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All 96 German seats to the European Parliament | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Turnout | 64.78% ( 3.4 pp) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below. |
The 2024 European Parliament election in Germany was held on 9 June 2024.[1] It was the tenth parliamentary election since the first direct elections in 1979, and the first European Parliament election after Brexit.[2][3]
The election saw the CDU/CSU slightly increase its vote share, while all three parties comprising the government — the SPD, the Greens and the FDP — earned fewer votes than five years ago, with the Greens in particular suffering especially high losses.[4] Conversely, the far-right AfD surged in both votes and seats, finishing second.[5]
There was a stark regional disparity: The AfD won at least a plurality in all but six districts in former East Germany: Potsdam and Potsdam-Mittelmark in Brandenburg, the cities of Erfurt, Jena and Weimar as well as traditionally Catholic Eichsfeld in Thuringia. The newly formed left-populist party Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance also attracted a significant number of voters, with its support also being highest in the former East German states.
The 2024 European Parliament election was the first national election to be held in Germany since the 2021 federal election, in which former Chancellor Angela Merkel's Christian Democrats CDU-CSU lost to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) led by Olaf Scholz[6] who formed a "traffic light coalition" with the Free Democratic Party (FDP) and the Alliance 90/The Greens. The coalition lowered the voting age for European parliamentary elections from 18 to 16 prior to this election.[7]
Since the 2014 European Parliament election, Germany does not have an overriding threshold of the vote share required in order for a party to win an EP seat — unlike the 5% threshold in national elections. This has allowed a number of smaller parties to gain representation, since they only have to reach about 0.5% of the vote share needed to get their first seat under the Webster/Sainte-Laguë method.
Germany is entitled to elect 96 Members of the European Parliament.[8]
Although the European Council had recommended that countries with more than 35 MEPs should introduce a threshold between 2% and 5%, the German government abandoned its plans for a 2% threshold in November 2018.[9] In 2022, the government decided to introduce a 2% threshold, but this will not yet apply in the 2024 election.[10] In 2019, the de facto threshold for a seat was around 0.7% of the vote.
The table shows the detailed composition of the German seats at the European Parliament as of 12 March 2024.
Political parties and other political associations may submit lists for the European elections. The lists must be submitted by the 83rd day before the election. Nationwide lists must be signed by 4,000 eligible voters, state lists by 1 per thousand, but not more than 2,000 eligible voters of the respective state (section 9 (5) EuWG). Parties that have been represented in the Bundestag, a regional parliament or the European Parliament with at least five members since its last election are exempt from the obligation to submit supporting signatures. These are (sorted by election results 2019):
Party | European Party | Group | 2019 result | Top candidate | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
CDU/CSU | EPP | EPP | 28.9% | Manfred Weber | |
Greens | EGP | Greens/EFA | 20.5% | Terry Reintke, Sergey Lagodinsky | |
SPD | PES | S&D | 15.8% | Katarina Barley | |
AfD | ID | ID | 11.0% | Maximilian Krah | |
Left | PEL | GUE/NGL | 5.5% | Martin Schirdewan, Carola Rackete | |
FDP | ALDE | Renew | 5.4% | Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann | |
FW[a] | EDP | Renew | 2.2% | Christine Singer | |
