967 study performed by the University of California, one in ten of poor people in East Oakland had recently experienced a period of time where they had not eaten for several days. The Free Breakfast for School Children program was so successful that 135 children were fed at the end of the first week of its operation, and the program was expanded nationwide.[10]
The Panthers also operated free "liberation schools" and after-school programs for children in response to the sub-standard public education that low-income children in Oakland received while also providing education on Black history and culture.[3] As part of its survival programs, the Panthers also operated more than a dozen health clinics across the US.[4] The Portland chapter opened the Fred Hampton People's Free Health Clinic and the Malcolm X Dental Clinic, which were staffed by volunteer healthcare providers and saw patients for free in the evenings. At the Fred Hampton clinic, the Panthers frequently carried out testing for internal lead levels and sickle cell disease. Like the free breakfast program, the Panthers' free health clinics benefited people of any race, discrediting the claims of anti-white bias against the Party.[7]
The Panthers also campaigned to fight a growing heroin problem in the black community with a mix of political and medical messages that emphasized dope only helped the white man put black men in jail and disenfranchised them. Odd thing about that, though — shakedowns of drug dealers allegedly became a source of funds for the Panthers and violent incidents allegedly related to shakedowns came to light as the 1970s wore on, as related below.[citation needed]
Also of note, while espousing a program of self-help for the black community which could be viewed as a moderate form of black nationalism, the Black Panther Party rejected the extreme separatist and anti-white views of some other groups such as the Nation of Islam, and welcomed the support of and alliances with the white left. The Panthers also supported self-determination for all peoples under the slogan "All Power to the People" and allied with other leftist organizations, such as the Gay Liberation Front.[5] More specifically, Fred Hampton formed alliances between the Panthers' Illinois chapter and other groups to form the Rainbow Coalition[4].
In the 1973 Oakland Mayoral election, Bobby Seale came in second and forced a runoff. Elaine Brown had an even stronger showing in her City Council race of 1975 and was campaign chair for Lionel Wilson, the first black Mayor of Oakland, in 1977. The Panthers had established themselves as a political force to be reckoned with in Oakland. There's an asterisk on the Panthers' role in Wilson's election, though; it was part of a horse-trading deal that exchanged their support for Wilson for Wilson's help in dropping charges against of the chief of the Panthers' security detail. That was admitted years later by the same guy who got the get-out-of-jail-free card. Within a year of the Wilson election, however, the Panthers' fall from grace in Oakland politics was precipitous.[citation needed]
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First, the guns. Originally the Panthers walked around Oakland with their firearms openly, as a California law made it legal to waltz into town packing a shotgun as if it were still the OK Corral (remember, Reagan, a wannabe cowboy, was Governor at the time). Black Panther rallies would feature members marching with firearms while singing songs like "The revolution has come / Off the pig / It's time to pick up the gun / Off the pig" and "No more brothers in jail / Pigs are gonna catch hell". They were basically publicly telling the police who regularly beat up Black people for fun that they should either back off or be driven off in a body bag. However, not all chapters of the Panthers open-carried to this extent; for example, the Portland chapter never openly displayed their firearms.[7] The Panthers took this to its logical extreme in May 1967, by staging a protest against the impending passage of a gun control law supported by Reagan, intended to stop the Panthers from carrying guns openly, by marching into the California legislature carrying firearms. This was legal at the time but needless to say inflamed the situation and created an uproar; the law passed.
Guns in action didn't work out quite so well for the Panthers as guns as stage props did. Huey Newton was jailed on charges stemming from the death of an Oakland Police officer in 1967[7] (see the FBI and other legal trouble) and Eldridge Cleaver faced charges from a 1968 shootout that also resulted in the death of Panther Bobby Hutton. Cleaver went into exile in Algeria where he was later joined by LSD guru Timothy Leary after members of the Weather Underground engineered his escape from prison. By all accounts, the alliance of Cleaver and Leary in exile was a disaster as Cleaver kept Leary under tight control (some would say "virtual house arrest") out of fear the Algerian government - with a revolutionary socialist but socially conservative regime - would not look kindly on Leary's penchant for drug use and free love. Leary and then Cleaver would soon return to the U.S. with Cleaver professing a conversion first to born again Christianity and then to Mormonism. When the Panthers set out to recruit members, a natural constituency attracted to a group famous for its gun-toting image were members of street gangs, who carried their baggage into the Panther organization. The process went full circle in Los Angeles, where they recruited the Slauson street gang and ex-Panthers went on to become the core of the Crips after the L.A. chapter was dissolved in the early 1970s. More than a few Panthers died in gunfights between Panthers and cops, Panthers and old street rivals, and between Panthers and Panthers. And the Panthers' reputation for gun violence provided a ready-made pretext for gun violence against them by various levels of government.[citation needed]
Next, women. Being a political party founded by men raised with a patriarchal outlook always caused trouble in the years before feminism really took hold and changed people's attitudes about gender roles. This was as true of notionally progressive and left-wing parties as of conservative and right-wing ones; the simple fact is the men were as rude, crude, and disrespectful of the ladies as their fathers had been. The Panthers rose to prominence with the help of its imagery of assertive, empowered Black masculinity and ended up reinforcing the stereotype of women as maternal and nurturing in its advertising for its free food programs; [10] moreover, Newton gave some validation to a patriarchal nuclear family (where the father is the breadwinner)in a 1967 essay, and one female Panther described the role of women in the Party as "mothers of the revolutionaries". The initial position of the Panthers on birth control was one of condemnation with the party characterizing the pill as one example of the US government's attempts to curb the growth of the Black population. This was not entirely unsubstantiated, as many recipients of welfare in the seventies, many of whom were women of color, experienced forced sterilization.[3]
Eldridge Cleaver had been a serial rapist and wrote of the rape of white women as "an insurrectionary act" in his 1968 book, Soul on Ice.[citation needed] The machismo within the Panthers and other New Left movements of the time contributed to the rise of the modern womens liberation movement, as women began to see themselves as an oppressed class even within groups that were fighting for the rights of other oppressed classes. At the 1969 SDS convention, two different Black Panther leaders gave bluntly sexist speeches in reaction to the newly emerging feminist focus, one of whom stated that "the strategic position [of women] in the movement is prone", leading to an uproar at an already fractious convention and exacerbating an already-imminent collapse of SDS.[11] The misogyny of the founding Panthers led to internal conflict as well. When Oakland Panthers were sent to the New York Chapter to shore up their leadership in the wake of the Panther 21 case in 1969, their behavior towards women led to armed confrontation (no report of shots fired).
However, the Panthers' views on women were not static. In 1969, Panther chapters started to pass resolutions denouncing sexism as counterrevolutionary. Women started to be featured in the public face of the Panthers to head off a rift between the Panthers and the nascent feminist movement and present a less threatening face towards white liberal donors. Elaine Brown became the leader of the Panthers in 1974, after Newton fled to Cuba when faced with murder and assault charges.
Third, corruption and racketeering. There was never a good accounting of where all the money from white liberals' open wallets or local and State governments went. Accountant Betty Van Patter showed up dead in December 1974, shortly after she brought bookkeeping discrepancies to the attention of Brown. Members of the Panther "security squad" were on the payroll of the umbrella group for the Panthers' social programs, although they had no known duties.[12] After a long investigation, Huey Newton was eventually sentenced to 6 months' jail time and probation after pleading no contest to cashing a $15,000 State check, intended for use by the Panthers' community programs, for personal use. At time, the Panthers were accused of embezzling hundreds of thousands of dollars of State grant funds.
From early on, the Panthers were known to "tax the dope trade," as they called it. A community fund drive for the Panther "survival" programs in 1971 saw solicitations from the Panthers to local businesses that amounted to shakedowns. Two arsons at Oakland's Fox Theater occurred after a local concert promoter refused demands from the Panthers for piece of the action. The Panther "security squad" was reportedly doing shakedowns of bars, after hours clubs, dealers, pimps, and hookers through the 1970s. A number of shootings through the 1970s occurred against Panther shakedown targets. News reporters critical of the Panthers were threatened (at least once by Brown) and two arsons are suspected to be in retribution for critical reporting by the Oakland Tribune.[13] David Horowitz, a former New Left activist turned batshit insane arch-conservative, claims he witnessed everything from major members of the Party leadership extorting pimps and hookers to them bashing in the back of Betty Van Patter's skull.[14] Horowitz went on to be known for his attempts to foment witch hunts in academia, but his account of his experience with the Panthers is what it is.
Newton was also a power hungry, ruthless, dirty, and violent infighter within the Panther organization. Returning from his incarceration in 1970, Newton sought to reassert his position as top dog of the Panthers, purging anyone he thought might challenge his position, all the while presenting a new face to the public as the head of a reborn community organizing and service organization. In Newton's purge of 1974 Robert Hilliard, who occupied the top position while Newton and Seale were incarcerated, was expelled, as was former chairman Seale. Newton's purges often involved beatings, as in the case of Seale and in 1977, Brown. In 1971 Newton expelled another rival in the Party, Geronimo Pratt, who was in jail since 1970 on a murder charge and in 1972 convicted on the word of a police informant. It was a contention in the Pratt camp that the Panthers had evidence supporting Pratt's alibi that he was 350 miles away at the time of the murder, but withheld it on the orders of Newton (Pratt's conviction was overturned in 1997). Other Panthers who felt that they had been abandoned by the Party while they were in legal trouble, or felt that the Party had a politically-motivated role in their trouble a la Pratt, gradually coalesced into a rival group, the Black Guerrilla Army. Newton's killing in 1989[6] was rumored to be the work of that group. Regardless of whether the defense of Panthers was deliberately withheld for factional reasons, which would put Newton's behavior close to that of a jailhouse snitch, or simply neglected, there was a perception that the closer you were to Newton, the more seriously your defense was taken.[15]
As if things weren't awful enough, Chief J. Edgar Hoover unleashed the hounds from the FBI against the Panthers and other black activist groups in August 1967, who set up a complex program of intrigues and double-crosses that would have made Joseph Stalin take notes.[7] Through infiltration, rumor-mongering, and the double murder of Illinois Chapter of the Black Panther Party leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark in Chicago, the Chief was able to put various Panther leaders in jail or on the run.[4] In the government's most blatant example of incarceration-by-any-means-necessary, Bobby Seale went on trial as one of the original Chicago Eight, then was bound, gagged, and sent to the slammer on a four-year term for contempt of court. While he was in prison, he went on trial in the New Haven Black Panther Murders case, which involved one police informant who got killed and one hit man who either flipped or was a police informant to begin with, depending on who you choose to believe. The case was dropped after the jury failed to reach a verdict. He was released from prison in 1972. An FBI frame-up is suspected in the case of Elmer "Geronimo" Pratt, who spent years in prison on a discredited charge for a 1968 robbery and murder. The FBI was also able to successfully foment deadly strife between the Panthers and rival black nationalist groups using anonymous letters; in fact, COINTELPRO was involved in the 1969 deaths of Bunchy Carter and John Huggins, who were shot by members of a rival group, from the Panthers' Los Angeles chapter.[7]
The FBI even opposed the Panthers' free food programs, claiming that Free Breakfast for School Children was intended as an opportunity to lessen criticism of the party and indoctrinate children as opposed to helping meet a communities' needs; consequently, the Party faced police harassment at some of its Breakfasts, and police sometimes even went door-to-door to discourage parents from sending their children to them. (While food was useful as an organizing tool for the Panthers, their primary motivation for the free food programs was that hunger was a major problem for impoverished Black communities, which suffered despite the War on Poverty from the Johnson administration.)[10] Additionally, the FBI sent anonymous letters to dentists and doctors in Portland in an attempt to dissuade them from volunteering at the Panthers' free clinics in the area.[7]
Huey Newton was frequently wrapped up in charges of violence, starting from his youthful stabbing of another man with a steak knife, which he was actually convicted for, to charges of assault and murder. In October 1967, he was in a car pulled over by a white Oakland police officer who recognized Newton and called for backup. When another officer arrived, shots were exchanged between the people in the car and the first officer, which proved fatal for said officer, named John Frey. Newton showed up at a hospital later in the day with a gunshot wound in the abdomen and was arrested and charged. The Panthers played that situation into a cause celebre for the left, rallying supporters around the "Free Huey" campaign during Newton's incarceration from September 1968 to May 1970. Newton claimed not to remember anything, the guns were never found (although in author Hugh Pearson's account, Shadow of the Panther, he claimed that Newton later admitted to him that he shot the officer), and the conviction for manslaughter by an all-white jury was overturned by the California Court of Appeals in 1970.[7]
Newton was again charged with murder in 1974 over the shooting death of a woman, allegedly because she used a childhood nickname he had a special dislike for, "baby". He was also charged with assault for allegedly beating a tailor in his Lake Merritt penthouse, again, over the use of said nickname. He fled to Cuba to avoid prosecution[5], and returned in 1977 to reclaim his post as the head of the Party and face the charges. Newton eventually beat both the charges, but the process was awfully messy and bloody. The key witness for the murder trial was the target of a botched hit by three Panthers, who attacked the wrong house and got themselves shot up instead. The Panther medic who treated one of the hitmen was himself later the target of a botched hit, shot in the back and buried in the desert. He survived but was paralyzed by the gunshot injuries, and implicated two Panthers as his assailants.[16] Newton denied involvement in these botched hits; however he was the head of the Panthers at the time, as well as the defendant in the case the witness was involved in, so go figure. But all that bloodshed paid off for Huey, as the target of the first hit was too frightened to testify after the attempt on her life and the other two witnesses in the murder trial had credibility problems. After two trials with hung juries, the case was dropped. The tailor was also beset by untimely memory problems, eventually leading to dropped charges, but Newton pled out on charges of illegal gun possession in the process.
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From 1978 on, the Panthers were a spent force in Oakland politics. White liberals and government funders started keeping their wallets closed after the story broke over misuse of grant funds for the Panther School. By 1980 there were only around two dozen members of the Panthers left, but Newton was able to score one last triumph, a piece of paper from UC Santa Cruz that entitled him to be called "Doctor." Newton would eventually plead no contest to cashing a $15,000 State check for personal use, for which he was sentenced to 6 months in jail and 18 months probation. Newton was shot to death in west Oakland in 1989, shortly after leaving a crackhouse, by a crack dealer who rolled with a group of disgruntled ex-Panthers. Beginning in the mid 1960's the inner city black community descended into a hell of drugs, gang violence, single motherhood, and unemployment- trends which peaked in the 1990's. The Panthers left legacies in the Crips and various Oakland political machines based on race.
New York Panther Afeni Shakur gave birth to the rapper Tupac Amaru Shakur (birth name Lesane Parish Crooks[17]) in 1972. The Panther offshoot Black Liberation Army, in which Tupac's step-auntie Assata Shakur purportedly had a leading role, originated the credo later adopted by the Black Organization for Leadership and Dignity ("...WE HAVE NOTHING TO LOSE BUT OUR CHAINS!"). The BLA/BOLD credo is recited at current protests over racial issues.
Stokely Carmichael in Alabama, 1966