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Immigration policy determines who may become a new citizen of the United States or enter the country as a temporary worker, student, refugee, or permanent resident. Immigration can impact a variety of public policy areas, including national security, criminal justice, budgets, education, healthcare, and elections. The federal government is responsible for setting and enforcing most immigration policy. Meanwhile, states assume a largely supportive role, enacting their own supplementary laws and setting policies that may, for example, determine which public services immigrants can access, establish employee screening requirements, or guide the interaction between related state agencies and their federal counterparts. Some jurisdictions, including some states, cities, and counties, have adopted policies of not cooperating with federal immigration enforcement; these jurisdictions have become known as "sanctuary jurisdictions."
Immigration in the United States | |
Overview | |
Total population: 314,107,084 | |
Percent foreign-born: 13.1% | |
Median income: $53,482 | |
Unemployment rate: 5.8% | |
Issues driver's licenses to residents residing in the country without legal permission? 12 states | |
In-state tuition for residents residing in the country without legal permission? 20 states | |
Office of Foreign Labor Certification U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services U.S. Customs and Border Protection |
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 65.3 million people worldwide were displaced or fled their homes during 2015, primarily due to war and persecution. This was the highest number of displaced people and refugees that the organization had recorded in its history. An October 2015 article in The New York Times labeled the situation a mass migration crisis, which led to calls for the United States and Europe to help the refugees find homes in more stable societies. This prompted debate about whether states can reject resettlement of refugees once the federal government agrees to allow the refugees to come to the United States.[2][3]
The Refugee Act of 1980 authorized the president to admit refugees who face "persecution or a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion," especially if it involves an "unforeseen emergency refugee situation." Federal authority over immigration law was affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court in its 2012 decision, Arizona v. United States.[4][5]
The state officials responsible for refugee resettlement may attempt to slow the process or make their state unattractive for refugees. According to Kathleen Newland, a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute, "States do have a role in the refugee resettlement process post admission, and it would certainly be possible for them to obstruct the resettlement process." Jack Chin, a professor at the University of California Davis School of Law, agrees:[6]
“ | My suspicion is that if a state was firmly opposed to having Syrian refugees in their borders then as an initial matter, the government might choose to put them somewhere else.[7] | ” |
—Prof. Jack Chin, UC Davis School of Law[8] |
Between 2011, when armed conflict in the Syrian civil war began, and 2016, the United Nations estimated that more than 12 million people (including more than 5 million children) within the country were displaced. At least four million of those individuals left Syria to seek refuge in the Middle East and Europe. Prior to September 2015, fewer than 2,000 Syrians had been accepted for resettlement in the United States since 2011. In September 2015, the Obama administration offered to take in as many as 10,000 Syrian refugees over the following year. In November 2015, governors in 31 states released statements opposing refugee resettlement in their states. Governors in 15 other states released statements of support for refugee resettlement.[2][9][10][11]
While certain cities, counties, and states carry the label of sanctuary jurisdiction, its definition and which factors prompt the designation are disputed:
“ | A number of states and municipalities have adopted formal or informal policies which prohibit or substantially restrict police cooperation with federal immigration enforcement efforts. Entities that have adopted such policies are sometimes referred to as "sanctuary" jurisdictions, though there is not necessarily a consensus as to the meaning of this term.[7] | ” |
—Congressional Research Service[12] |
According to the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS), a self-described low-immigration, pro-immigrant 501(c)(3) nonprofit advocacy group, as of September 2015, around 300 jurisdictions had been identified by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) as having sanctuary policies. Examples of such policies include restricting local law enforcement from arresting individuals who violate federal immigration law, limiting the information that can be shared with federal immigration authorities, or prohibiting law enforcement inquiries into a person's immigration status.[12][13][14]
