This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these messages)
|
Battle of Jalalabad | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Part of Afghan Civil War (1989–1992), Afghanistan–Pakistan border skirmishes | |||||||||
| |||||||||
Belligerents | |||||||||
Afghanistan Supported by: Soviet Union |
Supported by: | ||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
|
| ||||||||
Units involved | |||||||||
|
| ||||||||
Strength | |||||||||
|
| ||||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||||
|
1 killed (Mostly dressed as mujahideen, concealing their identity) Saudi Arabia | ||||||||
Civilian casualties: |
The Battle of Jalalabad, also known as Operation Jalalabad or the Jalalabad War, occurred in the spring of 1989, marking the beginning of the Afghan Civil War.[17] The Peshawar-based Seven-Party Union (an alliance of seven Afghan mujahideen groups also known as the Afghan Interim Government or "government-in-exile"),[8][18] supported by the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence, attacked Jalalabad, which was then under the administration of the Soviet-backed Republic of Afghanistan.[8][11] Though the mujahideen quickly captured the Jalalabad Airport and Samarkhel, the former base of the Soviet 66th Separate Motorized Rifle Brigade, the Afghan Armed Forces recaptured them and claimed victory.[19]
The Soviet Union officially withdrew from Afghanistan on February 15, 1989, marking the end of the Soviet-Afghan War. The war was fought between mujahideen guerilla groups (supported by Pakistan, the United States, Saudi Arabia, China, Iran, and other nations) and the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.[20][21] However, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which the mujahideen perceived as a "puppet government" remained in power after the withdrawal.
The Mujahideen were supported by Pakistani intelligence. ISI Director Hamid Gul's stated goal was to establish a mujahideen government in Afghanistan,[11] led by Hezb-e Islami leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar.[12][4] Analysts disagree as to whether Pakistan's Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was kept in the dark about the ISI's plan to overturn Afghanistan[11] or was aware of the attack.[12] One analyst stated that United States Ambassador to Pakistan Robert B. Oakley was exhortating[clarification needed] this mujahideen attack.[12]
The Americans reportedly were motivated by their wish to humiliate the Marxists and send them out of Afghanistan "clinging to their helicopters" to avenge the fall of South Vietnam. Pakistan wished to establish a friendly government in Kabul that would not support Baloch and Pashtun separatists in western Pakistan.[22] The plan was for Jamiat-e Islami to close the Salang Pass, paralyzing the Afghan Government's supply lines.[23][24] The plan was to establish an interim government in Jalalabad that would be recognized by western nations as the legitimate government of Afghanistan.[23]
According to Mustafa Hamid, an Egyptian journalist and Al-Qaeda member who had close connections to Jalaluddin Haqqani,[8] claimed that the Arab fighters were positioned in a crescent-shaped line surrounding the city, extending from the Saracha line to the left of the main road up to the Jalozai area, covering a distance of about 15 kilometers. They had established approximately 30 posts or bases, with each post housing between 8 to 145 or 300 fighters. These positions were strategically aligned for the occupation of Jalalabad, and they launched a broad offensive against the city.[25]
Involved in the operation were forces of Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin, Abdul Rasul Sayyaf's Ittehad-e Islami and Arab fighters totaling 14,000 men. Before the battle, Afghan Arab mujahideen volunteers reportedly cut the corpses of surrendering Afghan Army soldiers and displayed them to other units in the area. General Quddus, writer of the Epic of the Battle of Jalalabad, additionally claims that the Pakistani Army shelled the city for 4 months. The intense rocket and artillery bombardments on Jalalabad, marked by their scale and severity, not only highlighted the actions of the aggressors but also necessitated the creation of underground shelters, commonly referred to as “bunkers.” In response, Jalalabad quickly transformed into a network of bunkers, as local authorities in Nangarhar Province recognised the importance of safeguarding civilians alongside defending the city. Faced with ongoing attacks from the Pakistani Army and its jihadist affiliates, authorities prioritized the protection of Jalalabad’s residents. Orders were issued permitting the use of trees from roads and public streets for shelter construction. Local councils, urban organizations, and members of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (then referred to as the Watan Party of Afghanistan) coordinated efforts to provide medical services, food, water, and other essential supplies to the population. Within a week, Jalalabad had become an underground city, with daily life continuing under the constant threat of bombardment.[25]
The attack began on March 5, 1989, and went well at first for the mujahideen, who captured the Jalalabad airfield before facing a counterattack.[26]: 138 When government troops began to surrender, the attacking forces were soon blocked by the main Afghan Army positions held by the 11th Division, which were protected by bunkers, barbed wire and minefields. The government troops received on intensive air support, as the Afghan Air Force flew 20 sorties a day over the battlefield. An-12 transport aircraft, modified to carry bombs, flew at high altitude out of range of the Stinger missiles used by the mujahideen; cluster bombs were used intensively.[26]: 139 Three Scud firing batteries deployed around Kabul, specifically the 99th Missile Brigade, fired more than 400 missiles in support of the Jalalabad garrison.[27][28]
Despite their lack of precision, these weapons had a significant effect on the morale of the mujahideen, who were unable to defend against them.[29][30] The Battle of Jalalabad is considered to be the most concentrated ballistic missile campaign since the V2 Attacks on London during the Second World War.[27][28][30]
By the middle of May, the mujahideen had made little progress against the defences of Jalalabad, and were running low on ammunition.[citation needed] In July, they failed to prevent the Afghan Army from retaking the army base in Samarkhel. Jalalabad remained under Najibullah’s government control. The mujahideen suffered an estimated 3,000 casualties during this battle. Arab foreign fighters sustained over 300 casualties.[31] Approximately 12,000–15,000 civilians were killed, and 10,000 fled the conflict.[32] The Afghan Army reported around 1,500 casualties during the battle.[33] towards the end of the battle, the ISI-backed Hezb-i-Islami (led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar) launched an attack Jamiat-e Islami forces in Takhar Province, resulting in the deaths of 36 of Ahmad Shah Massoud’s commanders. In retaliation, Massoud pursued and executed the perpetrators of the ambush after a trial.[34]
This section needs additional citations for verification. (June 2024) |
Contrary to American and Pakistani expectations, this battle proved that the Afghan Army could fight without Soviet help, and greatly increased the confidence of government supporters. Conversely, the morale of the mujahideen involved in the attack slumped and many local commanders of Hekmatyar and Sayyaf concluded truces with the government.[35]
Both the Pakistani and the American governments were frustrated with the outcome. As a result of this failure, General Hamid Gul was immediately sacked by Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and replaced with General Shamsur Rahman Kallu as the Director-General of the ISI. Kallu pursued a more classical policy of support to the Afghan guerillas.[29] In this respect he cut off the barrier that his predecessors, Akhtar Abdur Rahman and Gul had placed between the mujahideen and the American secret service, which for the first time had direct access to the mujahideen.[citation needed]
The former Pakistani spies, such as Gul, had argued that this gave the United States an opportunity to both undercut Pakistan's interests as well as to weave discord among the mujahideen (something which Pakistan's promotion of Hekmatyar had of course done as well).[citation needed]
With direct American access to the mujahideen – in particular that of the envoy Peter Tomsen, whose attitude towards independent Afghans was arrogant and arguably hostile in that he deemed them dangerous extremists without direct US supervision – any segment of mujahideen unity crumbled.[citation needed] Traditionally independent mujahideen leaders, such as Yunus Khalis and Jalaluddin Haqqani, who had tried to unite the mujahideen rivals Massoud and Hekmatyar, now moved closer towards Pakistan because of their suspicion of the United States' intentions.[citation needed] (See also Haqqani network).
Others, like Abdul Haq and Massoud, instead favoured the United States because of their tense relations with Pakistan.[citation needed] While Abdul Haq remained hostile towards the communist government and its militias, Massoud would go on to make controversial alliances with former communist figures.[citation needed] Massoud claimed that this was an attempt to unite Afghanistan, but his enemies such as Hekmatyar attacked him for this.[citation needed]
Hekmatyar's push was also supported by Pakistan, so that by 1990 there was a definite (if loose) pair of competing axes. One was promoted by Pakistan and included Hekmatyar, Khalis, Jalaluddin Haqqani and other mujahideen leaders who were unsympathetic to Hekmatyar. The competing axis was promoted by the United States and led by Massoud, but also including other leaders such as Abdul Haq who were unsympathetic to Massoud.[citation needed]
The government forces further proved their worth in April 1990, during an offensive against a fortified complex at Paghman. After a heavy bombardment and assault that lasted until the end of June, the Afghan Army spearheaded by Dostum's militia, was able to clear the mujahideen entrenchments.[31] During the final stages of the battle, Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin reportedly ambushed Jamiat-e Islami fighters, killing 36 of Ahmad Shah Massoud’s fighters and 7 important commanders. Massoud retaliated and captured the perpetrators of the attack, executing them after a trial.[34]
This section needs additional citations for verification. (June 2024) |
Afghanistan
The Jalalabad operation was seen as a grave mistake by some mujahideen leaders such as Ahmad Shah Massoud and Abdul Haq, who did not believe the mujahideen had the capacity to capture a major city in conventional warfare.[36]
Neither Massoud nor Abdul Haq have participated in the attack on Jalalabad.[37][38] Massoud even said it was by BBC radio that he learned about the operation.[39] Massoud was tasked with closing the Salang Pass, But Massoud advised against it, saying the plan was unsound and would risk the lives of his men, he refused to take part.[40] Haq advocated the pursuit of coordinated guerilla warfare that would gradually weaken the communist regime and cause its collapse through internal divisions.[citation needed]
Abdul Haq was also quoted as asking: "How is that we Afghans, who never lost a war, must take military instructions from the Pakistanis, who never won one?"[32] Ahmad Shah Massoud criticized the go-it-alone attitude of Pakistan and their Afghan followers stating: "The damage caused by our (Mujahideen forces) lack of a unified command is obvious. There is a total lack of coordination, which means we are not launching simultaneous offensives on different fronts. As a result, the government can concentrate its resources and pick us off one by one. And that is what has happened at Jalalabad."[39]
Pakistan
Former Pakistani Minister of Interior Aitzaz Ahsan claimed that the civilian government knew about the "Jalalabad Operation" beforehand and opposed Hamid Gul's proposal but let the operation happen anyway.[41]
Foreign Fighters
Jihad magazine, an Arabic propaganda magazine known for glorifying the achievements of the Arab foreign fighters in Afghanistan, could not downplay the disastrous defeat at Jalalabad. In its report of the battle, the magazine reported the Afghan communist forces had rained down Scud missiles with two thousand-pound warheads on the Arab fighters resulting in the slaughter of more than a hundred Arab fighters, and that each fallen warrior was soon followed by another rocket taking down another jihadist.[citation needed]
In the account of the battle by Osama bin Laden, the founder of Al-Qaeda, bin Laden claimed that the defeat at Jalalabad had inflicted greater casualties on the Arab fighters than they had sustained in the entire war against the Soviets.[42]
The defeat in Jalalabad led to internal squabbles between Al-Qaeda and Maktab al-Khidamat. Ayman al-Zawahiri turned Osama bin Laden against Abdullah Yusuf Azzam, accusing him of mishandling the MAK. Zawahiri accused Azzam of being a puppet of the United States and the Saudi Arabian monarchy. He distributed leaflets in Peshawar, depicting Azzam as a questionable Muslim and advising Arabs not to pray with him.[citation needed]
Azzam was later killed by a bomb in November of the same year. While the identity of Azzam's killer remains uncertain, it is possible that it was the work of Al-Qaeda or al-Jihad affiliated jihadists operating in Pakistan, although bin Laden himself is unlikely to have been involved, as he was in Saudi Arabia at the time of the murder and still on (relatively) good terms with Azzam.[43] The assassination of Azzam has also been attributed to KhAD.[44]
It also is a setback to the U.S.-Pakistani policy that supports the guerrillas in their fight against the Kabul government of President Najibullah.
Casualties have been high on both sides. Government troops have been reduced by heavy guerrilla shelling and rocketing from 12,000 to 9,000, Western diplomats say....The Afghan Air Force is said to be taking advantage of the fact that, probably for the first time in the war, guerrilla forces are concentrated in static positions, which makes them easier bombing targets.
His commitment to jihad – to an Islamic revolution transcending national boundaries, was such that he dreamed one day the "green Islamic flag" would flutter not just over Pakistan and Afghanistan, but also over territories represented by the (former Soviet Union) Central Asian republics. After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, as the director-general of Pakistan's intelligence organization, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) directorate, an impatient Gul wanted to establish a government of the so-called Mujahideen on Afghan soil. He then ordered an assault using non-state actors on Jalalabad, the first major urban center across the Khyber Pass from Pakistan, with the aim of capturing it and declaring it as the seat of the new administration. This was the spring of 1989 and a furious prime minister, Benazir Bhutto – who was kept in the dark by ... Gul and ... Mirza Aslam Beg – demanded that Gul be removed from the ISI.