| ||||||||||||||||||||
Turnout | 53.6% 9.0 pp | |||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ||||||||||||||||||||
DeSantis: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Crist: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% 70–80% 80–90% >90% Tie: 40–50% 50% No votes | ||||||||||||||||||||
|
Elections in Florida |
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Government |
The 2022 Florida gubernatorial election was held on November 8, 2022, to elect the governor of Florida, alongside other state and local elections. Incumbent Republican Governor Ron DeSantis won re-election in a landslide[1][2] and defeated the Democratic Party nominee, Charlie Crist, who served as governor of Florida from 2007 to 2011 as a Republican and later as an independent. No Democrat has been elected governor of Florida since 1994.[3][4][5]
According to exit polls, DeSantis won 65% of White voters, 13% of Black voters, and 58% of Latinos; of the latter group, DeSantis won 69% of Cubans and 56% of Puerto Ricans.[6] DeSantis's large margin of victory was in part due to him flipping Democratic stronghold Miami-Dade County for the first time since 2002, and Palm Beach County for the first time since 1986, as well as winning Hillsborough, Osceola, Pinellas, and St. Lucie counties for the first time since 2006. This was also the first gubernatorial election since 2006 in which a candidate received over 50% of the vote. His 19.4% margin of victory was the largest since 1982 and the largest for a Republican in state history, compared to 0.4% four years earlier. It was also the first time the governorship was won by double digits since 2002, and the first time it was won by over a million votes.[7][8]
Significantly, Crist's 39.9% performance was the worst for a Democratic nominee for governor of Florida since 1916. Republicans won all other statewide races by double digits; this is the first time since the end of Reconstruction that Democrats do not hold at least one of the statewide positions. DeSantis also made large gains among Hispanic voters, becoming the first Republican in decades to win a majority of those voters.[6][9] He also had a major fundraising advantage over Crist, setting an all-time record for a gubernatorial candidate.[10]
Some analysts believe that this election indicates that Florida has transitioned from being a swing state into a reliable red state.[11][12]
To qualify for the ballot in Florida, partisan candidates must first file with the Division of Elections of the Florida Department of State. After filing, a candidate must then qualify for the ballot by a deadline by either paying qualifying fees totaling 6% of the salary of the position sought, or obtaining sufficiently many signatures. Not all candidates who filed to run for governor subsequently qualified to appear on the ballot.[13]
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Graphical summary
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. There is more info on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org. |
Source of poll aggregation |
Dates administered |
Dates updated |
Charlie Crist |
Nikki Fried |
Other [a] |
Margin |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Real Clear Politics[122] | February 7 – June 17, 2022 | June 20, 2022 | 40.0% | 23.3% | 36.7% | Crist +16.7 |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[b] |
Margin of error |
Charlie Crist |
Nikki Fried |
Annette Taddeo |
Other | Undecided | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
St. Pete Polls[123] | August 20–21, 2022 | 1,617 (LV) | ± 2.4% | 59% | 30% | – | – | 11% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Change Research (D)[124][A] | August 12–14, 2022 | 702 (LV) | ± 4.2% | 47% | 37% | – | – | 16% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
University of North Florida[125] | August 8–12, 2022 | 529 (LV) | ± 6.0% | 43% | 47% | – | 5%[c] | 6% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Public Policy Polling (D)[126][B] | August 8–9, 2022 | 664 (LV) | ± 3.8% | 42% | 35% | – | – | 23% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