The effect of sanctuary policies on communities is debated. CIS has called sanctuary jurisdictions "a significant public safety problem throughout the country." On the other hand, Michael Pearson, writing for CNN.com in July 2016, argued in favor of sanctuary jurisdictions, contending that they encourage "members of immigrant communities to work with police without fear of deportation." Pearson also claimed that "such policies help authorities improve public safety by helping authorities identify and arrest dangerous criminals who might otherwise go undetected."[14][15]
The partial fence that exists as a physical barrier along the border between the United States and Mexico, which Donald Trump (R) argued should be a high wall during his 2016 presidential campaign, is a contentious policy question. Supporters of border fencing argue that it helps deter those who seek to enter the United States unlawfully, including terrorists, drug smugglers, and those engaged in human trafficking. Those opposed to the fence question its efficacy as a deterrent, arguing that individuals may still cross over the fence, cut through, or cross in a different location.[16]
The extent to which non-citizen immigrants ought to be able to access public services, including healthcare programs, in-state tuition at state universities, and driver's licenses, is debated. The Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) argues that due to lower levels of education, both naturalized and non-citizen immigrants cost more in public services than they pay in taxes, "creating a net fiscal deficit" on federal, state, and local government budgets. On the other hand, the Cato Institute argues that, partially due to eligibility barriers, both naturalized and non-citizen immigrants use fewer public services than native residents; when immigrants do use services, Cato found, it is at a lower average cost than native residents.[17][18]
According to the Medicaid website, 32 states allowed lawfully residing immigrant children or pregnant women to enroll in Medicaid or the Children's Health Insurance Program (CHIP) as of October 2016. While those services are unavailable to individuals residing in the country without legal permission, many receive care at emergency rooms and federally qualified health centers that receive government funding and do not check citizenship status.[19][20][21]
As of October 2016, 20 states offered in-state tuition to individuals residing in the country without legal permission. According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, these states "typically require attendance and graduation at state high schools, acceptance at a state college or university, and promising to apply for legal status as soon as eligible." Six states explicitly barred non-citizens or individuals residing in the country without legal permission from accessing in-state tuition, and the remainder of states had no official policy on the matter.[22]
According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, as of July 2015, "twelve states and the District of Columbia [had] enacted laws to allow unauthorized immigrants to obtain driver's licenses." Some, like The Boston Globe editorial board and Connecticut Governor Dannel Malloy (D), have argued that allowing these individuals to obtain driver's licenses enhances public safety by making sure that they know the rules of the road and are driving insured vehicles. Others, like New Jersey Governor Chris Christie (R) and CIS, have argued that the practice legitimizes illegal immigration and jeopardizes public safety and national security by providing individuals residing in the country without legal permission with "the single most important piece of homeland security information." Beyond allowing one to drive legally in a state, a driver's license serves as a primary form of identification and can facilitate business transactions (e.g., opening bank accounts) for individuals residing in the country without legal permission.[23][24]
U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) oversees the E-Verify program for the United States. According to the USCIS website, "E-Verify is an Internet-based system that compares information from an employee's Form I-9, Employment Eligibility Verification, to data from U.S. Department of Homeland Security and Social Security Administration records to confirm employment eligibility." The internet-based system is designed to determine quickly whether new workers are eligible to work in the United States.[25]
Some have criticized the E-Verify system as a breach of privacy. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) published a white paper arguing that E-Verify created "a whole new level of intrusive government oversight of daily life" that would "hurt ordinary people." Moreover, according to the ACLU, the system "could mean undue obstacles to employment for hundreds of thousands of citizens" and "the scope of private information housed in the system will create enormous privacy and security risks." On the other side, NumbersUSA, a self-described immigration-reduction organization, wrote in favor of E-Verify that the system protects employers from liability for employing individuals residing in the country without legal permission and that requiring all businesses to use the system would "create a level playing field" and reduce competition workers face from those from other countries.[26][27][28]
