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The Indo-European languages are a widely distributed family of languages, all descended from a hypothetical and partially reconstructable ancestor, the Proto-Indo-European (PIE) language.[note 1] Languages of this family, native to Eurasia, were spoken in historical times from Norway, Portugal and Iceland to Maldives, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
They have spread by colonialism to become the dominant languages of North America, South America and Australia, and are widely present in Africa as well.
Despite at first seeming like a boring etymological subject, in truth this topic has has always been extremely politicized, particularly in what the "Proto-Indo-Europeans" looked like, their social structure, and their homeland.
Older, mostly abandoned, terms for the family include Indo-Germanic,[1]:2 and Aryan.[note 2]
Despite being what would at first seem a dry etymological subject, the study of Indo-European languages has been repeatedly politicized, and would often be presented with the false pretense that the Proto-Indo-Europeans were light-skinned, had blonde hair and blue eyes (In actuality, they never looked like that!). In the period after World War II, several Indo-European scholars (such as Roger Pearson, Jean Haudry
and the influential Georges Dumézil)[2]:2, 3, 241 ff., 306 and writers influenced by Indo-European studies (e.g. Alain de Benoist
) were accused of having sympathies for fascism or Nazism. It was alleged that their political beliefs may have influenced their studies.[2][3] Stefan Arvidsson
speculated that the fact that many Indo-European scholars identify themselves as the descendants of the ancient Indo-Europeans may explain why the field of Indo-European studies has also been ideologically abused.[2]:3, 308, 320 David Anthony
remarked that the Indo-European linguistics and archaeology have been exploited to support openly ideological agendas for so long that a brief history of the issue quickly becomes entangled with the intellectual history of Europe.[4][note 3]
A variety of writers had observed that languages such as Russian appeared to be related to Greek and Latin; Mikhail Lomonosov
noted the similarities between Russian, Greek, Latin, and the Baltic ("Courlandic" or "Kurlandic") languages in his 1755 Russian Grammar, inviting us to "[i]magine the depth of time when these languages separated! … Polish and Russian separated so long ago! Now think how long ago [this happened to] Kurlandic! Think when [this happened to] Latin, Greek, German, and Russian! Oh, great antiquity!" But it was Sir William Jones
, a British judge stationed in India, who noticed the strong similarity between Sanskrit and Classical Greek:[5]:5
“”The Sanscrit[sic] language, whatever be its antiquity, is of a wonderful structure; more perfect than the Greek, more copious than the Latin, and more exquisitely refined than either, yet bearing to both of them a stronger affinity, both in the roots of verbs and the forms of grammar, than could possibly have been produced by accident; so strong indeed, that no philologer could examine them all three, without believing them to have sprung from some common source, which, perhaps, no longer exists; there is a similar reason, though not quite so forcible, for supposing that both the Gothic and the Celtic, though blended with a very different idiom, had the same origin with the Sanscrit[sic]; and the old Persian
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It was, in fact, quite startling for white Britons to discover that brown "heathens" were speaking a language closely akin to Ancient Greek.
British attitudes towards India and its culture during the colonial period tended towards two extremes. Indophilia
was manifest in orientalist art, architecture, and painting; Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
and Ralph Waldo Emerson
were both familiar with the Bhagavad Gita.
There was also Indophobia,
associated with evangelical Christianity; Thomas Babington Macaulay
dismissed Sanskrit literature as:
“”…medical doctrines which would disgrace an English Farrier — Astronomy, which would move laughter in girls at an English boarding school — History, abounding with kings thirty feet high reigns thirty thousand years long — and Geography made up of seas of treacle and seas of butter".[6]:112[note 4]
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As another example of such condescension, William Jones, in the famous speech in which he proposed the genetic relatedness of the Indo-European languages, also said,
“”Their sources of wealth are still abundant even after so many revolutions and conquests; in their manufactures of cotton they still surpass all the world; and their features have, most probably, remained unaltered since the time of Dionysius[sic]
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Thus, with such ideas, evangelical Christians are hardly in a position to criticize.
There are some small, little-known, and extinct families in Indo-European as well. Many of these are known exclusively from small, short texts or personal/place names.
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It is an interesting fact that the Germanic languages on the one hand and the Balto-Slavic languages on the other are believed to be more closely related to one another than either group is to anything else.[9] The reasons for this are of course technical details in the inflection of those language groups, but the Austrian Corporal with the mustache seems to have been unaware of this. Yet, he mentioned languages as parts of "race". That notion — of associating language with the nebulous concept of race — is of course pure drivel, but still, somebody should have pointed this out to him. By the way, this relatedness should put the final nail in the coffin of the obsolete centum-satem division
. Germanic languages are centum, and Balto-Slavic languages are satem. The centum-satem division is named for the Latin word for 100 (centum) and the same word in the Avestan language
(as 𐬯𐬀𐬙𐬆𐬨 satəm) which for a long time was believed to mirror an ancient division or at the least dialect continuum in the early history of Indo-European languages. However, the discovery of the Tocharian languages
(now extinct) that were spoken in the wrong place and time and with the wrong word for 100 for the division to make any sense put a huge dent in that idea and it is now very near-dead.
