Irish Republican Socialist Party Páirtí Poblachtach Sóisalach na h-Éireann | |
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Abbreviation | IRSP |
Leader | Ard Chomhairle (National Executive) |
Chairman | Martin McMonagle |
Founder | Seamus Costello and others |
Founded | 8 December 1974 |
Split from | Official Sinn Féin |
Headquarters | Costello House, 392b Falls Road, Belfast, BT12 6DH, County Antrim, Northern Ireland |
Newspaper | The Starry Plough Worker's Republic (Belfast)[1] |
Youth wing | Republican Socialist Youth Movement (RSYM) |
Paramilitary wing | Irish National Liberation Army (INLA, 1974–present) |
American Affiliate | Irish Republican Socialist Committees of North America |
Ideology | Communism Marxism–Leninism Irish republicanism Anti-globalisation[2] Hard Euroscepticism |
Political position | Far-left |
Colours | Red Yellow White |
Website | |
irsp | |
The Irish Republican Socialist Party or IRSP (Irish: Páirtí Poblachtach Sóisialach na hÉireann) is a minor communist, Marxist–Leninist[3] and Irish republican party in Ireland. It is often referred to as the "political wing" of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) paramilitary group.[4] The party's youth wing is the Republican Socialist Youth Movement (RSYM). It was founded by former members of 'Official' Sinn Féin in 1974 during the Troubles, but claims the legacy of the Irish Socialist Republican Party of 1896–1904. The party opposes the Good Friday Agreement and the European Union.
The Irish Republican Socialist Party was founded at a meeting on 8 December 1974 in the Spa Hotel in Lucan, near Dublin, by former members of Workers' Party (aka 'Official' Sinn Féin), headed by Seamus Costello. He had been expelled from the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA) following a court-martial, and from Official Sinn Féin on the same basis.[5] Along with other activists, he was dissatisfied with the group's tactics and policies, especially on the issues surrounding the 1972 OIRA ceasefire and his growing belief that the emerging conflict was sectarian.[6][7] According to the IRSP, 80 people were in attendance.[8] A paramilitary wing, the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), was founded the same day, although its existence was intended to be kept hidden until such a time that the INLA could operate effectively.[9][10] Costello was elected as the party's first chairperson and the Army's first chief of staff. Together, the IRSP and the INLA were referred to as the Irish Republican Socialist Movement (IRSM).[10][11]
Former Unity MP for Mid-Ulster Bernadette McAliskey served on the executive of the IRSP.[12] In December 1975 she resigned following the failure of a motion to be passed which would have brought the INLA under the control of the IRSP Ard Comhairle (executive committee).[9][13] This led to the resignation of half the Ard Comhairle, which weakened the party.[13] Tony Gregory, a future Dublin TD, was also a member for a short time.[14]
In one of the first of the INLA's armed operations, Billy McMillen, commanding officer of the OIRA Belfast Battalion, was murdered by INLA member Gerard Steenson.[15]
On 5 October 1977, Costello was shot dead in his car by a man armed with a shotgun. His supporters blamed the Official IRA for the killing.[16][17]
The party's poor showing in the 1977 Irish general election, resignations, and the assassination of Costello, weakened the organisation.[9][13][18]
In 1980, several IRSP and INLA members—including John Turnley, Miriam Daly, Ronnie Bunting and Noel Little—were killed by Ulster loyalist paramilitaries, most prominently the Ulster Defence Association (UDA).[19][20] The IRSP have contended that the killings were a result of collusion between loyalists and security forces, even suspecting that some of the killings were carried out by the SAS with responsibility attributed to the UDA.[20][21][22]
Three members of the INLA and IRSP died in the 1981 Irish hunger strike in HM Prison Maze, also known as Long Kesh: Patsy O'Hara, Kevin Lynch, and Michael Devine.[23]
In 1987, the IRSP and INLA came under attack from the Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO), an organisation founded by Gerard Steenson, Jimmy Brown and Martin 'Rook' O'Prey, consisting of people who had resigned or been expelled from the INLA.[24][25] A political wing, the Republican Socialist Collective (RSC), was also formed by Brown.[24] The IPLO's initial aim was to destroy the IRSM and replace it with their organisation.[9] Five members of the INLA and IRSP were killed by the IPLO, including leaders Ta Power and John O'Reilly.[9][26] The INLA retaliated with several killings of their own. After the INLA killed the IPLO's leader, Steenson, a truce was reached.[9][27] Although severely damaged by the IPLO's attacks, the INLA continued to exist.[9] The IPLO, which was heavily involved in drug dealing, was forcibly disbanded by the Provisional IRA in a large scale operation in 1992.[28][29]