St. Pete Polls[127] | August 2–3, 2022 | 1,361 (LV) | ± 2.7% | 56% | 24% | – | – | 20% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
GBAO (D)[128][A] | July 27–31, 2022 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 52% | 36% | – | – | 12% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Kaplan Strategies[129] | July 6, 2022 | 671 (LV) | ± 3.8% | 39% | 39% | – | – | 22% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
GBAO (D)[130][A] | June 23–26, 2022 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 55% | 34% | – | – | 11% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
St. Pete Polls[131] | June 16–17, 2022 | 1,007 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 49% | 24% | – | – | 27% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Global Strategy Group (D)[132][B] | June 8–13, 2022 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 38% | 34% | – | – | 29% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Taddeo withdraws from the race | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
St. Pete Polls[133] | May 2–3, 2022 | 1,859 (LV) | ± 2.3% | 52% | 19% | 5% | – | 24% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Sachs Media Group[134] | April 8–10, 2022 | 700 (RV) | ± 3.7% | 35% | 20% | 4% | – | 41% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
University of North Florida[135] | February 7–20, 2022 | 271 (RV) | ± 6.0% | 27% | 19% | 4% | 8%[d] | 44% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Mason-Dixon[136] | February 7–10, 2022 | 400 (LV) | ± 5.0% | 44% | 27% | 3% | – | 26% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Alvarado Strategies (R)[137][C] | February 2022 | 1,007 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 36% | 25% | 6% | 10% | 23% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
GBAO (D)[138][A] | January 26–31, 2022 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 54% | 28% | 7% | – | 11% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
56% | 33% | – | – | 11% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Public Policy Polling (D)[139][B] | January 26–27, 2022 | 582 (LV) | ± 4.1% | 36% | 34% | – | – | 29% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Public Policy Polling (D)[140][B] | August 10–11, 2021 | 274 (LV) | ± 5.9% | 33% | 36% | – | – | 31% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Susquehanna Polling & Research (R)[141] | August 4–10, 2021 | 245 (RV) | ± 6.3% | 38% | 27% | – | 5% | 30% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Political Matrix (R)[142] | June 9–11, 2021 | 660 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 41% | 31% | – | – | 29% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
St. Pete Polls[143] | May 24–26, 2021 | 2,752 (RV) | ± 1.9% | 55% | 22% | – | 11% | 12% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Victory Insights (R)[144] | May 4, 2021 | 232 (RV) | ± 7.0% | 53% | 30% | – | 17%[e] | – | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
SEA Polling (D)[145][D] | April 15–20, 2021 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 28% | 26% | 13% | – | 34% |
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Democratic | Charlie Crist | 904,524 | 59.71% | |
Democratic | Nicole "Nikki" Fried | 535,480 | 35.35% | |
Democratic | Cadance Daniel | 38,198 | 2.52% | |
Democratic | Robert L. Willis | 36,786 | 2.43% | |
Total votes | 1,513,180 | 100.0% |
In June 2022, Politico released a shortlist of 18 people who Crist was considering as his running mate.[147] On August 26, four days after Crist won the gubernatorial primary, CBS News reported that he had selected Karla Hernández-Mats, one of the people on the Politico shortlist.[148]
No. | Date | Host | Moderator | Link | Participants | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
P Participant A Absent N Non-invitee I Invitee W Withdrawn | ||||||
Ron DeSantis | Charlie Crist | |||||