A non-exhaustive list of proposed internal connections between various Indo-European families includes:
“”One unfortunate archaeological data set has been forced to yield two diametrically opposed interpretations in the service of two ideological movements, one heinous (the Nazis) and one innocent (eco-feminism). Oddly, both interpretations share the same theoretical and logical form; it is only a politically motivated reversal of the "good" and the "bad" that separates them. Neither interpretation can be empirically justified.
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| —David Anthony[4] |
The Indo-European languages are one of history's success stories. As such, their origin and the reasons for their spread have given rise to speculation of varying quality. Notoriously, this included the virulent and plain evil ideology of Nazi Germany, whose monstrous genocide tainted the name "Aryan", which were (and still are) one of the names the speakers of the ancient language(s) knew themselves by. An idea arose — a fairly plausible one, actually — that since their languages spread so far, the speakers of this language must have been mighty conquerors; the territorial spread of the languages is a relic of their prehistoric empire. The myth of the Aryan conqueror, the master race, has sprouted two branches, one of which is mostly dead: that one's Nazism. It has 19th century roots; initial discoveries about Indo-European languages were made in a context of nationalistic Romanticism, where literary figures like J. G. Herder
developed loopy theories about how languages somehow embody the souls of people.[4] Ironically, Yiddish
(the language of many of the Jews that the Nazis exterminated), is a Germanic language (with elements taken from Hebrew, Aramaic
and Slavic languages) that demonstrates significant cultural assimilation of Jews into the German world at one time, but linguistic relatedness that allowed Jews to live well in Germany before 1933 obviously created no solidarity based upon language.
The living branch involves feminist pseudohistory, and great gobs of fascinating woo, mostly about the utopian grandeur of an alleged age when women ruled: and the underground survival of Goddess worshipers beneath the boot of a tyrannical patriarchy. This flourishing branch also takes clues from Margaret Murray's pseudohistorical books on witchcraft, alleged to be surviving pagans persecuted by Christians. The themes of patriarchal conquerors, matriarchy, and underground pagan or Goddess worship could be relocated by fantasy novelists to settings from Mycenaean Greece (Mary Renault, The King Must Die), Arthurian Britain (Marion Zimmer Bradley, The Mists of Avalon), 17th century Britain (John Buchan, Witch Wood), 20th century Britain (Robin Hardy, dir., The Wicker Man), 20th century America (Thomas Tryon, Harvest Home), and a post-apocalyptic future (Robert Graves, Seven Days In New Crete). Once you accept the idea of a secret, underground tradition of pagan or Goddess worship, none of these scenarios is historically implausible.
Early accounts of the Indo-Europeans make the frequently seen but unreliable assumption that language is co-extensive with race. Myths of Aryan conquerors are founded on a belief that it was some kind of superiority that enabled Indo-European speakers to replace previous cultures, rather than attracting them by the merits of their culture. This superiority might be innate and racial, or, much more likely, it depended on their superior military technology such as chariots and cavalry units.
Was it some prowess or the war-like virtue of the Aryans, attested in that form in India (as ā́rya आर्य), in the Greek superlative (as áristoi ἄριστοι), the best people, (i.e. aristocrats);[note 5] also in the names of the countries Iran (New Persian:
اِیرَان, romanized as Īrān; Middle Persian
: 𐭠𐭩𐭥𐭠𐭭, romanized as Ērān; Old Persian
𐎠𐎼𐎡𐎹, romanized as Ariyaʰ; Avestan:
𐬀𐬌𐬭𐬌𐬌𐬀, romanized as airiia), and more dubiously, Ireland (Éire)[note 6] that spread their language across five continents? It's suggested that they were the first to master horseback riding, wagons, and chariots as military technologies. They spread their language everywhere through prowess and technology. There is a feminist counter-narrative here, from Robert Graves, Marija Gimbutas, and many others: that the Aryans were barbaric, cruel conquerors who put the utopian civilization of the Goddess to the torch, and imposed a cruel patriarchy. In Riane Eisler's The Chalice and the Blade, Aryan conquests are also seen as auguring the imposition of male domination over what once was a peaceful feminist utopia.[12]:33
The French philologist Georges Dumézil,
who supported the far-right Action Française movement,
argued that the PIE peoples had a rigid social structure organised into castes, but this was a good thing because it prefigured a modern fascist society.[13]
In fact, at least some of the cultures some scholars believe represent pre-Indo-European populations were quite warlike; the late Cucuteni
and Cernavodă cultures
built large settlements with fortress-like stockade cities in their later period, and grave remains indicate a highly stratified society. High-status graves contained anti-personnel weapons like porphyry maces.[4]:94-5[note 7] The archeological record shows large, concentrated hill fort
settlements built along a circular plan, with palisades or stockades.