In the 2000s and 2010s, the IRSP has been involved in campaigns and political protests, mainly around Belfast and Derry but also in of parts of the Republic of Ireland as well. Some of these protests included anti-austerity protests,[30] the Right2Water campaign against water charges,[31][32] opposition to welfare reform and introduction of universal credit,[33][34] and supporting striking nurses.[35]
In November 2016, after a number of raids on members of the party's homes, the IRSP issued a warning saying the PSNI were "playing with fire". IRSP's Lower Falls representative Michael Kelly claimed that "British security forces risk bringing serious conflict onto the streets" and said that "The Irish Republican Socialist Party has been in existence for over 40 years, in that time we have never tolerated attacks on our membership from any quarter," The comments drew criticism from UUP MLA Doug Beattie and SDLP Alex Attwood.[36]
During the COVID-19 Pandemic, the IRSP launched Republican Socialist Aid, which aimed to distribute PPE to healthcare and essential workers in communities across Ireland at risk of exposure to the virus.[37][38][39]
In September 2020 the IRSP started a 'Drop The Rents' campaign,[40] requesting landlords and letting agencies in North Belfast and West Belfast to lower their rent prices to local housing benefit levels and protesting against landlords and letting agencies that would not [41] and that issued threats of eviction.[42][43] The campaign has achieved some level of success.[44]
During the East Wall protests in November 2022, the IRSP opposed the housing of 380 refugees due to the absence of notice given to residents about the move prior to arrival and the feasibility of using the housing there for a large number of refugees. They said the residents were not opposed to refugees, just the lack of notice and uncertainty of feasibility.[45] This differed to the majority of other groups who opposed any housing of refugees, regardless of notice.[46]
In May 1981, party members Gerry Kelly and Sean Flynn won two seats on the Belfast City Council in a joint campaign with the People's Democracy party.[47][48] Neither councillor served a full term, with one going on the run after being implicated during the supergrass trials.[8][49]
In June 1981, the IRSP ran two candidates, Kevin Lynch and Tony O'Hara (brother of Patsy O'Hara), in the Irish parliamentary election as Independent Anti H-Block candidates. Neither candidate won, but Lynch received 3,337 votes (7.63%) and came within 300 votes of winning a seat in Waterford,[50][51][52] while O'Hara received 3,034 votes (6.49%) in Dublin West.[51][53] In 1982, party member Brigid Makowski won a seat on the Shannon Town Commission.[54]
The IRSP put forward five candidates in the 2011 Northern Ireland local elections, its first foray into electoral politics in almost 30 years. They failed to secure any seats. Candidate Paul Gallagher of Strabane missed out on a seat by just a single vote. He was originally elected but after a requested recount by the SDLP his election was overturned.[55][56]
The IRSP has explained its lack of participation in elections as due to "very limited" resources.[55]
In 2022 for the first time the IRSP fielded candidates for the Northern Ireland Assembly election.[57] Initially their candidates were rejected by the Electoral Commission, but this was eventually corrected.[58] Candidates were fielded in Belfast West (1,103 first preference votes, 2.5%)[59] and Foyle (766 first preference votes, 1.6%).[60]
Election | First Preference Vote | % | Seats | ± | Government |
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2022 | 1,869 | 0.2% (#11) | 0 / 90
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No seats |
Election | First Preference Vote | % | Seats |
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1981 | 3,654 | 0.5% | 2 / 523
|
2011 | 2,133 | 0.3% | 0 / 572
|
2023 | 825 | 0.1% | 0 / 462
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Part of a series on |
Irish republicanism |
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The IRSP are Marxist–Leninist[3] and Irish republican, seeking the establishment of an all-Ireland "worker's republic". As of 2009, the IRSP stated that their objective will only be achieved exclusively through peaceful and political means, and in 2018 they launched the 'Yes For Unity' campaign, to campaign for a Border Poll on Irish Unity.[61]