Whether non-citizens affect the crime rate of a state has been studied, but the findings have been inconclusive so far. According to the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS), "there is very little conclusive data to inform the well-entrenched views on both sides of the debate" over whether immigrants commit more or less crime than native-born citizens. A CIS report published in 2009 "reviewed the major academic and government reports on the topic and found that these studies lead to contrary conclusions about immigration and crime." Some show that immigrants commit crimes at a lower rate than native-born citizens and others show the reverse. More data and more sophisticated methodology might shed more light on the subject in coming years.[29]
In 2013, the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), a nonprofit whose stated aim is to "reduce overall immigration," published a report examining the fiscal impact of illegal immigration on federal, state, and local budgets. According to the FAIR report, the federal government spent $29 billion providing various services for individuals residing in the country without legal permission in 2010, while state and local governments spent $84 billion. The services included in the analysis ranged from K-12 education to university education, criminal justice services, and Medicaid. The FAIR report concluded that the tax receipts collected from individuals residing in the country without legal permission did not reach the level of state expenditures.[30][31]
Conversely, the Cato Institute published a working paper discussing the fiscal impact of immigration in 2014. The paper concluded that it is "difficult to predict the impact of immigration on government budgets currently or in the future." However, based on its research, the Cato Institute found "a very small net fiscal impact clustered around zero." The paper suggested that while the fiscal impact of immigration could be negative, the overall economic benefits are unambiguous and large.[32][33]
The Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan, research organization that focuses on tax policy issues at the local, state, and federal levels. ITEP published a report in February 2016 describing the tax situation of individuals residing in the country without legal permission across the United States. The report stated that "undocumented immigrants living in the United States pay billions of dollars each year in state and local taxes" and that "these tax contributions would increase significantly if all undocumented immigrants currently living in the United States were granted a pathway to citizenship."[34][35]
The impact immigration has on the national and state economies is also debated by policy analysts and scholars. Some, like Shikha Dalmia of the Reason Foundation, argue that "open immigration would be a huge economic boon for immigrants in relatively less well-off countries" and "open borders would double world GDP [gross domestic product] in a few decades, virtually eliminating global poverty." Others, like George Borjas of Harvard University, say that immigration has a mixed impact on the American economy. Borjas states that "the influx of immigrants can potentially be a net good for the nation, increasing the total wealth of the population," but that "not everyone benefits when immigrants arrive" and immigrants "receive government assistance at higher rates than the native-born."[36][37]
In 2014, the population of the United States amounted to over 314.1 million individuals. Native-born citizens comprised nearly 87 percent of the population, while 6 percent of residents were naturalized citizens. Approximately 7.1 percent were non-citizens. For added context, these figures are compared with those in California and West Virginia, the states with the highest and lowest percentages of foreign-born individuals, respectively.[38]
Citizenship status of residents, 2014 | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
State | Total population | Native | Naturalized | Non-citizen |
United States | 314,107,084 | 273,050,199 | 18,800,048 | 22,256,837 |
100.0% | 86.9% | 6.0% | 7.1% | |
California | 38,066,920 | 27,776,284 | 4,911,899 | 5,378,737 |
100.0% | 73.0% | 12.9% | 14.1% | |
West Virginia | 1,853,881 | 1,826,341 | 12,969 | 14,571 |
100.0% | 98.5% | 0.7% | 0.8% | |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations" |
The United States Census Bureau treats Hispanic ethnicity and racial identity as distinct categories that can overlap. Its definition of Hispanic ethnicity comes from the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, which "defines 'Hispanic or Latino' as a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race." Meanwhile, "[a]n individual's response to the race question is based upon self-identification," according to the United States Census Bureau.[39][40]
In 2014, about 73.8 percent of residents in the United States were white and nearly 17 percent identified as being of Hispanic descent. Among non-citizens, 49.8 percent were white and 58.1 percent identified as being of Hispanic descent. Just over 32 percent of naturalized citizens and 19.8 percent of non-citizens identified as Asian.[38]
Race and ethnicity of United States residents, 2014 | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Category | White | Hispanic or Latino (of any race) | Black or African American | American Indian and Alaska Native | Asian | Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander | Other |