The Cucuteni
apparently practiced metal smithing in these settlements, mostly in arsenical bronze;
the health consequences of this technology suggest that it was practiced mostly by slaves or low-status individuals in these compounds. Indeed, in Cucuteni-Tripyllian
(Tripolye) settlements, burials of infants and children are sometimes found beneath the floors of buildings, suggesting that they may have been put there as human sacrifices.[4]:94-5
By contrast, in the Kurgan
graves we find female skeletons given warrior burials with bronze weapons and wheeled vehicles as grave goods; one-sixth of such high-status graves belonged to women—not exactly equality, but more than can be said for most of the ancient world.[14]Goddess figures and female warriors were also associated with the later population of the Indo-European homeland and are depicted in Scythian art.
Ancient Greek legends make the area north and east of the Black Sea,
the Colchis
of antiquity, one of the locations of the legendary Amazons.[12]:34[15]
Old Europe was not a feminist utopia. Women could hold high social status in the Kurgan cultural areas, but no comparable finds have been made for pre-IE cultures. In fact, it's likelier that the Indo-Europeans were horse breeders and traders as well as warriors, who established a trade network that stretched from the Balkans to east of the Black Sea. Their mobility and wealth, as much as their military prowess, persuaded people to adopt their language as a second language over a wide area. These folks had horses, chariots, and money. They got around. They were the sort of people your children would run away from the farm to join.
Any wars fought were local and minor. More importantly, the culture they displaced was no utopia.
“”The Indo-European homeland is like the Lost Dutchman's Mine,
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| —David Anthony[14]:83 |
If you admire these guys, you might want to claim your own country as their homeland. There are a variety of nationalistic claims; Nazi Germany notoriously claimed to be the Aryan homeland. Strains of Hindu nationalism, especially the proponents of Hindutva assert that the Sanskrit language is indigenous to India.
The overwhelming current scholarly consensus places the Indo-European homeland in the area of the Black Sea; a minority say Anatolia but most say that the steppes of Eastern Europe are the Indo-European homeland.[16] A 2015 survey, combining genetic and linguistic data, concluded that the steppe hypothesis was the most likely, and that Indo-European dialects were spoken by the Yamnaya
and Corded Ware culture
.[17] More recent genetic and archaeological studies have linked by the Corded Ware culture
and the Afanasievo culture
of Siberia to a Yamna origin.[18]
Of course, the biggest problem with all localization attempts is that ceramic shards speak no language and material culture and language don't have to correlate (both American and Japanese people play with similar-looking Nintendo gadgets, yet the two languages are entirely unrelated). On the other hand, genetic studies are — if anything — only partially useful. Genetics and language can correlate but they don't have to. Large-scale migrations are attested in the historical record and they sometimes caused either the native language and culture of an area to disappear (e.g. the conquest of the Americas for the most part) or migrant's language and culture to largely disappear (e.g. the age of migrations in the 5th century that left almost no trace of Germanic language or culture in Gaul,
Hispania,
or Italy). In neither case is there a clear-cut genetic picture, as evidenced by the myriad (real or fake) descendants of Pocahontas and the very un-Spanish name Rodriguez
(son of Roderic).
The actual time when PIE was spoken is debated, but a tentative guess puts it at no earlier than 4,000 BCE. A minority position states that it was spoken 8,000 BCE, a position which overlaps with people who say the PIE homeland was Anatolia. A fringe position states that it was spoken as early as the Paleolithic in something called "Paleolithic continuity theory" or, more bombastically, "Paleolithic Continuity Paradigm".[19][note 9]
Researchers can apply the comparative method to religious vocabulary in an attempt to piece together commonalities of religion across the different groups who have spoken Indo-European languages. This may possibly give an insight into any putative common ancestor(s) of the major European religious traditions: Roman, Germanic (including Norse), Greek, Sanskrit (Hindu) and (more speculatively) Slavic.
A word for "god" occurs in many languages: dēva
(Sanskrit: देव), deus (Latin), duw (Welsh).[21]:167-168 Émile Benveniste
claimed there are no PIE words for "religion", "cult", "priest", [note 10] or anything similar, though there are common roots with the meaning "holy/sacred" and "pray". This seems to indicate a religion of some sort but that PIE culture was not so developed that people occupied specialized religious offices full-time.