The IRSP claim the legacy of Connolly and say their policies are of the same tradition of Connolly. The IRSP also see their own modern policies as the "logical development in the twenty-first century of the programme established under Connolly’s leadership by the Irish Socialist Republican Party".[2][non-primary source needed]
The IRSP opposes both the Good Friday Agreement and the Northern Ireland Peace Process, The party supports a 'No First Strike' policy, allowing people to see the perceived failure of the peace process for themselves without taking military actions.[62]
As of 11 October 2009, the INLA has ordered an end to the armed struggle,[4] because unlike during the Troubles, the current political stance in Ulster allows the IRSP to contest fairly in new campaigns and local elections, as mentioned in their 2009 statement. INLA admitted to "faults and grievous errors" in their prosecution of the armed struggle, stating that "innocent people were killed and injured" and offering "as revolutionaries" a "sincere and heartfelt apology".[4]
The IRSP supports greater strengthening of Ireland's independence, and although understanding the benefits brought through European Union (EU) membership, it also notes the incompatibility of EU membership with the need for a socialist society. Consequently, the IRSP supports moves towards greater co-operation between European socialist political organisations.[63]
The IRSP supported Brexit and supports the Republic of Ireland leaving the European Union.[64]
During the Russo-Ukrainian War, the IRSP publicly declared their support for the Russian-backed separatists of the Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic. It blamed NATO rather than Russia for the conflict. On 25 February 2022, one day after Russia invaded Ukraine, the party re-affirmed its support for the Republics in a social media post in which they called Ukraine a "Nazi regime" and a "NATO puppet". It included a picture of IRSP members posing in front of Free Derry Corner with the flags of the Soviet Union and the Donetsk Republic. This was condemned by local SDLP councillors.[65] The party boasted about the INLA's bombing of a radar station on Mount Gabriel, County Cork in 1982, which it said was used by NATO.[66] In August 2022, IRSP members and Russian nationalists staged a protest against the Ukrainian military, outside Dublin's General Post Office. The Irish security services believe the Russian government were involved in organizing the protest.[67] IRSP members have publicly supported Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and the INLA have been accused of receiving "dark money" from the Russian state.[68]
The IRSP supports the formation of what it calls the "Broad Front" which would bring together all Irish "anti-imperialist forces" to bring about a United Ireland. This would be formed on the basis of the following demands:
The IRSP is in favour of an All-Ireland, democratically controlled, unarmed police force.[2]
The IRSP views the reforming of the RUC into the PSNI as a cosmetic exercise[69] and strongly opposes 'political policing' by the PSNI.[70] They demand an immediate cessation of the activities of MI5 in the North and calls for their expulsion from Ireland.[71]
The IRSP does not believe that there is an ‘independent’ judiciary, or an objective judicial system, and that the judiciary both North and South presides over the laws which were enacted by partitionist governments and representing the interests of the ruling class.[71]
The IRSP are not abstentionist in principle, but they would support abstentionism in certain situations for tactical reasons.[72]
The IRSP will also consider contesting any particular election on the basis of a thorough analysis of the conditions prevailing at the time. [73]
IRSP believes that the right to a home is a fundamental human right and that the state has a responsibility to deal with homelessness.[8]
The party's policy on abortion is that it should be legalised, available on demand and free of charge.[8]
Party members are often referred to[by whom?] as the "Irps" (pronounced "Erps"). In the late 1970s, Divis Flats in west Belfast became colloquially known as "the planet of the Irps" (a reference to the IRSP and the film Planet of the Apes).[74][75]
The party is represented in North America by the Irish Republican Socialist Committees of North America.[76][77]
In 1984, the IRSP publicly declared itself a Marxist–Leninist party