Total | 73.8% | 16.9% | 12.6% | 0.8% | 5.0% | 0.2% | 4.7% |
Native | 77.7% | 12.5% | 13.2% | 0.9% | 1.9% | 0.2% | 3.1% |
Naturalized | 45.5% | 32.1% | 9.8% | 0.3% | 32.1% | 0.2% | 9.5% |
Non-citizen | 49.8% | 58.1% | 7.4% | 0.4% | 19.8% | 0.3% | 20.0% |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations" Note: Hispanic or Latino ethnicity includes individuals of any race; as such, percentages do not add up to 100 percent. |
In 2014, about 24 percent of United States residents were children below the age of 18, while 63 percent were between the ages of 18 and 64. Roughly 84 percent of the United States' non-citizen population was between the ages of 18 and 64, nearly 25 percentage points higher than the share of the native-born population between those ages. Just 3 percent of naturalized citizens were under age 18. While most naturalized citizens were female, most non-citizens were male. Nearly equal percentages of native-born citizens were male and female.[38]
Age and sex of United States residents, 2014 | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Category | Children 0-17 | Adults 18-64 | 65+ | Male | Female |
Total | 24% | 63% | 14% | 49.2% | 50.8% |
Native | 26% | 60% | 14% | 49.2% | 50.8% |
Naturalized | 3% | 75% | 21% | 45.9% | 54.1% |
Non-citizen | 9% | 84% | 7% | 51.4% | 48.6% |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Age and Sex" |
In 2014, the poverty level was $11,670 for an individual and $23,850 for a family of four. The United States' poverty rate during 2014 was 15.6 percent. About 15.1 percent of native-born citizens lived below the poverty level, compared to about one-quarter of non-citizens. For added context, these figures are compared with those in California and West Virginia, the states with the highest and lowest percentages of foreign-born individuals, respectively.[38][41]
Poverty rates by citizenship status, 2014 | ||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
State | Total | Native | Naturalized | Non-citizen | ||||
United States | 15.6% | 15.1% | 11.4% | 25.3% | ||||
California | 12.3% | 9.2% | 9.4% | 27.8% | ||||
West Virginia | 13.1% | 13.1% | 7.9% | 22.8% | ||||
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations" |
The unemployment rate refers to the percentage of the population that is jobless but seeking a job; this figure excludes individuals who are not in the labor force or are not seeking work. The United States' unemployment rate during 2014 was 5.8 percent. Meanwhile, 57.7 percent of residents were employed and 36.1 percent were not in the labor force. The unemployment rate was lowest among naturalized citizens and highest among non-citizens. Meanwhile, a smaller percentage of non-citizens were not in the labor force than native-born citizens or naturalized citizens.[38]
Employment status of United States residents, 2014 | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Category | Employed | Unemployed | Armed forces | Not in labor force |
Total | 57.7% | 5.8% | 0.4% | 36.1% |
Native | 57.0% | 5.9% | 0.5% | 36.7% |
Naturalized | 61.3% | 4.6% | 0.2% | 33.8% |
Non-citizen | 61.1% | 6.5% | 0.0% | 32.3% |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations" |
Zhenchao Qian, a sociology professor at Ohio State University, concluded in a paper from September 2013 that "immigrants regardless of educational attainment and race/ethnicity tend to be married at a higher percent, cohabit at a lower percent (except for Hispanic immigrants), divorce at a lower percent, and remarry at a lower percent compared with their U.S.-born counterparts."[42]
In 2014, about 48.4 percent of United States residents were married, while 13.1 percent were separated or divorced. Those who had never been married comprised nearly one-third of the population. Marriage rates were highest among naturalized citizens and lowest among native-born citizens.[38]
Marital status of United States residents, 2014 | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Category | Never married | Married | Separated or divorced | Widowed |
Total | 32.5% | 48.4% | 13.1% | 5.9% |
Native | 33.9% | 46.5% | 13.5% | 6.1% |
Naturalized | 16.7% | 63.3% | 12.6% | 7.4% |
Non-citizen | 32.8% | 54.5% | 9.3% | 3.4% |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations," accessed September 8, 2016 |
Most United States residents lived in households composed of married couples and their children, while 38.8 percent lived in other household types. While these figures were roughly similar among native-born citizens and non-citizens, they were somewhat different among naturalized citizens. Over two-thirds of this population lived in married-couple families, while 32.4 percent lived in other household types. Average family sizes amounted to 3.11 individuals among native-born citizens and 4.01 individuals among non-citizens.[38]
Household characteristics of United States residents, 2014 | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Category | Family with married couple | Other household type | Average household size | Average family size |
Total | 58.6% | 38.8% | 2.63 | 3.23 |
Native | 58.0% | 39.3% | 2.51 | 3.11 |
Naturalized | 66.4% | 32.4% | 3.17 | 3.69 |
Non-citizen | 59.5% | 38.5% | 3.61 | 4.01 |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations," accessed September 8, 2016 |