Specific gods, goddesses, and religious themes include (asterisks denote reconstructions):
It is claimed that the Kalash people
of Pakistan practice a continuation of this ancient religion.[22] There have been attempts to reconstruct Greek, Roman and Slavic religious practices, with Zeus, Jupiter, Dyáus, and the Slavic chief god Perun[23] all becoming objects of worship. However, there have been fewer attempts to revive PIE religion: in part, this is because people know even less about PIE practices than those of Greeks or even of Slavs. Despite this, Ukrainian Neo-Pagans have used ideas about the PIE religion.[24] There have been attempts to reconstruct PIE rituals, with one website suggesting that offerings of dairy foods would be a good starting point.[13] As with everything else about PIE society, knowledge of PIE religion is very limited and one may regard any claims of PIE prayers or rituals with deep skepticism.
The trifunctional hypothesis is the idea that the Proto-Indo-European social structure was divided into three parts, each with a specific role or "function": Government and religion; Military; food and welfare.[note 12][25]:10 This structure then left traces in the mythology of various Indo-European groups. The hypothesis was created by linguist Georges Dumézil in the late 1920s and developed throughout his life.
Dumézil based his hypothesis on the supposed agreement of the mythologies of various Indo-European groups, particularly Vedic, Zoroastrian, Roman, and, with some modification, Norse, and Celtic.[25]:144-5 According to Dumézil, tripartite structures are not found natively in non-Indo-European societies and cultures.[25]:56 Originally, the trifunctional hypothesis proposed that Proto-Indo-European society was literally tripartite, before the hypothesis developed into an observation that "We often find a tripartite structure in Indo-European traditions."[25]:230 Also, at varying points through his career, Dumézil described goddesses as part of the third function specifically (through fertility), as somehow representing "all" the functions simultaneously, or as part of both the first and third.[25]:217-27
The hypothesis has been criticized for being unverifiable (anything can be seen as "a trace" of the original tripartite system)[25]:229-32, unfalsifiable (any apparent tripartite structure in other societies is the result of Indo-European influence)[25]:232-3, imprecise (Are the three functions social realities or just an "ideology"? How aware of this system were the Proto-Indo-Europeans? What does the third function actually do? Are goddesses part of it specifically or part of all functions?)[25]:233-7, and inconsistent.[25]:233-7 Dumézil himself has been accused of harboring fascist sympathies that may have influenced his research.[2]:2 He has also been accused of studying a "platonic ideal" that merely reflects what Dumézil wanted to see rather than any real prehistoric society or religion.[2]:243
A vein of rich speculation seeks to relate Indo-European to other reconstructed protolanguages. Historical linguistics is founded on a principle called the comparative method. A relationship between two languages cannot be established only by discovering words that seem to resemble each other; they must be shown to derive from a common ancestor. There must be a consistent set of sound changes from a (partially) reconstructable protolanguage. Historical linguistics does not simply seek to demonstrate the possibility that two languages might be related; it means to show specifically how and arrange languages cladistically on a family tree.
Some of the many attempts to connect Indo-European to other families include:
While some languages change faster than others, as you move further into the past it becomes more likely that family resemblances drift further; eventually, you reach a point where further relationships are no longer recoverable. This is why bulk comparison of vocabulary and invitations to see resemblances are, without more elaborate explanations, one of the signature features of pseudolinguistics. Additionally, when linguists say that some languages are not related to others, they simply mean that they cannot be demonstrated to be related. For all we know, human language might have evolved only once, but because of the length of time of evolution involved, evidence of relationship has simply vanished. To take an example, there have been claims that Elamite languages
are related to the Dravidian languages.
It has proved impossible to demonstrate that, and there are very few people who are qualified to form an opinion.
The term Aryan is also used in the same sense, but more by historians and ethnologists than by linguists—though in fact the term is obsolete, having been contaminated by its association with homicidal social theories. The term is encountered among linguists, though rarely these days, as an alternative designation for the Indo-Iranian branch of IE (4).
| Language | Word | Meaning |
|---|---|---|
| Ancient Greek | phēgós | Oak |
| Latin | fāgus | Beech |
| Proto-Germanic, (Old English) | *bōkaz (bōc), *bōkijō (bēċe) | Beech |
| Gaulish | bāgos | Possibly beech |
| Albanian | bung | Durmast oak |
| Russian | buz | elder |
| PIE | bheh2ǵos | Beech |
The most typical food offered at a Pūjā
(Sanskrit: पूजा), and one which is distinctly Indo-European, is a dairy product: milk, butter, ghee and yoghurt in India; milk, cheesecake and similar products in Greece and Rome (olive oil is often substituted); and cheese and butter in northern Europe.
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