What are the main ideological differences between the IRSP and the Officials? - The principal ideological differences would be their attitude towards the National Question as against our attitude. Basically, the position of the leadership of the Officials is that there is no hope of achieving National Liberation until such time as the Protestant and Catholic working class in the North are united and therefore there is nothing which can be done in political terms or in any other terms about this particular issue. Our attitude, on the other hand, is that the British presence in Ireland is the basic cause of the divisions between the Protestant and Catholic working class in the North. It follows from that, in our view, that the primary emphasis should be on the mobilisation of the mass of the Irish people in the struggle for National Liberation. We believe, also, that the left in Irish politics should play a leading role in this struggle. Up until recent years, many of us felt that the Official Movement was capable of and willing to do this. Indeed the rank and file of the Official Movement had expressed their views on this at the 1972 and 1973 Ard Fheiseanna, where they rejected the position of the national leadership on the national question and put forward a policy which would have led to a more militant approach on this question. However, the leadership disagreed with this policy and deliberately frustrated its implementation. The result of this was that the Official Republicans, who, at that time, were the largest single body of organised left-wing opinion in Ireland, deliberately divorced the working-class struggle from the national struggle and gradually degenerated taking a reformist position on a number of very important issues. What issues in particular? - The principal issues that come to mind immediately are the Civil Rights struggle, the Assembly Elections, the question of taking seats and the question of the rent and rates strike. In all these issues, the leadership of the Officials hesitated to take a stand. They have, for instance, regarded the Civil Rights struggle since 1969, as the only struggle worth taking part in. They ignored the presence of 15,000 troops on the streets. They ignored the torture and terror perpetrated by the British Army on the Nationalist population and they acted as though there was no change in the situation since 1969... In other words, they failed to realise the change in the nature of the struggle in Ireland, particularly in the North. They failed to realise that struggle within the context of the Six County State to an outright struggle against Imperialism, as manifested by the British political and military presence in Ireland.
A military wing, the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), was founded the same day, although its existence was intended to be kept hidden until such times when the INLA could operate effectively. Seamus Costello was elected as the party's first chairperson and the army's first chief of staff. Together, the IRSP and the INLA refer to themselves as the Irish Republican Socialist Movement (IRSM).
This chapter covers the relatively short process which resulted in the division in the Official Republican Movement resulting in the formation of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement (IRSM) which consisted of an armed wing, the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) and a political wing, the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP)
20 members of the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) resigned on 1 December 1975. Two days earlier, 11 members of its National Executive had walked out of an Ard Comhairle in a dispute over control of the INLA. These included Bernadette Devlin McAliskey, who had helped found the party the previous year with chairman Seamus Costello, and meant that the presence of the IRSP in Northern Ireland was substantially weakened.
Gregory joined the IRSP 'on paper' and had been 'devastated' by Costello's assassination.
The Officials later murdered the INLA's founder, Seamus Costello, while senior OIRA member Billy McMillen was shot dead in April 1975 by the infamous INLA killer Gerard Steenson.
The feud, though long over, had created the conditions that led to Costello's death. It weakened the IRSP to such an extent that by the summer of 1977 Costello was at the lowest political ebb he had ever reached. The Officials were aware of this, and must have noticed his poor performance at the June 1977 general election. By crippling the IRSP, they had made him vulnerable.
