Amhara nationalism

Amhara nationalism is a form of ethnonationalism and political movement that advocates for and advances the interests of Amhara people in Ethiopia, asserting that Amhara designates a single, secular nation with an ethno-cultural identity unique to itself. The movement broadly emerged as a counter discourse of modern Ethiopian politics, which is based on a thesis of national oppression.^[1][2][3]

The Ethiopianist political worldview in the post-modern context is frequently associated with a pan-Ethiopian nationalism, which is a form of civic nationalism. Ethiopians who mostly adhere to the unitarian worldview of the monarchical era view bonafide Ethiopian nationalism as a symbol of patriotism, while others that oppose the view portray it as maintaining Amhara political and territorial identity. The Amhara youth tend to relate with the ethno-political worldview due to having experienced the violent oppression of anti-Amhara ethnopolitical regimes first-hand, compared to the older generation who are more likely to express a pan-Ethiopian stance.^[6]

Historically, Amhara nationalism was correlated with Ethiopian nationalism, which supports civic nationalism among Ethiopian ethnic group.^[7] In early 1992, All Amhara People’s Organization (AAPO) was founded by Professor Asrat Woldeyes to represent Amhara as one identity. The Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) similarly followed such stance after formed by Amharan prisoner of wars with the help of TPLF-dominated EPRDF coalition before the fall of the Derg — became an official Amhara political party in Ethiopia. However, only Amhara peasants remained the last class without any formal political organization as both AAPO and ANDM represented the urban population of Amhara, claiming they stand for Amhara sovereignty. AAPO instead spoke for Ethiopian nationalism without leaving the notion of Amhara nationalism in both rural and urban population that resulted in the formation of All Ethiopian Unity Party.^[4]

The Amhara peasants were subjected to defraud when they assist Amharas who were under attack by other ethnic group in the south, notably by the Arsi Oromos. They claim that "Amhara" was the descendant of Emperor Menelik II soldiers who conquered in the 19th century. As such, they are identified by the local peasants not only as landlords and administrators, but they are Orthodox Christians.^[4]

The Amhara people often viewed by external observers as a symbol of Ethiopian patriotism and link with the Ethiopian nationalism.^[8] In contrast, the ethnic federalist EPRDF viewed by Ethiopian nationalists including the Amhara nationalist and elites as "unpatriotic" or even treacherous.^[9][10] However, some Amhara nationalists claim they are democratic in ethnic federalism state due to they grant self-determination to minority group in the region, such as in Oromia and Agew Awi Zones.^[11]

The Derg regime often portrayed as the continuation of Amhara imperial government despite Amharas were subjected to grave brutality. Taffara Deguefe, the President of the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia wrote a memoir titled The Tripping Stone in his prison cell that described the moment of discrimination against Amhara during the regime:^[12]

The only ‘minorities’ who are scorned are the hopeless Amhara for their past privileges. They have to pay for it now in lost jobs and positions for their hateful identification to a past now seen as distasteful to the military junta.

Under the Derg, the Ethiopian military was dominated by the Amhara ethnic group. Similar to the period of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II and Haile Selassie, over 80% of generals and over 65% of colonels in the armed forces were Amhara's according to Ethiopian historian Gebru Tareke.^[13] Many Ethiopians viewed the revolution as a mask to perpetuate Amhara domination. In 1978 the proportion of Amhara officials in the government of Ethiopia was higher than it had ever been - even under Menelik.^[14] By 1980, the original 120 members of the Derg had been cut down to only 38. All members except for three were ethnic Amhara and were predominantly from settler colonialist neftenya origins. Many member of the ruling elite were deeply opposed to the idea of loosening control on the rebellious southern regions conquered under Menelik II.^[15]

The Welkait controversy is the source of Amhara nationalism since 2016.^[16] During the first months of Tigray War, Amhara forces recaptured the town.^[17] The Fano movement is an ethno-nationalist protest movement that claims to represent Amhara people, which slightly gained widespread support in Ethiopia. They are closely tie to the notion of "Ethiopianness" with its tenet relates with the presence of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, claiming that Amhara is suffering from government persecution and perpetuating genocidal intent.^[18]

• Ethiopian nationalism
• Fano (militia)
• Ethiopian nationalism
• Persecution of Amhara people

• Tareke, Gebru (2009). The Ethiopian Revolution: War in the Horn of Africa. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300156157.
• Gardner, Tom (2024). The Abiy Project: God, Power and War in the New Ethiopia. C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 9781911723103.