Alliance Germany[b] | – | ECR | – | Lars Patrick Berg |
The following other parties are currently represented in the European Parliament with one MEP each:
Party | European Party | Group | 2019 result | Top candidate | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
PARTEI | – | Non-inscrits | 2.4% | Martin Sonneborn, Sibylle Berg | |
ÖDP | – | Greens/EFA | 1.0% | Manuela Ripa | |
Family Party | ECPM | EPP | 0.7% | Helmut Geuking | |
Volt | Volt | Greens/EFA | 0.7% | Damian Boeselager, Nela Riehl[11] | |
Pirates | PPEU | Greens/EFA | 0.7% | Anja Hirschel[12] |
The federal lists of the following other parties and political associations were accepted:[13]
Party | European Party/Organization | 2019 result | Top candidate | Note | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Human Environment Animal Protection Party | Animal Politics EU | 1.45% | Sebastian Everding[14] | ||
MERA25[15] | DiEM25 | 0.35% | Karin De Rigo, Johannes Fehr | 2019 as DiEM25 | |
The Homeland | APF | 0.27% | Udo Voigt[16] | formerly the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) | |
Action Party for Animal Welfare | – | 0.27% | Cornelia Keisel | ||
Party for Biomedical Rejuvenation Research | – | 0.19% | Felix Werth | formerly Party for Health Research | |
Alliance for Innovation and Justice | FPP | 0.18% | Haluk Yildiz | ||
Alliance C – Christians for Germany | ECPM | 0.18% | Karin Heepen | ||
Party of Humanists | – | 0.17% | Sascha Boelcke[17] | ||
Human World | – | 0.09% | Dominik Laur[18] | ||
German Communist Party | – | 0.05% | Patrik Köbele[19] | ||
Marxist–Leninist Party of Germany[20] | ICOR | 0.05% | Monika Gärtner-Engel | ||
Socialist Equality Party | ICFI | 0.01% | Christoph Vandreier[21] | ||
Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance | – | did not exist | Fabio De Masi[22] | ||
Citizens for Justice Action | – | did not exist | Loreen Bermuske[23] | ||
Climate List Germany | – | did not exist | Verena Hofmann[24] | ||
Democratic Alliance for Diversity and Awakening[25] | UID | did not exist | Fatih Zingal | ||
Grassroots Democratic Party of Germany | – | did not exist | Ellèn Hölzer[26] | ||
Last Generation | – | did not exist | Lina Johnsen[27] | ||
Party of Reason | EPIL | did not run | Dirk Hesse[28] | ||
Party of Progress | – | did not exist | Lukas Sieper[citation needed] | ||
V-Partei3 | – | did not run | Simon Klopstock[29] |
In the last week of April 2024, campaign workers from the Greens, Volt and Left Party were attacked and in some cases injured while putting up posters.[30]
On 3 May 2024, Matthias Ecke (SPD) was attacked while putting up posters for the 2024 European elections in Dresden. He suffered a fracture to his eye socket and had to undergo surgery.[31] State security took over the investigation, as it was assumed that the attack was politically motivated.[32][33] Shortly before this, a campaign worker for Bündnis 90/Die Grünen had already been attacked at the same location while putting up posters.[33] On 5 May, a 17-year-old turned himself in and admitted to the attack on Ecke.[31] The three other suspects were then also identified.[34] After the incident in Dresden, the alliances "Zusammen gegen Rechts" and "Wir sind die Brandmauer Dresden" called for demonstrations in Dresden and Berlin on 5 May 2024.[35] In Dresden, 3,000 participants gathered to show solidarity after the attack; the demonstration was held under the slogan "Violence has no place in our democracy".[36]
On 4 May 2024, Holger Kühnlenz, an AfD member of the Lower Saxony state parliament, was pelted with eggs in Nordhorn and punched in the face.[37][38] In addition, an AfD election campaign stand in Dresden was damaged.[39]
On 5 June 2024, Heinrich Koch, an AfD local council candidate was stabbed in Mannheim when "confronting poster vandals."[40] Another knife-related attack took place in Mannheim a few days earlier.
In a May 2024 interview with Italian newspaper La Repubblica AfD Maximilian Krah argued that not all members of the Waffen-SS should be judged as criminals, citing the example of Günter Grass, a former Nobel Prize winner for literature and member of the Waffen-SS, and added “I would never say that anyone who wore an SS uniform was automatically a criminal. Among the 900,000 SS, there were also many peasants: there was certainly a high percentage of criminals, but not only that”.[41][42] The interview was said to have caused a further decline in already strained relations between the AfD and the French National Rally who both sit within the Identity and Democracy group. In response to Krah's statements and allegations of Chinese influence on the AfD, members of the National Rally followed by Italy's Lega and the Danish People's Party announced they would part ways with the AfD and cease formal collaboration with the party after the 2024 European Parliament election.[43][44]
Polling firm | Fieldwork date | Sample size |
Union EPP |
Grüne G/EFA |
SPD S&D |
AfD NI |
Linke Left |
FDP Renew |
PARTEI NI |
FW Renew |
Tiersch. Left |
ÖDP G/EFA |
FAM EPP |
Volt G/EFA |
PIRAT G/EFA |
BSW NI–Left |
Others | Lead |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Wahlkreisprognose | 6–7 Jun 2024 | 1,000 | 30 | 13.5 | 12.5 | 15.5 | 2.5 | 4.5 | — | 2.5 | — | — | — | — | — | 7.5 | 11.5 | 14.5 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 4–6 Jun 2024 | 1,300 | 31 | 14.5 | 14.5 | 14 | 2.5 | 4 | — | 2 | — | — | — | — | — | 6.5 | 11 | 16.5 |
Forschungsgruppe Wahlen | 5–6 Jun 2024 | 1,223 | 30 | 14 | 14 | 14 | 3 | 4 | — | — | — | — | — | 3 | — | 7 | 13 | 16 |
Ipsos | 29 May–5 Jun 2024 | 2,000 | 30 | 15 | 15 | 14 | 3 | 5 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | 7 | 8 | 15 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 27 May – 1 Jun 2024 | 2,000 | 30.5 | 15 | 13.5 | 15 | 3 | 4 | 1.5 | 2.5 | 1.5 | — | — | — | — | 6 | 7.5 | 15.5 |
INSA | 30–31 May 2024 | 1,001 | 29 | 13 | 14 | 16 | 3 | 4 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | 7 | 11 | 13 |
Forschungsgruppe Wahlen | 27–29 May 2024 | 1,197 | 30 | 15 | 14 | 14 | 4 | 4 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 6 | 13 | 15 |
Infratest dimap | 27–29 May 2024 | 1,515 | 29 | 14 | 15 | 14 | 3 | 4 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | 6 | 12 | 14 |
INSA | 23–24 May 2024 | 1,002 | 30 | 13 | 14 | 17 | 3 | 4 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | 7 | 9 | 13 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 13–21 May 2024 | 2,600 | 31 | 15 | 12.5 | 16 | 3 | 3.5 | 1.5 | 2.5 | 2 | — | — | — | — | 6.5 | 6.5 | 15 |
Forschungsgruppe Wahlen | 14–16 May 2024 | 1,247 | 31 | 15 | 14 | 15 | 3 | 4 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 5 | 13 | 16 |
INSA | 10–13 May 2024 | 2,100 | 29 | 13 | 15.5 | 17 | 4 | 4 | — | 3 | 2 | — | — | — | — | 7 | 5.5 | 12 |
YouGov | 3–8 May 2024 | 1,247 | 29 | 15 | 16 | 20 | 4 | 4 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 6 | 6 | 9 |
Infratest dimap | 29–30 Apr 2024 | 1,323 | 30 | 15 | 14 | 15 | — | 4 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 7 | 15 | 15 |
INSA | 25–26 Apr 2024 | 1,202 | 29 | 13 | 16 | 17 | 4 | 4 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | 7 | 7 | 12 |
Forschungsgruppe Wahlen | 23–25 Apr 2024 | 1,228 | 30 | 17 | 15 | 15 | 3 | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 4 | 13 | 13 |
Forschungsgruppe Wahlen | 9–11 Apr 2024 | 1,254 | 30 | 15 | 16 | 16 | 3 | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 5 | 12 | 14 |
INSA | 5–8 Apr 2024 | 2,100 | 28.5 | 11.5 | 16.5 | 19 | 4 | 5 | — | 3 | 2 | — | — | — | — | 6 | 4 | 9.5 |
Ipsos | 23 Feb–02 Mar 2024 | 2,613 | 29 | 16 | 17 | 16 | 4 | 4 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 7 | 4 | 12 |
Forsa | 12–13 Mar 2024 | 1,008 | 34 | 14 | 16 | 15 | 2 | 3 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | 4 | 9 | 18 |
INSA | 8–11 Mar 2024 | 2,100 | 28.5 | 11 | 16 | 20 | 4.5 | 6 | 1 | 2.5 | 2 | — | 0.5 | 0.5 | 0.5 | 5.5 | 1.5 | 8.5 |
Ipsos | 23 Feb–5 Mar 2024 | 2,613 | 29 | 16 | 17 | 16 | 4 | 4 | — | 3 | — | — | — | — | — | 7 | 4[c] | 12 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 24–29 Feb 2024 | 1,900 | 31.5 | 16 | 12 | 16 | 2 | 3 | 1.5 | 3.5 | 2.5 | — | — | — | — | 7.5 | 4.5 | 15.5 |
Stack Data Strategy | 17–22 Feb 2024 | 980 | 25.5 | 9.8 | 16.5 | 15.1 | 2.7 | 6.0 | 3.2 | 4.1 | 3.1 | — | — | 1.3 | 1.2 | 9.3 | 3.4 | 9.0 |
INSA | 8–12 Feb 2024 | 2,101 | 27 | 10.5 | 16 | 22 | 4.5 | 3 | 1 | 3.5 | 3 | — | 1 | 1 | 1 | 5.5 | 1.5 | 5 |
Portland | 24–31 Jan 2024 | 555 | 29 | 13 | 16 | 17 | 3 | 5 | 1 | 3 | 3 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 6 | 2 | 12 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 11–18 Jan 2024 | 1,440 | 28 | 13 | 9 | 23 | 3 | 4.5 | 1.5 | 5 | 1.5 | — | — | — | — | 7 | 4.5 | 5 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 1–7 Dec 2023 | 1,440 | 31 | 12 | 10 | 25 | 3 | 3 | 1.5 | 2.5 | 2 | — | — | — | — | 7 | 3 | 6 |
INSA | 31 Jul 2023 | 1,001 | 26 | 15 | 19 | 23 | 5 | 7 | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | — | 6 | 3 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 7–14 Jul 2023 | 1,040 | 23 | 13.5 | 15 | 22 | 2.5 | 3.5 | 2 | 3 | 1.5 | — | — | — | — | 8.5 | 5.5 | 1 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 15–16 Dec 2022 | 1,100 | 22 | 21 | 21 | 18.5 | 3.5 | 3.5 | 2 | 3.5 | 2.5 | — | — | — | — | — | 2.5 | 1 |
Wahlkreisprognose | 24–26 Feb 2022 | 1,722 | 22 | 19.5 | 22.5 | 12.5 | 3 | 7.5 | 2.5 | 3 | 2 | — | — | — | — | — | 5.5 | 0.5 |
2021 federal election | 26 Sep 2021 | – | 24.2 | 14.7 | 25.7 | 10.4 | 4.9 | 11.4 | 1.0 | 2.4 | 1.5 | 0.2 | — | 0.4 | 0.4 | — | 2.9 | 1.6 |
2019 European election | 26 May 2019 | – | 28.9 | 20.5 | 15.8 | 11.0 | 5.5 | 5.4 | 2.4 | 2.2 | 1.4 | 1.0 | 0.7 | 0.7 | 0.7 | — | 3.8 | 8.4 |
Polling firm | Fieldwork date | Sample size |
CSU EPP |
Grüne G/EFA |
SPD S&D |
AfD ID |
FW Renew |
FDP Renew |
Linke Left |
BSW NI–Left |
Others | Lead |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
GMS | 31 Jan – 5 Feb 2024 | 1,018 | 43 | 11 | 8 | 16 | 10 | 2 | 1 | 4 | 5 | 27 |
Infratest dimap | 11–15 Jan 2024 | 1,161 | 43 | 13 | 8 | 13 | 9 | – | – | 3 | 9 | 30 |
GMS | 27 Dec – 2 Jan 2024 | 1,002 | 42 | 13 | 7 | 17 | 10 | 3 | 1 | – | 7 | 25 |
2023 state election | 8 Oct 2023 | – | 37.0 | 14.4 | 8.4 | 14.6 | 15.8 | 3.0 | 1.5 | – | 5.3 | 21.2 |
2021 federal election | 26 Sep 2021 | – | 31.7 | 14.1 | 18.0 | 9.0 | 7.5 | 10.5 | 2.8 | – | 6.4 | 13.7 |
2019 European election | 26 May 2019 | – | 40.7 | 19.1 | 9.3 | 8.5 | 5.3 | 3.4 | 2.4 | – | 11.3 | 21.6 |
Polling firm | Fieldwork date | Sample size |
CDU EPP |
AfD ID |
Linke Left |
SPD S&D |
Grüne G/EFA |
FDP Renew |
BSW NI–Left |
Others | Lead |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
INSA[d] | 8–12 Feb 2024 | – | 17 | 32 | 7 | 12 | 9 | 2 | 9 | 12 | 15 |
2021 federal election | 26 Sep 2021 | – | 16.8 | 20.5 | 10.4 | 24.1 | 9.2 | 9.5 | – | 9.5 | 3.6 |
2019 European election | 26 May 2019 | – | 21.5 | 21.1 | 13.4 | 12.2 | 11.6 | 4.4 | – | 15.8 | 0.4 |
Polling firm | Fieldwork date | Sample size |
Union EPP |
Grüne G/EFA |
SPD S&D |
AfD ID |
FDP Renew |
Linke Left |
BSW NI–Left |
Others | Lead |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
INSA | 8–12 Feb 2024 | – | 29 | 11 | 17 | 20 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 11 | 9 |
2021 federal election | 26 Sep 2021 | – | 25.6 | 15.9 | 26.1 | 8.2 | 11.9 | 3.7 | – | 8.6 | 0.5 |
2019 European election | 26 May 2019 | – | 30.5 | 22.5 | 16.6 | 8.6 | 5.6 | 3.8 | – | 11.8 | 8.0 |
The larger map denotes the results by districts and cities, while the smaller shows results in 16 states, including three city-states.
The AfD and the BSW overperformed drastically in the former East Germany,[45] except for Berlin,[e] where the Greens secured the first place, albeit with 8.2% less than in 2019.[46] Overall, the AfD got the highest vote totals in all five former East German states, while the Union secured pluralities in all eight non-city-states to the west of the former border. In addition to Berlin, the Greens also maintained a plurality in the port city-state of Hamburg, though at a 9.9 percentage points lower level than in 2019, while the SPD came first in Bremen, though with 3% less of the vote than in 2019.[4]
Results for each party by state.[47]
State | Union | AfD | SPD | Grüne | BSW | FDP | Linke | Others |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Baden-Württemberg | 32.0 | 14.7 | 11.6 | 13.8 | 4.5 | 6.8 | 1.9 | 14.7 |
Bavaria | 39.7 | 12.6 | 8.9 | 11.8 | 3.8 | 3.9 | 1.4 | 17.9 |
Berlin[f] | 17.6 | 11.6 | 13.2 | 19.6 | 8.7 | 4.3 | 7.3 | 17.7 |
Brandenburg[f] | 18.4 | 27.5 | 13.1 | 6.0 | 13.8 | 3.2 | 4.4 | 13.6 |
Bremen | 19.8 | 10.2 | 21.5 | 16.2 | 5.6 | 5.3 | 5.8 | 15.6 |
Hamburg | 18.4 | 8.0 | 18.7 | 21.2 | 4.9 | 7.0 | 5.1 | 16.7 |
Hesse | 30.0 | 13.6 | 16.4 | 12.9 | 4.4 | 6.3 | 2.5 | 13.9 |
Lower Saxony | 31.4 | 13.2 | 19.5 | 12.2 | 4.5 | 5.3 | 2.1 | 11.8 |
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern[f] | 21.5 | 28.3 | 10.3 | 4.8 | 16.4 | 2.6 | 4.9 | 11.2 |
North Rhine-Westphalia | 31.2 | 12.6 | 17.2 | 13.5 | 4.4 | 6.3 | 2.1 | 12.7 |
Rhineland-Palatinate | 30.7 | 14.7 | 17.5 | 9.3 | 4.7 | 5.9 | 1.7 | 15.5 |
Saarland | 29.3 | 15.7 | 20.5 | 6.6 | 7.9 | 4.7 | 2.0 | 13.3 |
Saxony[f] | 21.8 | 31.8 | 6.9 | 5.9 | 12.6 | 2.4 | 4.9 | 13.7 |
Saxony-Anhalt[f] | 22.8 | 30.5 | 8.7 | 3.9 | 15.0 | 2.5 | 4.8 | 11.8 |
Schleswig-Holstein | 30.2 | 12.2 | 16.7 | 15.4 | 4.1 | 6.3 | 2.3 | 12.8 |
Thuringia[f] | 23.2 | 30.7 | 8.2 | 4.2 | 15.0 | 2.0 | 5.7 | 11.0 |
Demographic | Union | Grüne | SPD | AfD | Linke | FDP | BSW | Other | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Total vote | 30.0% | 11.9% | 13.9% | 15.9% | 2.7% | 5.2% | 6.2% | 14.2% | ||||
Sex | ||||||||||||
Men | 30% | 11% | 13% | 19% | 2% | 6% | 5% | 14% | ||||
Women | 30% | 13% | 15% | 12% | 3% | 5% | 7% | 15% | ||||
Age | ||||||||||||
16–24 years old | 17% | 11% | 9% | 16% | 6% | 7% | 6% | 28% | ||||
25–34 years old | 19% | 15% | 9% | 18% | 4% | 6% | 5% | 24% | ||||
35–44 years old | 26% | 14% | 10% | 20% | 2% | 5% | 5% | 18% | ||||
45–59 years old | 31% | 13% | 13% | 18% | 2% | 5% | 6% | 12% | ||||
60–69 years old | 33% | 11% | 18% | 15% | 2% | 5% | 7% | 9% | ||||
70 and older | 46% | 7% | 23% | 8% | 2% | 5% | 6% | 3% | ||||
Employment status | ||||||||||||
Self-employed | 30% | 15% | 9% | 17% | 2% | 10% | 6% | 11% | ||||
Employees | 29% | 13% | 13% | 15% | 3% | 5% | 6% | 16% | ||||
Workers | 24% | 6% | 12% | 33% | 3% | 3% | 6% | 13% | ||||
Pensioners | 41% | 8% | 21% | 11% | 2% | 5% | 7% | 5% | ||||
Education | ||||||||||||
Simple education | 38% | 4% | 18% | 22% | 2% | 2% | 3% | 11% | ||||
Medium education | 31% | 6% | 13% | 23% | 3% | 4% | 7% | 13% | ||||
High education | 27% | 18% | 13% | 10% | 3% | 7% | 6% | 16% | ||||
Source: Infratest dimap[48] |
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