The murders took place over a year after Tory MP Airey Neave was killed when an INLA booby trap bomb exploded under his car at the House of Commons in London. In the months after Mr Neave's death, several high profile figures linked to the IRSP and the National H-Block Committee were shot dead or seriously injured, including Miriam Daly who had resigned from the party shortly before she was killed in June 1980. John Turnly, a Protestant who was a member of the National H-Block Committee, was killed in Co Antrim in June 1980 while former IRSP member and H-Block campaigner Bernadette McAliskey was also injured in her Co Tyrone home in January 1981.
A FORMER British soldier who embraced Irish nationalism and campaigned for republican prisoners has been described as "brave" on the 40th anniversary of his murder by a loyalist gang linked to the SAS. ... In 2016 it emerged that one of the three, William McClelland, had been a member of the UDR. Brothers Robert and Eric McConnell were also convicted for their part in the murders. During his 1982 trial Robert McConnell claimed he had been working for the SAS saying they supplied him with weapons, uniforms and listening devices. ... He was one of several prison H-Block campaigners targeted by the UDA including former IRSP member Miriam Daly (45), who was killed weeks later on June 26 at her home in Andersonstown in west Belfast. In October that year IRSP members Ronnie Bunting (32) and Noel Little (45) were both shot dead at a house in west Belfast. ... Although the murders have been attributed to the UDA, the SAS is suspected by some of being involved. Former IRSP member and H-Block campaigner Bernadette McAliskey was injured in a UDA gun attack at her Co Tyrone home in January 1981. It later emerged that a British soldiers were watching the house but failed to intervene.
In the early hours of the 15th October, British death squads entered the home of Ronnie; assassinating both Ronnie & Noel. While the killing was claimed by the UDA at the time, it is widely believed through eyewitnesses that the SAS were involved on the direct orders of Margaret Thatcher who had a personal agenda to smash the IRSP/INLA and in particularly to kill Ronnie.
While Manny was in jail, the arguing and infighting had come to a head and a core of the INLA, including Gerard Steenson, Manny's good friend Jimmy Brown and Martin 'Rook' O'Prey, had broken away and set up the Irish People's Liberation Organisation. At Brown's behest, a political wing, the Republican Socialist Collective was also formed.
In 1986, fighting between IPLO and INLA started shortly after IPLO had been formed by expelled members as a breakaway faction of the INLA.
Thomas 'Ta' Power (33) and then INLA 'chief of staff ' John Gerard O'Reilly (26) were gunned down as they sat in the Rossnaree Hotel, near Drogheda, in January 1987 by members of the Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO).
The death of Steenson in a hail of bullets in west Belfast on March 15th effectively ended the feud. The IPLO did retaliate, killing two minor INLA figures a week later, but only to demonstrate that the group was not dependent on Steenson alone. An uneasy peace has since broken out, engineered by two Belfast priests.
... and in October 1992 took action against the Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO). The IPLO had a history of criminal activities including a gang rape of a woman in the Divis flats complex and involvement in the growing drug trade. The IRA's action resulted in the execution of one IPLO member and the shooting of a further 20 members with assault rifles in Belfast. The IPLO disbanded shortly after this.
The Irish People's Liberation Organization, a splinter from the Irish National Liberation Army, under the direction of Jimmy Brown, were the first to commence with the importation of drugs on a sizable scale, mainly ecstasy tablets popular at rave parties in the late 1980s. Brown, who fancied himself as something of an intellectual, justified this by pointing to the guerrillas in Colombia, who finance their war against the state through proceeds from the trade in cocaine. The IPLO was forced to disband by the Provisional IRA in November 1992. But the drug trade goes on, mainly in the hands of elements within the Ulster Defense Association.
Along with members from Donegal Water Warriors, Inishowen Against Water Charges and Donegal Right2Water, delegates from Sinn Fein, the IRSP and Buncrana Together were also in attendance.