According to an October 2015 report from the Pew Research Center (PRC), recent immigrants to the United States are the most highly educated in history. More immigrants coming to the United States in 2013 had completed bachelor's degrees than in 1970 (41 percent compared to 20 percent, respectively). PRC also noted that 23 percent of new immigrants in 2013 had not completed high school, while in 1970 half of new arrivals had not completed high school. The level of education immigrants have achieved before coming to the United States helps determine where they will fit into the labor force.[43]
The bar graph and table below provide information on the highest level of education achieved by residents in the United States. In 2014 about 28 percent of United States residents had a high school diploma or equivalent and 18.3 percent had a bachelor's degree. Over one-third of naturalized citizens had a bachelor's or higher degree, a greater portion than native-born citizens and non-citizens who had reached a similar education level. Among non-citizens, 23.1 percent had a high school diploma and 12.5 percent had a bachelor's degree. About 40.4 percent of non-citizens had less than a high school education.[38]
Educational attainment of United States residents, 2014 | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Category | Less than high school | High school | Some college or associate's | Bachelor's degree | Graduate degree |
Total | 13.7% | 28.0% | 29.1% | 18.3% | 11.0% |
Native | 10.2% | 29.1% | 31.1% | 18.7% | 10.9% |
Naturalized | 20.9% | 21.6% | 23.5% | 20.2% | 13.9% |
Non-citizen | 40.4% | 23.1% | 14.5% | 12.5% | 9.6% |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations," accessed September 8, 2016 |
Conor Williams, founding director of New America's Dual Language Learners National Work Group, wrote in December 2015 that language barriers and education are major issues for immigration policy. Because many of the children of immigrants are citizens, "English language learners are one of the fastest growing groups in American schools" and "many schools are struggling to update their instructional models to support these students' linguistic and academic development." The traditional model of schooling—where everyone receives the same education—may be impacted when a substantial percentage of students speak a language other than English at home.[44]
In 2014, just over 79 percent of United States residents spoke only English at home. Among native-born citizens, 89.3 percent spoke only English, compared to 11.1 percent of non-citizens. About one-fifth of naturalized citizens spoke only English at home. For added context, these figures are compared with those in California and West Virginia, the states with the highest and lowest percentages of foreign-born individuals, respectively.[38]
Language spoken at home, 2014 | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
State | Language | Total | Native | Naturalized | Non-citizen |
United States | English only | 79.1% | 89.3% | 20.9% | 11.1% |
Other language | 20.9% | 10.7% | 79.1% | 88.9% | |
California | English only | 56.2% | 75.1% | 13.0% | 6.9% |
Other language | 43.8% | 24.9% | 87.0% | 93.1% | |
West Virginia | English only | 97.6% | 98.6% | 42.8% | 24.2% |
Other language | 2.4% | 1.4% | 57.2% | 75.8% | |
Source: United States Census Bureau, "Selected Characteristics of the Native and Foreign-Born Populations," accessed September 8, 2016 |
States do not have primary responsibility for immigration policy in the United States because the power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization is granted to Congress in Article I of the United States Constitution.
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) are the two primary federal agencies involved in the deportation process. They both fall under the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS). ICE had a budget of about $6.15 billion in 2016, while USCIS had a budget of about $3.61 billion. The deportation process, now legally known as removal, can typically be initiated by an arrest by ICE, the U.S. Border Patrol, or U.S. Customs and Border Protection. The process will also begin if USCIS denies an application for legal status. Local law enforcement agencies can be involved in immigration enforcement as well, primarily through requesting the immigration status of an individual from ICE or detaining an individual for ICE.[45][46][47]
Enforcement of federal immigration law primarily comprises two separate processes: removals (or deportations) and returns. Removal is the legal process of moving someone who has broken federal immigration law out of the country, typically based on an order of removal from a federal immigration judge. Individuals who receive an order for removal are not allowed to return to the United States, even legally, for 10 years. The return process, on the other hand, does not involve legal proceedings and simply involves stopping someone at or near the border who is attempting to enter the United States without legal permission. This person is sent back to their home country after a short detention with no legal consequences.[48][49]
Click [show] on the teal bar below to view a table that provides the total number of individuals removed or returned by DHS for each year between 2000 and 2015.
Number of returns and removals, 2000-2015 | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Year | Removals | Returns | |||
2000 | 188,467 | 1,675,876 | |||
2001 | 189,026 | 1,349,371 | |||
2002 | 165,168 | 1,012,116 | |||
2003 | 211,098 | 945,294 | |||
2004 | 240,665 | 1,166,576 | |||
2005 | 246,431 | 1,096,920 | |||
2006 | 280,974 | 1,043,381 | |||
2007 | 319,382 | 891,390 | |||
2008 | 359,795 | 811,263 | |||
2009 | 391,341 | 582,596 | |||
2010 | 381,738 | 474,195 | |||
2011 | 386,020 | 322,098 | |||
2012 | 416,324 | 230,360 | |||
2013 | 434,015 | 178,691 | |||
2014 | 407,075 | 163,245 | |||
2015 | 333,341 | 129,122 | |||
Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, "Table 39. Aliens Removed Or Returned: Fiscal Years 1892 To 2015" |
Due to the nature of residing in the country without legal documentation, accurate statistics regarding illegal immigration are more difficult to gather than for other areas of immigration. As of January 2012, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security estimated that 11.4 million individuals were residing in the country without legal permission. The Pew Research Center estimated the number to be at 11.1 million in 2014. Pew also estimated that 8 million of these individuals were in the workforce, comprising about 5 percent of the total United States workforce.[50][51]
According to U.S. Customs and Border Protection, the United States shares a 1,989-mile southern border with Mexico. As of December 2016, the border was lined with a partial fence that totals over 650 miles in length. The fence consisted of three different types: primary or pedestrian fencing totaling 352.8 miles, a second layer of fencing totaling 36 miles, and vehicle barrier fencing totaling 299.8 miles. In addition, as of November 2015, there were more than 17,700 Border Patrol agents stationed along the Southwest border. Agents from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and U.S. Customs and Border Protection also worked along the Southwest border.[52][53][54][55]
Each year, the United States accepts 675,000 immigrants as permanent residents to live and work lawfully in the country. Others are also admitted on a temporary basis—there are over 20 different types of visa classifications for temporary workers and visitors. Legal permanent residents are typically accepted either due to family relation or employment in the country. Permanent residents receive documentation, commonly referred to as a Green Card, as proof of their status. After five years as a Green Card holder, a legal permanent resident may apply for United States citizenship, for which there are a number of requirements:
“ | Applicants for U.S. citizenship must be at least 18-years-old, demonstrate continuous residency, demonstrate "good moral character," pass English and U.S. history and civics exams (with certain exceptions), and pay an application fee, among other requirements.[7] | ” |
—American Immigration Council[56] |
Visas can be approved for either immigrants or non-immigrant visitors. The five broad types of immigrant visas include the following:[57]
The two primary laws that impact visa policy are the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Enhanced Border Security and Visa Reform Act. The latter, enacted in 2002, made changes to the visa program by requiring the U.S. Department of State to issue only machine-readable, tamper-resistant visas and documents with biometric identifiers. The law also required the establishment of a terrorist lookout committee and required additional training for consular officers, who interview visa applicants.[58]
During his administration, President Obama expanded the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program and proposed a new program called Deferred Action for Parents of U.S. Citizens and Lawful Permanent Residents (DAPA). DACA is a program that allows individuals who were brought to the United States as children to receive relief from being deported for a period of time if they meet certain criteria. DAPA proposed delaying the deportation of parents of U.S. citizens or lawful permanent residents and providing them with work permits, as long as they were in the United States since January 1, 2010, and did not pose a threat to national security or public safety.
Both programs relied on deferred action which is "[a] use of prosecutorial discretion to not remove an individual from the country for a set period of time, unless the deferred action is terminated for some reason. Deferred action is determined on a case-by-case basis and only establishes lawful presence but does not provide immigration status or benefits of any kind." Nearly 800,000 people were granted deferred action under DACA through fiscal year 2015, according to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.[59][60]
According to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) originally applied to people who met the following criteria:[61]
“ |
|
” |
In 2014, Obama expanded the DACA program to include individuals who had entered the United States before the year 2010, instead of the previous requirement of having entered before 2007. Applicants were also no longer required to be younger than 31 years old. Obama also proposed the creation of DAPA. DAPA was intended to apply to people who met the following criteria:[62][63]
Since DACA and DAPA were executive actions and not the result of new legislation from Congress, there was debate about whether such actions were permissible under the United States Constitution. On November 9, 2015, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in favor of 26 states that had sought and won an injunction from a district court against the programs. The injunction halted implementation of DAPA and the expansion of DACA. The states had argued that the process used to implement the rules did not meet the requirements of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA). The 5th Circuit found that the states had standing to request an injunction and that they had "established a substantial likelihood of success on the merits of their procedural and substantive APA claims." This means implementation of the DAPA program and DACA expansion was blocked until a final ruling on the case.[64]
On June 23, 2016, the Supreme Court of the United States issued a per curiam ruling affirming the judgment of the 5th Circuit. A per curiam opinion is one without a specific justice named as the author of the opinion. The court was evenly divided on the question, which left the injunction in place. On October 3, 2016, the Supreme Court rejected a request from the U.S. Department of Justice to rehear the case. These rulings were preliminary ones on the merits of the case; the full case was sent back to be considered by the lower courts with the possibility of working its way back to the Supreme Court.[65][66][67][68]
At a press briefing on September 5, 2017, Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that Acting Secretary of Homeland Security Elaine Duke had issued a memo rescinding DACA. The memo outlined a wind down of DACA taking place over several months. The administration heard and decided pending program applications and applications for renewal from those whose benefits expired by March 5, 2018. The department rejected all new applications. Current DACA holders whose benefits expired after March 5 will retain their benefits until they naturally expire. In his official statement, President Trump stated that benefits for some individuals could remain in effect for up to two years.[69][70][71]
On June 15, 2017, then-U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security John Kelly rescinded a policy enacted during the Obama administration that suspended the removal of individuals residing in the country without legal permission who were the parents of U.S. citizens. The policy was known as Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents (DAPA). The policy had been placed on hold by federal courts as part of a lawsuit by the state of Texas and was never implemented. June 15 was the deadline for both parties to decide how to move forward in the case; since the policy was rescinded, the case became moot.[72]
The following is a list of recent immigration policy bills that have been introduced in or passed by the United States Congress. To learn more about each of these bills, click the bill title. This information is provided by BillTrack50 and LegiScan.
Note: Due to the nature of the sorting process used to generate this list, some results may not be relevant to the topic. If no bills are displayed below, then no legislation pertaining to this topic has been introduced in the legislature recently.
In January 2017, Gallup conducted a poll on Americans' satisfaction with the level of immigration in the United States at that time. The poll found that 41 percent of Americans were satisfied with the level of immigration, while 53 percent were dissatisfied. Satisfaction with the level of immigration was at its highest point since Gallup began tracking the issue in 2001. About 36 percent of Americans were dissatisfied and wanted less immigration, 5 percent were dissatisfied and wanted more, and 12 percent were dissatisfied but wanted no change.[77]
In January 2017, the Pew Research Center conducted a poll on Americans' view of the importance of various immigration policy issues, including constructing a wall along the United States-Mexico border. The poll found that 39 percent of Americans viewed building a border wall as somewhat or very important, while 59 percent viewed it as not too or not at all important.[78]
The following terms may be used in discussions of immigration policy:
The link below is to the most recent stories in a Google news search for the terms United States immigration. These results are automatically generated from Google. Ballotpedia does not curate or endorse these articles.
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Categories: [Immigration policy concepts and issues] [One-off pages, mothballed]