1 | October 24, 2022 | WPEC-TV | Liz Quirantes | YouTube[164] | P | P |
Source | Ranking | As of |
---|---|---|
The Cook Political Report[165] | Likely R | July 22, 2022 |
Inside Elections[166] | Likely R | July 22, 2022 |
Sabato's Crystal Ball[167] | Safe R | October 31, 2022 |
Politico[168] | Likely R | April 1, 2022 |
RCP[169] | Lean R | January 10, 2022 |
Fox News[170] | Likely R | May 12, 2022 |
538[171] | Solid R | October 18, 2022 |
Elections Daily[172] | Safe R | November 7, 2022 |
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Aggregate polls
Source of poll aggregation |
Dates administered |
Dates updated |
Ron DeSantis (R) |
Charlie Crist (D) |
Other [f] |
Margin |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Real Clear Politics[193] | October 17 – November 6, 2022 | November 8, 2022 | 54.4% | 42.2% | 3.4% | DeSantis +12.2 |
FiveThirtyEight[194] | October 30, 2022 – November 7, 2022 | November 8, 2022 | 54.5% | 42.4% | 3.0% | DeSantis +12.1 |
270 to win[195] | November 4–7, 2022 | November 8, 2022 | 54.0% | 41.8% | 4.2% | DeSantis +12.2 |
Average | 54.3% | 42.1% | 3.6% | DeSantis +12.2 |
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[b] |
Margin of error |
Ron DeSantis (R) |
Charlie Crist (D) |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[196] | November 6–7, 2022 | 722 (LV) | ± 3.8% | 52% | 48% | – | – |
Research Co.[197] | November 4–6, 2022 | 450 (LV) | ± 4.6% | 54% | 41% | 2%[g] | 3% |
Data for Progress (D)[198] | November 2–6, 2022 | 1,436 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 57% | 42% | 2%[h] | – |
Amber Integrated (R)[199] | November 1–2, 2022 | 600 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 53% | 40% | 4%[i] | 4% |
Civiqs[200] | October 29 – November 2, 2022 | 772 (LV) | ± 3.9% | 54% | 45% | 1%[j] | 1% |
InsiderAdvantage (R)[201][E] | November 1, 2022 | 550 (LV) | ± 4.2% | 53% | 43% | 1%[k] | 3% |
Siena College[202] | October 30 – November 1, 2022 | 659 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 54% | 42% | – | 3% |
Victory Insights[203] | October 30 – November 1, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.8% | 54% | 41% | – | 5% |
Florida State University/YouGov[204] | October 20–31, 2022 | 1,117 (RV) | – | 53% | 43% | – | – |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[205] | October 27–28, 2022 | 633 (LV) | ± 3.3% | 47% | 53% | – | – |
University of North Florida[206] | October 17–24, 2022 | 622 (LV) | ± 4.7% | 55% | 41% | 2%[l] | 3% |
Data for Progress (D)[207] | October 19–23, 2022 | 1,251 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 54% | 42% | 1%[m] | 2% |
Cherry Communications (R)[208][F] | October 13–23, 2022 | 601 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 53% | 42% | – | 5% |
Stetson University[209] | October 16–20, 2022 | 644 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 53% | 45% | – | 2% |
Florida Atlantic University[210] | October 12–16, 2022 | 719 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 51% | 40% | 4%[n] | 5% |
YouGov[211][G] | October 11–16, 2022 | 832 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 53% | 43% | 4% | – |
Sachs Media[212] | October 15, 2022 | 600 (LV) | – | 52% | 42% | – | 6% |
RMG Research (R)[213][H] | October 10–13, 2022 | 685 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 52% | 42% | – | 6% |
African American Research Collaborative (D)[214][I] | October 4–11, 2022 | 1,250 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 46% | 41% | – | 13% |
Mason-Dixon Polling & Strategy[215] | September 26–28, 2022 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 52% | 41% | 1% | 6% |
Clarity Campaign Labs (D)[216][J] | September 22–27, 2022 | 2,860 (LV) | ± 1.8% | 47% | 46% | – | 7% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[217] | September 21, 2022 | 700 (LV) | ± 3.3% | 47% | 53% | – | – |
Siena College[218] | September 18–25, 2022 | 669 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 49% | 41% | 2%[o] | 7% |
Civiqs[219] | September 17–20, 2022 | 617 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 52% | 45% | 1%[p] | 2% |
Suffolk University[220] | September 15–18, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 48% | 41% | 5%[q] | 7% |
Sachs Media[221] | September 10, 2022 | 600 (LV) | – | 51% | 45% | – | 4% |
Survey Monkey (D)[222][K] | September 9–10, 2022 | 999 (RV) | ± 3.0% | 49% | 43% | – | 8% |
563 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 50% | 47% | – | 3% | ||
Echelon Insights[223] | August 31 – September 7, 2022 | 815 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 52% | 42% | – | 7% |
InsiderAdvantage (R)[224][E] | September 5–6, 2022 | 550 (LV) | ± 4.2% | 50% | 45% | – | 5% |
Susquehanna Polling and Research (R)[225] | August 29 – September 4, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 47% | 43% | – | 10% |
Neighborhood Research and Media[226] | August 29 – September 2, 2022 | 362 (LV) | ± 4.3% | 50% | 41% | – | 9% |
Fabrizio Ward (R)/Impact Research (D)[227] | August 24–31, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 50% | 47% | – | 3% |
Clarity Campaign Labs (D)[228][J] | August 25–30, 2022 | 3,017 (LV) | ± 1.8% | 48% | 45% | – | 7% |
Impact Research (D)[229][L] | August 12–18, 2022 | 800 (LV) | ± 3.5% | 51% | 46% | – | 3% |
Cherry Communications (R)[230][F] | August 4–15, 2022 | 608 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 43% | – | 6% |
University of North Florida[231] | August 8–12, 2022 | 1,624 (RV) | ± 3.4% | 50% | 42% | 6% | 2% |
Clarity Campaign Labs (D)[232][J] | July 26–31, 2022 | 2,244 (LV) | ± 2.1% | 47% | 44% | – | 9% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[233] | May 27 – June 4, 2022 | 714 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 49% | 51% | – | – |
Fabrizio Lee & Associates (R)[234][M] | Mid-May 2022 | 1,200 (RV) | ± 2.8% | 47% | 48% | – | 5% |
Phillips Academy[235] | May 7–9, 2022 | 543 (RV) | ± 4.2% | 36% | 35% | – | 30% |
Saint Leo University[236] | February 28 – March 12, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 49% | 33% | – | 18% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[237] | February 23, 2022 | 1,064 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 44% | 56% | – | – |
University of North Florida[238] | February 7–20, 2022 | 685 (RV) | ± 3.7% | 55% | 34% | – | 11% |
Mason-Dixon[136] | February 7–10, 2022 | 625 (RV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 43% | – | 6% |
Suffolk University[239] | January 26–29, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 49% | 43% | 0% | 8% |
St. Pete Polls[240] | November 18–19, 2021 | 2,896 (LV) | ± 1.8% | 51% | 45% | – | 5% |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[241] | November 9, 2021 | 867 (RV) | ± 3.3% | 44% | 37% | 5% | 9% |
842 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 46% | 40% | 4% | 7% | ||
Saint Leo University[242] | October 17–23, 2021 | 500 (A) | ± 4.5% | 47% | 35% | – | 18% |
VCreek/AMG (R)[243][N] | September 23–27, 2021 | 405 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 47% | 39% | 2% | 12% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[244] | September 11–12, 2021 | 1,144 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 55% | – | – |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[245] | September 3–5, 2021 | 1,144 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 55% | – | – |
RMG Research[246] | August 21–28, 2021 | 1,000 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 38% | – | 17% |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[247] | August 20–24, 2021 | 1,000 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 36% | 5% | 9% |
977 (LV) | 48% | 38% | 5% | 8% | |||
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[248] | August 14–18, 2021 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 43% | 57% | – | – |
Change Research (D)[249][O] | August 14–17, 2021 | 1,585 (LV) | ± 2.5% | 49% | 45% | – | 6% |
Susquehanna Polling & Research (R)[141] | August 4–10, 2021 | 700 (RV) | ± 3.7% | 46% | 43% | 3% | 7% |
Cherry Communications (R)[250][F] | July 26 – August 4, 2021 | 610 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 43% | – | 6% |
St. Pete Polls[251] | August 2–3, 2021 | 3,952 (LV) | ± 1.6% | 44% | 45% | – | 11% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[252] | June 21, 2021 | 716 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 55% | 45% | – | – |
Cherry Communications (R)[253][F] | April 30 – May 8, 2021 | 602 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 41% | – | 8% |
Victory Insights (R)[144] | May 4, 2021 | 600 (RV) | ± 4.1% | 53% | 47% | – | – |
Mason-Dixon[254] | February 24–28, 2021 | 625 (RV) | ± 4.0% | 52% | 41% | – | 7% |
Ron DeSantis vs. Nikki Fried
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[b] |
Margin of error |
Ron DeSantis (R) |
Nikki Fried (D) |
Other | Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Cherry Communications (R)[230][F] | August 4–15, 2022 | 608 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 50% | 43% | – | 7% |
University of North Florida[255] | August 8–12, 2022 | 1,624 (RV) | ± 3.4% | 50% | 43% | 5% | 2% |
Clarity Campaign Labs (D)[232][J] | July 26–31, 2022 | 2,244 (LV) | ± 2.1% | 49% | 43% | – | 8% |
Saint Leo University[256] | February 28 – March 12, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 51% | 27% | – | 22% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[237] | February 23, 2022 | 1,064 (LV) | ± 3.0% | 50% | 50% | – | – |
University of North Florida[257] | February 7–20, 2022 | 685 (RV) | ± 3.7% | 55% | 32% | – | 12% |
Mason-Dixon[136] | February 7–10, 2022 | 625 (RV) | ± 4.0% | 53% | 42% | – | 5% |
Suffolk University[239] | January 26–29, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.4% | 51% | 40% | 0% | 9% |
St. Pete Polls[240] | November 18–19, 2021 | 2,896 (LV) | ± 1.8% | 51% | 42% | – | 6% |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[241] | November 9, 2021 | 867 (RV) | ± 3.3% | 46% | 35% | 4% | 8% |
842 (LV) | ± 3.4% | 50% | 37% | 4% | 7% | ||
Saint Leo University[242] | October 17–23, 2021 | 500 (A) | ± 4.5% | 46% | 33% | – | 21% |
VCreek/AMG (R)[243][N] | September 23–27, 2021 | 405 (LV) | ± 4.9% | 48% | 36% | 5% | 11% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[245] | September 3–5, 2021 | 1,144 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 52% | 48% | – | – |
RMG Research[246] | August 21–28, 2021 | 1,000 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 41% | 38% | – | 21% |
Redfield & Wilton Strategies[247] | August 20–24, 2021 | 1,000 (RV) | ± 3.1% | 45% | 36% | 4% | 11% |
977 (LV) | 48% | 38% | 3% | 10% | |||
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[248] | August 14–18, 2021 | 1,000 (LV) | ± 3.1% | 46% | 54% | – | – |
Change Research (D)[249][O] | August 14–17, 2021 | 1,585 (LV) | ± 2.5% | 49% | 44% | – | 7% |
Susquehanna Polling & Research (R)[141] | August 4–10, 2021 | 700 (RV) | ± 3.7% | 50% | 40% | 2% | 7% |
Cherry Communications (R)[250][F] | July 26 – August 4, 2021 | 610 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 42% | – | 7% |
St. Pete Polls[251] | August 2–3, 2021 | 3,952 (LV) | ± 1.6% | 45% | 42% | – | 13% |
The Political Matrix/The Listener Group (R)[252] | June 21, 2021 | 716 (LV) | ± 3.7% | 61% | 39% | – | – |
Cherry Communications (R)[253][F] | April 30 – May 8, 2021 | 602 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 39% | – | 10% |
Victory Insights (R)[144] | May 4, 2021 | 600 (RV) | ± 4.1% | 53% | 47% | – | – |
St. Pete Polls[258] | March 22–24, 2021 | 1,923 (LV) | ± 2.2% | 45% | 45% | – | 10% |
Mason-Dixon[254] | February 24–28, 2021 | 625 (RV) | ± 4.0% | 51% | 42% | – | 7% |
Ron DeSantis vs. Annette Taddeo
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[b] |
Margin of error |
Ron DeSantis (R) |
Annette Taddeo (D) |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Saint Leo University[259] | February 28 – March 12, 2022 | 500 (LV) | ± 4.5% | 49% | 30% | 22% |
Mason-Dixon[136] | February 7–10, 2022 | 625 (RV) | ± 4.0% | 53% | 37% | 10% |
Saint Leo University[242] | October 17–23, 2021 | 500 (A) | ± 4.5% | 47% | 28% | 25% |
Ron DeSantis vs. generic Democrat
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[b] |
Margin of error |
Ron DeSantis (R) |
Generic Democrat |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Clarity Campaign Labs (D)[260][J] | July 26–31, 2022 | 2,244 (LV) | ± 2.1% | 48% | 43% | 9% |
Data for Progress (D)[261][P] | September 15–22, 2020 | 620 (LV) | ± 3.9% | 42% | 44% | 14% |
Ron DeSantis vs. Val Demings
Poll source | Date(s) administered |
Sample size[b] |
Margin of error |
Ron DeSantis (R) |
Val Demings (D) |
Undecided |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Cherry Communications (R)[253][F] | April 30 – May 8, 2021 | 602 (LV) | ± 4.0% | 53% | 38% | – |
Victory Insights (R)[144] | May 4, 2021 | 600 (RV) | ± 4.1% | 54% | 46% | – |
Party | Candidate | Votes | % | ±% | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Republican | Ron DeSantis (incumbent) Jeanette Nuñez (incumbent) |
4,614,210 | 59.37% | +9.78% | |
Democratic | Charlie Crist Karla Hernandez |
3,106,313 | 39.97% | −9.22% | |
Independent | Carmen Jackie Gimenez Kyle "KC" Gibson |
31,577 | 0.41% | N/A | |
Libertarian | Hector Roos Jerry "Tub" Rorabaugh |
19,299 | 0.25% | N/A | |
Total votes | 7,771,399 | 100.0% | N/A | ||
Turnout | 7,796,916 | 53.76% | |||
Registered electors | 14,503,978 | ||||
Republican hold |
By county
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Counties that flipped from Democratic to Republican
|
DeSantis won 22 of 28 congressional districts, including two that elected Democrats.[264]
District | DeSantis | Crist | Representative |
---|---|---|---|
1st | 73% | 26% | Matt Gaetz |
2nd | 61% | 38% | Neal Dunn |
3rd | 64% | 35% | Kat Cammack |
4th | 60% | 39% | Aaron Bean |
5th | 65% | 34% | John Rutherford |
6th | 68% | 31% | Michael Waltz |
7th | 60% | 39% | Stephanie Murphy (117th Congress) |
Cory Mills (118th Congress) | |||
8th | 65% | 35% | Bill Posey |
9th | 50% | 49% | Darren Soto |
10th | 41% | 58% | Val Demings (117th Congress) |
Maxwell Frost (118th Congress) | |||
11th | 63% | 37% | Daniel Webster |
12th | 69% | 30% | Gus Bilirakis |
13th | 58% | 41% | Anna Paulina Luna |
14th | 47% | 52% | Kathy Castor |
15th | 59% | 40% | Laurel Lee |
16th | 61% | 38% | Vern Buchanan |
17th | 64% | 35% | Greg Steube |
18th | 69% | 30% | Scott Franklin |
19th | 69% | 30% | Byron Donalds |
20th | 30% | 69% | Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick |
21st | 62% | 37% | Brian Mast |
22nd | 48% | 51% | Lois Frankel |
23rd | 50% | 49% | Jared Moskowitz |
24th | 31% | 68% | Frederica Wilson |
25th | 47% | 52% | Debbie Wasserman Schultz |
26th | 70% | 29% | Mario Díaz-Balart |
27th | 58% | 41% | María Elvira Salazar |
28th | 64% | 36% | Carlos A. Giménez |
Demographic subgroup | Crist | DeSantis | % of voters | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Gender | ||||
Men | 35 | 64 | 49 | |
Women | 46 | 53 | 51 | |
Age | ||||
18–24 years old | 54 | 44 | 7 | |
25–29 years old | 56 | 41 | 4 | |
30–39 years old | 52 | 47 | 13 | |
40–49 years old | 38 | 60 | 12 | |
50–64 years old | 36 | 63 | 32 | |
65 and older | 36 | 64 | 32 | |
Race | ||||
White | 34 | 65 | 64 | |
Black | 86 | 13 | 11 | |
Latino | 40 | 58 | 21 | |
Race by gender | ||||
White men | 27 | 72 | 32 | |
White women | 40 | 58 | 32 | |
Black men | 81 | 19 | 5 | |
Black women | 91 | 9 | 6 | |
Latino men | 41 | 57 | 10 | |
Latina women | 39 | 60 | 11 | |
Education | ||||
High school or less | 33 | 67 | 15 | |
Some college education | 41 | 58 | 25 | |
Associate degree | 40 | 59 | 19 | |
Bachelor's degree | 43 | 56 | 24 | |
Advanced degree | 44 | 55 | 17 | |
Party ID | ||||
Democrats | 95 | 5 | 28 | |
Republicans | 2 | 97 | 42 | |
Independents | 45 | 53 | 30 | |
Ideology | ||||
Liberals | 90 | 10 | 20 | |
Moderates | 53 | 45 | 39 | |
Conservatives | 6 | 94 | 42 | |
Marital status | ||||
Married | 38 | 62 | 59 | |
Unmarried | 50 | 50 | 41 | |
Gender by marital status | ||||
Married men | 32 | 68 | 30 | |
Married women | 44 | 55 | 29 | |
Unmarried men | 49 | 51 | 18 | |
Unmarried women | 50 | 49 | 23 | |
First-time midterm election voter | ||||
Yes | 41 | 59 | 11 | |
No | 43 | 57 | 89 | |
Most important issue facing the country | ||||
Crime | 35 | 63 | 10 | |
Inflation | 26 | 74 | 39 | |
Gun policy | 62 | 36 | 10 | |
Immigration | 12 | 88 | 10 | |
Abortion | 80 | 19 | 24 | |
Area type | ||||
Urban | 43 | 56 | 46 | |
Suburban | 40 | 58 | 44 | |
Rural | 30 | 70 | 10 | |
Source: CNN[265] |
According to exit polls, DeSantis won 65% of White voters, 13% of Black voters, and 58% of Latinos; of the latter group, DeSantis won 69% of Cubans and 56% of Puerto Ricans.[266] DeSantis' large margin of victory was in part due to him flipping Democratic stronghold Miami-Dade County for the first time since 2002, and Palm Beach County for the first time since 1986, as well as winning Hillsborough, Osceola, Pinellas, and St. Lucie counties for the first time since 2006; this was also the first gubernatorial election since 2006 in which a candidate received over 50% of the vote. His near 20% margin of victory was the largest since 1982 and the largest for a Republican in state history. It was also the first time the governorship was won by double digits since 2002, and the first time it was won by over one million votes.
Significantly, Crist's 40% performance was the worst for a Democratic nominee for governor of Florida since 1916. Republicans won the other statewide races by double digits; this is the first time since the end of Reconstruction that Democrats do not hold at least one of the statewide positions. DeSantis also made large gains among Hispanic voters, becoming the first Republican in decades to win a majority of those voters.[266][267] He also had a major fundraising advantage over Crist, setting an all-time record for a gubernatorial candidate.[268]
Partisan clients
[DeSantis] flipped Miami-Dade County, Florida's political crown jewel, which completed a stunning reversal in just six years, after backing Hillary Clinton by 30 points in 2016, Joe Biden by 7 in 2020, and now DeSantis by 11 points. In running up the score, DeSantis also secured another major win, becoming the first Florida Republican gubernatorial candidate to win the Latino vote in 20 years, and the first Republican governor to do so since Brian Sandoval in Nevada in 2014. ... Devon Murphy-Anderson, the former finance director for the Florida Democratic Party and cofounder of Mi Vecino, which works to activate Latino voters in Florida, told Newsweek that while Miami-Dade is getting all of the attention, DeSantis' complete and total win also impressively flipped traditional blue areas like Palm Beach County and Hillsborough County. "It's important to know this was a strategy from Florida Republicans, and not to shift the blame to Latino voters," she argued, seeing the results as "a response to strategic investment by a political party."
DeSantis outperformed Trump's 2020 figures in key groups that Democrats will need to hold onto the White House. He made gains with Latinos, women and even slightly with black voters, which allowed him to flip counties that traditionally favour Democrats such as Palm Beach, Osceola and of course Miami Dade. He was the first Republican governor since 2002 to win the state's most populous and heavily Hispanic county - not only with Cuban Americans who traditionally lean Republican but also many South Americans and Puerto Ricans who tend to vote Democratic. Joe Biden won the Latino vote in Florida by seven points in 2020 and now DeSantis has carried it by 15 points. These results will shape Florida's politics for years to come. In his victory speech, the governor declared that they had "rewritten the political map". There is no question that Florida is now a Republican state, ending its status as one of the most important swing states in the nation.
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Official campaign websites