After the protest the IRSP stated: "The IRSP and 32CSM were joined by community groups and residents outside the Capita Offices in Derry, protesting at the ongoing implementation of Tory/Stormont Welfare reform that continues to wreak economic chaos on working class people across the North of Ireland. "Capita, which is a private profit making organisation, was assigned by the Tory government following the approval of Sinn Féin, DUP and the Alliance Party to implement welfare reform and in particular, facilitate the changing of the Disability Living Allowance (DLA) payment to the new PIP system." The IRSP was referring to the replacement of the old DLA sickness entitlement payment to PIP in June, 2016, which has resulted in a deeply unpopular system of rolling reviews that has seen many stripped of their entitlements.
Last month the IRSP challenged Sinn Féin ,the party who claim to oppose austerity, to reveal whether or not – under the Stormont House Deal – they had agreed to the destruction of Disability Living Allowance, the subsequent degradation of Carers Allowance, the introduction of a benefits cap, and the ending of Severe Disability Premiums via the deliberately deceptive 'Universal Credit' system, all of the core attacks which made up the savage Tory Welfare Reform Bill.
"These attacks and threats come at a time when the IRSP and wider Republican Socialist Movement have been involved in a sustained and essential effort to provide much needed PPE to care homes and doctors surgeries across Derry and indeed across Ireland," a spokesperson said. "Thousands of items such as visors, masks, aprons and hand sanitiser have been given to front line workers across our community by the IRSP through an initiative called Republican Socialist Aid."
He was proud, as a Mayo activist for the Irish Republican Social Party, to have delivered much vital PPE to the frontline staff at Mayo University Hospital in Castlebar in recent weeks with a commitment to continue to do so 'until the virus is beaten'.
However, the Beechmount man said the decision to stand on May 5 comes off the back success of IRSP initiatives like its 'Drop the Rents' campaign to reduce private rental costs in line with housing benefit levels. "We've found ourselves in a really good position and we want to push this campaign forward," he said. ... Mr Murphy said that housing is the most pressing issue in the current election campaign. "There's a lack of social housing in West Belfast, high rents, and there's a cost-living-crisis," he said. "These all fit into the same bubble. People just can't afford to live anymore. That's the black and white reality of it. "We want to bring rentals in areas of high social housing demand down to what the social housing benefit level is," he continued. "Ultimately the goal of the 'Drop the Rents' campaign is to make private landlordism unprofitable. I'm not going to say that private landlordism is single-handedly to blame for the housing crisis, but it has played a major role in it. There's no doubt about that. The more people we drive away from that the better. Putting more pressure on the Housing Executive to either buy back or build new houses is pivotal to make those changes on a structural level. We're not going in thinking that a single MLA is going to change the structural issues facing the people of West Belfast, but we can act as a serious voice for changing things in that direction."
IRSP: 3,418 (2.6%), 2 Councillors
In 1981, the party had two members elected to Belfast City Council following a joint campaign with People's Democracy.
He was one of two IRSP candidates elected to Belfast City Council in 1981 but served only half of his four-year term after going on the run to the Republic when he was implicated in paramilitary activity on the word of supergrass Harry Kirkpatrick.
Kevin Lynch, Waterford, 3,337; Tony O'Hara, Dublin West, 3,034;
Kevin Lynch ran in Waterford with Gerry Roche acting as his agent and came within 300 votes of being elected.
When we say that we are not an abstentionist party, what we mean by this is that we are not a party, in principle, committed to abstention. But there are circumstances and conditions under which is might be desirable to abstain and if we felt that it was tactically desirable at any particular point in time, in either the North or the South to abstain from Parliament, then we would do so. That would depend, however, on the circumstances existing at that particular point of time. If a situation existed, for instance, where there was a possibility of large scale dissatisfaction, on the part of the people, with either the 26 County parliament or the 6 County parliament then abstention, on our part would be a legitimate tactic. We are not, however, abstentionist in principle
Thank you for reading the first issue of Irish Republican Socialist News, which is published by the North American section of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement.